Think Forward.

Seule l’éducation peut contrer les incivilités et l’agressivité en société... 773

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
Un Caïd copieusement calotté en public par une jeune fille à Témara. Un autre, la tête fracassée et le bras fracturé dans la paisible Oasis d’Aoufous. Un troisième généreusement giflé à Mohammadia. Un policier poignardé au cou par un jeune venu prêter main fort à sa mère vendeuse, occupant l’espace public. Une enseignante farouchement agressée à l’arme blanche par un élève à Erfoud. Un colosse auteur d’une scène de chaos dans l’enceinte de la belle gare de Rabat ville. Un accident de la route non loin de Merzouga, à vitesse folle, un chauffard percute un paisible touriste américain venu profiter des merveilles du royaume ; les deux sont décédés sur le coup. Cela fait trop pour une semaine, en termes d'expressions violentes. Loin de faire une analyse psychique ou psychiatrique de ces cas, on peut tout de même leur trouver des ressemblances et quelques points communs à savoir : l’incivilité, la surexcitation, la violence et la détresse manifeste, provoquant une vive émotion sur les lieux et l’émoi chez ceux confrontés à ces nouvelles dans les médias. On peut se demander si on ne fait pas ici un amalgame entre personnes souffrant de troubles mentaux avérés et le citoyen lambda qui à un moment donné, va troubler l’ordre public ou commettre l'impardonnable voire l'irréparable. Ce n’est pas un raccourci mal inspiré loin de là, le HCP déjà en 2022, nous disait que 48.9% de citoyens souffraient de troubles mentaux. Qui va se ruer sur un policier poignard à la main ou conduire sans en mesurer le danger, sinon quelqu’un d’anormal. Qui ne respecte pas la vie de l’autre sinon quelqu’un de monstrueux. La dame qui s'est ruée sur le fonctionnaire l'aurait elle fait si elle était psychologiquement stable ? Tout comportement dangereux, tout agissement perturbant la quiétude publique dénote d’un mal latent. A des moments de grande détresse, il va se manifester dans la démesure et l’agressivité. La détresse et l’instabilité psychologique sont souvent interconnectés, dénotant d’une anxiété profonde, d’un probable manque d’affection, d’estime de soi, de souffrances cachées dans la famille, à l’école, au travail, dans la société. Le harcèlement, la fatigue, l’alcool, et les drogues ne sont jamais très loin. Cela conduit et légitimise aux yeux de l’individu des actes qu'il peut cependant regretter dans les instants qui suivent. Les pulsions négatives apparaissent à des moments de stress et banalement si on manque de sommeil. Chacun sait que l’agressivité est plus que présente dans notre quotidien pendant Ramadan. Insulter, gifler, rouler vite, poignarder, ont un dénominateur commun. La perte de self control révélant une instabilité psychologique profonde. Des situations diverses vont faire ressortir cette faiblesse quand on estime par exemple que notre dignité est touchée, notre honneur mal mené, notre honorabilité bafouée par les agissements et les comportements des autres. Alors on agit et hélas, on agit mal. Force est de constater que quand il ne s’agit pas de maladie véritable mais plutôt de comportements acquis ou subis, alors le déficit en instruction, en éducation, aura joué un rôle fondamental dans la formation des déviances. Un défaut en éducation en famille, à l’école et dans la société est le levier générant le manque de respect, de tolérance et de maîtrise de soi. L’unique vecteur de socialisation reste L’éducation. Le milieu familial puis scolaire, sont les premières structures de socialisation. C’est là que le futur citoyen va se familiariser avec les règles de vie en communauté, apprendre le respect de l’intégrité du corps de l’autre, la politesse et l'estime d’autrui. C’est là que se façonnent les interactions pacifiques en société. A l'évidence la défaillance des familles dans leur rôle primordial, l’absence de repères clairs et de modèles positifs, la multiplication de discours nihilistes répétitifs et de propagandes destructrices promettant un monde meilleur ailleurs, favorisent les comportements irrespectueux, agressifs et violents. Les marocains ne se sentent ils pas malheureux ? La famille, l’école, les clubs et les associations de tous genres doivent développer chez le jeune, la bienveillance, la solidarité et l’empathie, lui permettant de mieux comprendre les émotions des autres et d'éviter la brutalité. L’activité notamment par l’éducation physique dès le primaire a un impact pérenne sur l’éducation émotionnelle et la gestion des conflits, par l’obéissance à des règles communes préétablies, respectées de tous. La pratique sportive favorise l’apprentissage de la gestion des émotions et partant diminue la pétulance. Les jeunes y apprennent à exprimer leurs frustrations autrement que par la violence. Elle contribue à réduire de manière drastique les tensions. La médiation des arbitres permet la résolution des conflits et l'intégration de comportements respectueux dès le jeune âge, d’où des relations apaisées dans la communauté. Les adultes et les institutions doivent jouer leur rôle d’exemplarité, les enseignants en premier. Leurs qualifications ne doivent pas être approximatives tant en technicité qu'en capacité de transmettre les valeurs. Si l’agressivité et la violence sont en augmentation, c’est que les adultes, les parents, les enseignants, les figures d’autorité ont failli. En sont-ils conscients ? Les gouvernants doivent comprendre qu’il n’y a pas d’alternative à l’éducation et pour cela les codes, les modes et les programmes scolaires doivent être revisités et orientés vers les valeurs de socialisation. Les enseignants doivent être formés convenablement et non plus recrutés sur le tas. Le bricolage en éducation physique à l’école primaire doit cesser. Cette matière est extrêmement importante dès le très jeune âge. Elle doit être renforcée plus tard, dans les collèges et lycées avec davantage d’heures, dirigées par des enseignants qualifiés et volontaires. Le sport doit enfin être présent correctement dans les universités. C’est tout de même malheureux qu'il n'en soit pas ainsi en 2025. Le monde des sports doit impérativement jouer son rôle et prendre ses responsabilités. Comment admettre encore le chiffre très bas d’adhérents dans les associations et clubs sportifs qui ne dépasse guère trois centaines de milliers. Depuis quelques temps, il a été estimé que la seule matière d’éducation religieuse était en mesure d’assurer la mission d’enseignement des valeurs. Cela n’a pas marché et il faut le reconnaitre sans démagogie et avec courage. Nos prisons sont surchargées de jeunes qui n’auraient rien à faire là si le système marchait vraiment. Privilégier uniquement la punition face aux incivilités et aux comportements agressifs n'est pas efficient. Seule l’approche éducative permet de mieux comprendre les causes sous-jacentes et d’agir durablement sur tout phénomène préjudiciable. Ce n’est qu’à ce prix que les choses peuvent changer et que la société pourrait durablement s'apaiser et travailler la prospérité du pays.
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Violence in stadiums: a highly complex social phenomenon... 398

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.
2 min read.
Violence in stadiums and their surroundings is not solely a matter of sports passion. It reflects deep social tensions, individual vulnerabilities, and possibly institutional dysfunctions. Understanding this phenomenon implicitly requires an analysis of all the personal, social, and organizational factors that foster these all-too-frequent outbreaks. The majority of young people involved in such violence, especially during football matches, often come from precarious backgrounds, marked by fragile family structures and a strong sense of social, cultural, and economic exclusion. The need for recognition drives some of them to join radical supporter groups, where violence becomes a way to assert their identity, gain notoriety, and earn respect. Clashes before, during, and after matches are opportunities to establish this recognition, assert a certain popularity, or even consolidate leadership. The identification and sanctioning of troublemakers, which are obviously limited, reinforce the feeling of impunity and even superiority over the law and law enforcement. Anonymity in the crowd and insufficient controls facilitate violent acts, often orchestrated by leaders who quickly step back. Family instability, school failure, emotional immaturity, adolescent impulsiveness, and difficulties managing emotions add to educational and psychological deficiencies, encouraging violent behavior. Cognitive vulnerabilities, attention disorders, or below-average IQ, as well as the absence of effective integration programs, further complicate social and academic inclusion, increasing the risk of marginalization. Structural and institutional causes also play a decisive role. Sports clubs, often little involved in the educational and social management of their supporters, shift responsibility onto security services. This opaque and poorly coordinated management among stakeholders makes matches increasingly costly in terms of security and image. Young people left to themselves, without prospects, are easy targets for criminal or extremist groups that exploit sports passion to spread violent and increasingly political messages. The lack of sports and cultural infrastructure in disadvantaged neighborhoods drives these youths to find an outlet for their frustrations in supporter groups. Social networks amplify the spread of tensions and hateful discourse, exacerbating violence. The deterioration of public health, the decline of education, the increase in social inequalities, and the feeling of injustice feed this endemic violence. In Morocco, for example, 1.7 million young people aged 15 to 24 are NEET (not in education, employment, or training), and nearly 280,000 students leave the education system each year without qualifications, fostering marginalization and adherence to violent groups. Today, such groups orbit almost all football teams, regardless of the level of competition, results, or geographic location of the club. This is not just an observation. Violence surrounding sport is not inevitable. Civic education, abandoned in favor of proven ineffective school methods and content, must be reintroduced with a strong emphasis on respect for others and common goods, tolerance, and fair play, starting at a young age through ongoing awareness campaigns in schools and sports clubs. Strengthening judicial authority, with rapid, exemplary, and systematic sanctions, including family responsibility for those under 16, is necessary. The development of local infrastructure with free access and supervised activities must continue. Local authorities have a duty to get involved by recruiting educational staff to supervise young people in neighborhoods and offering extracurricular programs, educational workshops, sports activities, and second-chance schools. Sports clubs must assume their responsibility through greater transparency, adopting an ethical charter for spectator management, training supervisors, engaging in dialogue with supporters, and directly managing matches. They must openly condemn and distance themselves from violent groups and no longer tolerate them. Better collaboration between schools, families, clubs, and authorities is essential for comprehensive youth supervision. European examples, such as Eurofan in Belgium, the European Convention on Violence in Stadiums, or educational programs in Germany and the UK, demonstrate the effectiveness of prevention, dialogue, mediation, and advanced technologies (video surveillance, facial recognition). Violence in stadiums reflects social fractures, exclusion, and a lack of guidance. The solution lies in a comprehensive approach: prevention, education, social integration, professional club management, and institutional cooperation. Sport must once again become a vector of integration, respect, and social cohesion: a notably collective responsibility.

The Africa Atlantic Gas Pipeline: A Strategic Project at the Heart of Regional Rivalriy. 427

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.
While Algerian media persist in disparaging the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project, also known as the Atlantic Africa Gas Pipeline (AAGP), this large-scale transcontinental megaproject paradoxically generates growing interest and increasing international support. More than just a pipeline, the AAGP embodies an ambitious vision of South-South cooperation, regional integration, and sustainable development, crossing often landlocked and fragile countries, and offering a credible complement or alternative source of gas for Europe. The AAGP aims to transport up to 30 billion cubic meters of gas per year from Nigeria’s rich gas fields, passing through about fifteen West African countries, reaching Morocco, and then onward to Europe via the Strait of Gibraltar. This significant capacity will not only diversify Europe’s energy supply sources but, above all, meet the growing energy needs of West African countries. Unlike the Algerian Trans-Saharan gas pipeline project, which is about 1,500 km shorter but costly (nearly USD 20 billion) and passes through an unstable region, the AAGP stands out for its inclusive approach. It is not merely a transit conduit to Europe but a regional energy network that will supply bordering countries, allowing producers to inject their gas locally and others to fuel their industrial, agricultural, and urban development. The AAGP is based on a logic of South-South cooperation, founded on solidarity, sharing expertise, and economic complementarity. By crossing often landlocked countries, the pipeline will help reduce their energy isolation, strengthen their infrastructure, and stimulate their economic growth. The choice of a predominantly offshore route up to Dakhla, then onshore along Morocco’s Atlantic coast, illustrates the desire to fully integrate the Sahel-Saharan region into a modern energy corridor. Dakhla, which will become a major port, industrial, and logistics hub, is set to play a central role in this dynamic, promoting job creation, industrial growth, and economic diversification-key strengths and major assets of the Moroccan vision. Algeria, for its part, perceives it as a direct threat to its dominant position in the regional energy sector. Its shorter Trans-Saharan pipeline project is limited to a simple transit role for Nigerian gas to Europe, without real impact on the development of the territories it crosses. In contrast, the Moroccan AAGP proposes a more ambitious vision, integrating a regional network that will benefit all partners and their increasingly demanding populations. Algerian hostility manifests in an intense media campaign aimed at downplaying the feasibility of the Moroccan project. Beyond the media, Algeria is multiplying diplomatic efforts to strengthen ties with Nigeria and accelerate its own project. Official delegations follow one another, while on social networks, relentless, likely orchestrated smear campaigns seek to discredit the AAGP. This antagonism fits into a broader political logic, with Morocco as the "classic enemy" to weaken. Ideological stubbornness leads to ridiculous choices that paradoxically harm Algeria’s own economic and social interests. The artificial conflict over Western Sahara remains a backdrop; the survival of the Polisario Front has mobilized a large share of Algeria’s resources, efforts, and attention for 50 years. Contrary to Algerian claims, the AAGP enjoys solid support from financial institutions and major investors. The United Arab Emirates (25 billion USD), the Islamic Development Bank, the European Investment Bank, the OPEC Fund for International Development, as well as the USA, have expressed interest and commitment to the project. On the industrial front, the Chinese group Jingye Steel has already won the contract to supply the metal pipes, demonstrating the project’s international and industrial dimension. This involvement of global players strengthens the technical and financial credibility of the AAGP and consolidates adherence to the goal of making the region a development hub rather than a source of migration and forced population displacements. The Moroccan project is divided into several phases, with feasibility, basic engineering, and environmental studies already completed or underway. A call for tenders is planned to accelerate construction, with the commissioning of the first sections envisaged as early as 2029. Beyond energy issues, the AAGP is part of a broader strategy of sustainable development, reducing energy poverty and poverty in general, and strengthening regional stability. By promoting economic integration and complementarity among West African countries, the project will help create an environment conducive to investment, job creation, inclusive growth, and prosperity. This was recently reinforced in the PRAI declaration at the 5th meeting of the African Atlantic States Process (AASP). This approach strongly contrasts with Algeria’s strategy, which remains focused on political and ideological confrontation, to the detriment of economic and social opportunities for its own populations. Algeria even refuses to acknowledge the emergence of new gas producers, notably Senegal and Mauritania, who actively participate in the Moroccan project. These countries adopt a pragmatic logic, favoring economic development and regional cooperation over ideological rivalries. The first section of the AAGP precisely includes these states, illustrating a dynamic of openness and partnership that could reshape West Africa’s energy map. The Atlantic Africa Gas Pipeline is more than just an infrastructure project: it embodies an ambitious vision of cooperation, integration, and sustainable development for West Africa that the affected populations fully understand. Faced with this dynamic, Algeria seems trapped in its chronic confrontational stance, hindering its own development and, regrettably, that of the region. At a time when energy, economic, and geopolitical challenges are multiplying, the AAGP is a model for the future, based on complementarity, solidarity, and innovation. Its success could open the way to a new era of shared prosperity and stability for West Africa and its international partners, much to the dismay of those who oppose it, refuse to admit it, or simply fail to understand it.

The Kabbalah 453

Tupan, 3 d.
Kabbalah is a mystical tradition within Judaism that seeks to understand the hidden dimensions of the divine, the universe, and the soul. While its formal development emerged in medieval Europe—especially in 12th-century Provence and 13th-century Spain—its roots stretch back to earlier biblical, rabbinic, and merkavah (chariot) mysticism traditions. It offers a symbolic and metaphysical framework for understanding reality and our role within it. At its core, Kabbalah teaches about Ein Sof (“the Infinite”), the boundless aspect of God that lies beyond all human comprehension. From this ineffable source emanates all of creation, unfolding through a dynamic process depicted in the Tree of Life (Etz Chaim), a symbolic diagram composed of ten interconnected spheres called sefirot. These sefirot represent divine attributes or channels through which the Infinite expresses itself, shaping both the spiritual and material realms. At the top is Keter, the crown, symbolizing divine will and pure potential. From Keter flows Chokhmah, the spark of wisdom and intuitive insight, which is then given form and structure by Binah, representing understanding and deep contemplation. Below them, Chesed embodies expansive love, generosity, and mercy, while Gevurah introduces strength, discipline, and the power of judgment. Between these opposing forces lies Tiphereth, the sphere of beauty, harmony, and compassion, which mediates and integrates mercy with severity. Continuing downward, Netzach expresses endurance, initiative, and the force of expansion, while Hod represents humility, introspection, and the power of communication and symbolism. These two channels converge into Yesod, the foundation, which synthesizes and transmits all previous energies into Malkuth, the kingdom—the material world, where divine intention is finally manifested. These ten sefirot are arranged along three vertical pillars—right, left, and center—symbolizing the principles of expansion, restraint, and balance. Together, they form a dynamic spiritual system that mirrors both the structure of the universe and the inner architecture of the human soul. One of the most influential Kabbalistic texts is the Zohar, a mystical commentary on the Torah, which uses allegory, symbolic interpretation, and esoteric language to uncover hidden spiritual meanings in the biblical text. Another foundational work is Sefer Yetzirah ("The Book of Creation"), which presents a cosmology based on the mystical properties of the Hebrew alphabet and the ten sefirot. It teaches that the world was created through 32 paths of wisdom—ten sefirot and 22 Hebrew letters—laying the groundwork for later Kabbalistic systems. A major development in Kabbalah came with Isaac Luria (1534–1572), known as Ha'ari, who introduced Lurianic Kabbalah. He offered new doctrines such as Tzimtzum (the divine contraction that made space for creation), Shevirat ha-Kelim (the breaking of the vessels), and Tikkun (restoration or repair). These concepts explain why evil exists and how humanity participates in the healing of cosmic fractures through spiritual acts. Kabbalistic practice involves more than intellectual study—it includes meditative techniques, letter permutations, sacred chanting, visualization, and deep contemplation on the divine names. Gematria, the system of interpreting Hebrew words through their numerical values, plays a central role in uncovering hidden connections between words and ideas. Another important concept is Sitra Achra, the "Other Side"—a realm of impurity and spiritual blockage that opposes holiness and reflects the duality within creation. Kabbalists explore how spiritual elevation occurs when divine sparks trapped in the material world are liberated through righteous actions, prayer, and intentional living. In more practical or applied Kabbalah, practitioners also work with Divine Names (such as the 72 Names of God), angels, and astrological correspondences, viewing them as symbolic tools to aid in spiritual elevation and unity with divine purpose. The four worlds (Atzilut, Beriah, Yetzirah, and Assiah) represent stages of emanation from the divine to the material realm, showing the hierarchical structure of existence. Although once restricted to mature Jewish scholars, Kabbalah has increasingly influenced broader spirituality, from Hasidic Judaism to Christian mysticism, Western esotericism, and even contemporary self-help movements. However, traditional Kabbalists emphasize that its study demands humility, ethical refinement, and a strong foundation in Torah and Jewish law. Ultimately, Kabbalah is not just a metaphysical system but a transformational path. It invites seekers to draw closer to the Divine, to bring balance to the soul, and to repair the world by restoring harmony between the spiritual and physical realms.

The thief of cope 513

Sheikh Flakho, 4 d.
Do people enjoy zero-sum games? I think they very much do. Most deny it because it beckons to more primitive days where life was the ultimate battle-royal: Grog beat enemy, Grog take everything. There's plenty of illustration of this more primitive state in fiction. If you've watched the Walking Dead, you may have noticed how that characters very quickly regress from their civilized selves to pro zero-sum gamers. Even though there's a whole planet to loot, the imminent scarcity they are faced with makes factions go to war against each other. In a post apocalyptic world, there's no place for collaborative value creation. But we don't need the apocalypse to reveal our natural proclivity towards zero-sum games. Talk to a historian and you will know that empires have always seen the world as a big zero-sum game, even when a whole continent had yet to be discovered. Talk to a marxist and he'll show you that the bourgeoisie is much more adept at playing the game than the proletariat. Talk to an economist however, and he'll throw sand into your eyes to distract you from an uncomfortable truth : "Trust me bro, we just need to make the cake bigger". Just make the cake the bigger... as if somehow, starting the renaissance, we magically figured out an economic system that allows us to grow economies like no other before. In tech-bro speak, it was all just "skill issue". But then, you remember the exponential leaps in technological progress and the new forms of energy harnessed. You point this out, and the economist scrambles with an indian accent "let me tell you something, let me me tell you something, it was the new economic paradigm and its countless jewish monetary tricks". Sound silly right ? That's what everyone believes nowadays. After all, isn't everybody trying to get rich ? Everyone dreams of a Bugatti, just in case they are suddenly asked to prove that they are not brokies. But how many can harness the sociopathic behavior that's necessary to grow your business? I'd argue that those are the minority. Or maybe I am being naive. Just like we are fast to revert to zero-sum thinking, we are also fast in discarding empathy for others when money starts flowing. The fact remains though, being rich is not about creating the most value, it's about maximizing your side of the zero-sum equation. Put yourself in the shoes of the capital holder. Every cent he gives you for your work is a missing one from his big scrooge mcduck like pile of pennies. The capitalist's essence is to make his side of the equation go as far away from 0 as he can possibly get away with. He only gives away when he is promised a bigger return, or when he wants to avoid a bigger loss. These are the rules of the game. Rules the masses have such a hard time coping with, Sociology was invented to study its effect on their confused plebeian brains. Among the sea of copes, one held some truth for a couple of decades. Let us refer to this idea as the "meritocratic cope", which goes something like this : Even if you don't physically own the means of production, you can have a cozy life if you can develop some skills that require an above average-intellect. How much above average depends on too many factors to cite. But over time, the overall trend has been that the more advanced technology got, the farther away from the middle of the bell curve you needed to be. For those with lesser intellects but loads of money, you could also coast through life with a series of bullshit jobs. You just need a pay-to-win diploma from a fancy school made by the rich for their less genetically fortunate off-springs. Both paths are not equal. The former genocides your hair follicles, nukes your skin, empties your eyes and gives you a vague air of "this guy has been through some shit". The latter is rife with opportunities to enjoy life, expand your horizons with equally narrow minded peers, and you end up walking out feeling competent to tard-wrangle the unorganized entropy of the labour force into higher quarterly earnings. You're not just an idea guy, you're a visionary. You don't know how to do anything yourself, but it's okay. You are a visionary. But this is coming to an end. I'm not quite sure about the second path, but I can quite confidently assert that it's over for the former. The culprit? Artificial intelligence. If you were wondering where this rigmarole was leading to, it was all necessary exposition to understand where all the hate I have towards AI is coming from. In my next article, we will examine why the latest AI progress is the ultimate "checkmate, atheist" move to whomever has hope for a brighter future. No more hope, no more cope, no more peace, just problems.

The winning formula: Morocco as a Sahel country... 1077

Aziz Daouda, 10 d.
Since Morocco’s 2007 proposal of autonomy for Western Sahara within the framework of Morocco’s territorial integrity, the Polisario Front has suffered significant setbacks both diplomatically and internally within its camps on Algerian territory. In recent weeks, the situation in the Tindouf camps has sharply deteriorated, exposing growing disorder and an increasing loss of control over the populations. The detainees are increasingly confronting the Algerian security forces surrounding the camps, whose mission is to limit movement for fear of a mass return to Morocco. Haven’t we seen videos where female protesters shout in metallic voices, “Let us return to Morocco”? Such demonstrations are not unprecedented in the camps, but this time, “Long live the King” is clearly and loudly chanted. The population is disillusioned and no longer afraid to confront Brahim Ghali and his associates. In this atmosphere on the brink of anarchy, violence and armed clashes in the camps are multiplying, with real power increasingly in the hands of rival gangs involved in drug and fuel trafficking, illegal gold mining, and the diversion of received aid. Just last weekend, heavy gunfire erupted in the so-called Laâyoune camp (not to be confused with the beautiful city of Laâyoune in Morocco) between rival factions. Powerless, the Polisario did not intervene. At the same time, three Polisario fighters deserted and joined the Moroccan Royal Armed Forces near Oum Dreyga; a defection that foreshadows others. The Polisario is increasingly unable to impose its authority and is also discredited from within its own structures. The internal crisis within the Polisario raises palpable concern in Algiers, which more than ever fears latent chaos in the camps, a genuine threat to public order and regional stability. Once an instrument of Algerian influence, the movement, which has always been a security burden, is now becoming a political liability. Several scenarios are even being discussed, ranging from disarmament to the dissolution of armed militias, but this will not be possible without major internal tensions in Algeria-a probable generals’ war. The accelerated instability is worsened by increased repression, notably by the Algerian army, which has opened fire on civilians in the camps during protests, causing deaths and injuries. This climate of violence and oppression fuels the anger of the detained populations, who watch in disbelief the inaction of those supposed to protect them. They openly denounce the Polisario’s complicit passivity in the face of these aggressions. They now understand that these so-called leaders are in fact powerless puppets. Combined with extremely difficult living conditions, including restricted access to water, education, and medical care, the situation is increasingly unbearable for those held under the yoke of criminals and traffickers of all kinds. In Morocco, particularly in the southern provinces, this dramatic situation is causing growing concern. On social networks and in the press, countless voices vehemently denounce the situation. They alert to the grave suffering of women and children in the camps. Numerous NGOs and international observers are calling for urgent intervention to restore security and protect civilians. The major security crisis and sustained, almost daily popular protests in the Tindouf camps occur at a difficult time for the host country. It is struggling with the reaction to its provocations from Sahel countries-a coordinated and forceful response that seems to have caught it off guard. The Algerian regime no longer knows where to turn amid internal problems supplying basic goods to the population and the unrest they provoke; the crisis in Tindouf; the exponential weakening of the Polisario; and its obvious isolation in the region. The Sahel countries have unanimously made their choice: they are strengthening their all-around rapprochement with Morocco. The Malian drone shot down in early April 2025 by the Algerian army will cost Algeria dearly in terms of geopolitical positioning. It shows how a “premeditated hostile action” without reflection can lead to serious consequences, even a lasting crisis. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso collectively recalled their diplomats, triggering an unprecedented diplomatic escalation with Algeria, which responded by closing its airspace to flights and recalling its ambassadors. The escalation with Algiers, which seems to be settling in for the long term, has opened these countries’ eyes. They already had on the table the proposal to anchor themselves in a structuring Moroccan project, enabling their access to the Atlantic. On April 28, 2025, His Majesty King Mohammed VI received in Rabat the foreign ministers of the three countries simultaneously-a significant geostrategic turning point. The “Atlantic Africa” initiative was endorsed as a facilitation of ocean access, a solid foundation for the economic development and commercial integration of the countries involved. The economic dimension of the project is strong, and the political dimension powerful. Morocco is perceived as a serious, committed strategic partner, notably respectful of the principle of non-interference, which contrasts with the tensions and climate of hostility prevailing between Algeria and the new Sahelian regimes. The three countries reaffirmed their full adherence to the Moroccan vision; their respective top diplomats emphasized that this alliance is a lever for growth and stability in a region marked by security and diplomatic crises. The recent developments fit into the regional context where Morocco consolidates its position amid the weakening of the Polisario and the internal crisis in the Tindouf camps, while Algeria sees its influence recede in the face of the rising power of its Sahelian neighbors who turn to Rabat for economic and security solutions. This regional realignment is an additional factor weakening Algeria’s position both in the Sahara dossier and in managing the Polisario. The Algerian crisis with Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, combined with these countries’ strategic rapprochement with Morocco under the impetus of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, thus illustrates a major geopolitical shift in the Sahel. The new context strengthens Morocco’s territorial integrity dynamic while further isolating the Polisario and its sponsor: Algeria is very talented when it comes to improvising or manufacturing crises with its neighbors and beyond.