Think Forward.

The Africa Atlantic Gas Pipeline: A Strategic Project at the Heart of Regional Rivalriy. 5037

While Algerian media persist in disparaging the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project, also known as the Atlantic Africa Gas Pipeline (AAGP), this large-scale transcontinental megaproject paradoxically generates growing interest and increasing international support. More than just a pipeline, the AAGP embodies an ambitious vision of South-South cooperation, regional integration, and sustainable development, crossing often landlocked and fragile countries, and offering a credible complement or alternative source of gas for Europe. The AAGP aims to transport up to 30 billion cubic meters of gas per year from Nigeria’s rich gas fields, passing through about fifteen West African countries, reaching Morocco, and then onward to Europe via the Strait of Gibraltar. This significant capacity will not only diversify Europe’s energy supply sources but, above all, meet the growing energy needs of West African countries. Unlike the Algerian Trans-Saharan gas pipeline project, which is about 1,500 km shorter but costly (nearly USD 20 billion) and passes through an unstable region, the AAGP stands out for its inclusive approach. It is not merely a transit conduit to Europe but a regional energy network that will supply bordering countries, allowing producers to inject their gas locally and others to fuel their industrial, agricultural, and urban development. The AAGP is based on a logic of South-South cooperation, founded on solidarity, sharing expertise, and economic complementarity. By crossing often landlocked countries, the pipeline will help reduce their energy isolation, strengthen their infrastructure, and stimulate their economic growth. The choice of a predominantly offshore route up to Dakhla, then onshore along Morocco’s Atlantic coast, illustrates the desire to fully integrate the Sahel-Saharan region into a modern energy corridor. Dakhla, which will become a major port, industrial, and logistics hub, is set to play a central role in this dynamic, promoting job creation, industrial growth, and economic diversification-key strengths and major assets of the Moroccan vision. Algeria, for its part, perceives it as a direct threat to its dominant position in the regional energy sector. Its shorter Trans-Saharan pipeline project is limited to a simple transit role for Nigerian gas to Europe, without real impact on the development of the territories it crosses. In contrast, the Moroccan AAGP proposes a more ambitious vision, integrating a regional network that will benefit all partners and their increasingly demanding populations. Algerian hostility manifests in an intense media campaign aimed at downplaying the feasibility of the Moroccan project. Beyond the media, Algeria is multiplying diplomatic efforts to strengthen ties with Nigeria and accelerate its own project. Official delegations follow one another, while on social networks, relentless, likely orchestrated smear campaigns seek to discredit the AAGP. This antagonism fits into a broader political logic, with Morocco as the "classic enemy" to weaken. Ideological stubbornness leads to ridiculous choices that paradoxically harm Algeria’s own economic and social interests. The artificial conflict over Western Sahara remains a backdrop; the survival of the Polisario Front has mobilized a large share of Algeria’s resources, efforts, and attention for 50 years. Contrary to Algerian claims, the AAGP enjoys solid support from financial institutions and major investors. The United Arab Emirates (25 billion USD), the Islamic Development Bank, the European Investment Bank, the OPEC Fund for International Development, as well as the USA, have expressed interest and commitment to the project. On the industrial front, the Chinese group Jingye Steel has already won the contract to supply the metal pipes, demonstrating the project’s international and industrial dimension. This involvement of global players strengthens the technical and financial credibility of the AAGP and consolidates adherence to the goal of making the region a development hub rather than a source of migration and forced population displacements. The Moroccan project is divided into several phases, with feasibility, basic engineering, and environmental studies already completed or underway. A call for tenders is planned to accelerate construction, with the commissioning of the first sections envisaged as early as 2029. Beyond energy issues, the AAGP is part of a broader strategy of sustainable development, reducing energy poverty and poverty in general, and strengthening regional stability. By promoting economic integration and complementarity among West African countries, the project will help create an environment conducive to investment, job creation, inclusive growth, and prosperity. This was recently reinforced in the PRAI declaration at the 5th meeting of the African Atlantic States Process (AASP). This approach strongly contrasts with Algeria’s strategy, which remains focused on political and ideological confrontation, to the detriment of economic and social opportunities for its own populations. Algeria even refuses to acknowledge the emergence of new gas producers, notably Senegal and Mauritania, who actively participate in the Moroccan project. These countries adopt a pragmatic logic, favoring economic development and regional cooperation over ideological rivalries. The first section of the AAGP precisely includes these states, illustrating a dynamic of openness and partnership that could reshape West Africa’s energy map. The Atlantic Africa Gas Pipeline is more than just an infrastructure project: it embodies an ambitious vision of cooperation, integration, and sustainable development for West Africa that the affected populations fully understand. Faced with this dynamic, Algeria seems trapped in its chronic confrontational stance, hindering its own development and, regrettably, that of the region. At a time when energy, economic, and geopolitical challenges are multiplying, the AAGP is a model for the future, based on complementarity, solidarity, and innovation. Its success could open the way to a new era of shared prosperity and stability for West Africa and its international partners, much to the dismay of those who oppose it, refuse to admit it, or simply fail to understand it.
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 266

The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position