Think Forward.

Politics

Between Ideology and Pragmatism: The Spanish Radical Left's Controversial Stance on Moroccan Sahara... 105

Aziz Daouda, 9 h.
I confess here that it was the writings of Si Lahcen Hadad that pushed me to take a closer interest in this Spanish left, which positions itself in opposition to the Sánchez government, which is itself left-wing. Not reading Spanish, I am therefore somewhat less inclined to pay attention to the repeated ignominies of this left, sick from not being able to access power, sick from its aborted history, sick from what it actually is. So, to exist, it invented a cause. Too bad if it understands nothing about it, too bad if it harms Spain’s interests, too bad if it distorts history, ignores geography and demography, too bad if its reasoning, if it is reasoning at all, is far from logical, too bad if it lies outrageously. The important thing is to exist and to appear to the Spanish public as the defender of the causes of the most deprived... No matter if those people harmed the Spanish people; no matter if they have Spanish blood on their hands. Manifest bad faith. In Spain, therefore, a significant part of the radical left, mainly represented by formations such as Unidas Podemos, an alliance between Podemos, Izquierda Unida, and other minority groups, maintains a posture—let’s say critical, if not belligerent—towards the Kingdom of Morocco. This contradictory position is fed by a historical prism marked by colonial memory, “anti-imperialist” struggles, but also by the question of the Sahara, called the "Spanish Sahara" until 1975, as it was a former territory under Spanish domination until the Green March in 1975. This radical left considers Morocco a belligerent and threatening actor. The debate is not limited to territorial disputes: it fits into an ideological vision where the Moroccan state is often presented as an authoritarian and repressive regime, described as a neocolonial power. This is what underpins the repeated support for the artificial Sahrawi cause, presented as an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist fight. Support for the Polisario Front thus seems embedded in the DNA of these “gauchos,” regardless of developments. Historically, several components of the Spanish left have expressed clear support for the Polisario Front, founded in 1973, which was nevertheless supported by Gaddafi, then hosted, supplied, and armed by the Algerian regime with the aim of harming Morocco’s interests. This support manifests itself in various forms: - Filing parliamentary motions in defense of the right to self-determination for this small part of the Sahara alone; - Participation in international pro-Polisario forums and associative networks that blindly support it, regardless of reports on the embezzlement of aid, rapes, and flagrant human rights abuses in Tindouf; - Pressure on the Spanish government and European institutions to recognize the political status of the Sahara, neglecting to mention that it was formerly occupied by their country, as a territory to be decolonized, in opposition to Morocco’s historical sovereignty. Even the autonomy proposal, well known in Spain, does not seem to satisfy them. However, it should be noted that this support comes in a context of strong internal contestation in Spain. Since the socialist government of Pedro Sánchez expressed its support in 2022 for the Moroccan autonomy plan, this radical position has somewhat fractured. This change reflects a pragmatic adaptation by some to the geopolitical, economic, and migratory realities that closely link the two countries. Faced with challenges related to managing migratory flows through the occupied enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as security and economic cooperation with the Kingdom of Morocco, the Spanish government has refocused its diplomacy. This has led to a gradual distancing of the left—but not the radical left—from the Polisario, thus marginalizing its influence on official policy. In this context, some voices within the radical left still try to persuade European institutions to keep pressure on Morocco, demanding that the so-called Western Sahara remain central to priorities to resolve an “unresolved colonial conflict.” Parliamentary groups and “pro-Sahrawi” NGOs continue to denounce bilateral agreements between Madrid and Rabat, refusing that the issue be sidelined in favor of a more “pragmatic” diplomacy. Spanish and European institutions, the theater of these ideological tensions, thus see the radical left forces seeking to have the question of the so-called Western Sahara recognized as a “state matter.” They denounce Moroccan control over this dossier and strongly contest the diplomatic normalization policies carried out by Madrid. This line reflects a deep political fracture, where post-colonial idealism and outdated self-determination claims clash head-on with political realism marked by the search for regional strategic balances. Support for the so-called Sahrawi cause is not without controversy. Activists, commentators, and victims have recalled that the Polisario Front was, in the past, involved in violent operations in Spanish territorial waters, causing the death of Spanish fishermen. These painful episodes resonate in Spanish public opinion and fuel a virulent critique of radical positions that support a movement with a past combining political struggle and violent actions. This memory weighs heavily in contemporary debate and is exploited by political forces opposed to these radical left positions, notably the Spanish right. The question of the Sahara, a territory that was Spanish for a time, remains an important point in relations between Spain and Morocco. However, current political, economic, and security realities push for pragmatic Spanish diplomacy, favorable to strengthened cooperation with Rabat, thus marginalizing the radical stance on both governmental and international stages. The historical legacy is here perfectly exploited for contemporary necessities in managing Ibero-Moroccan relations. Today, after consulting numerous articles and writings recounting the positions of this left of another era, I understand a little better Si Lahcen Hadad's fight on the subject, and even more so his sharp responses to the remarks of a certain Ignacio Cembrero, whom I now see only as a bland neurotic. Thank you, Si Lahcen. One question remains: why is the Moroccan left not more inclined to take a stand and strongly denounce the alienated stance of their Spanish counterparts?

Morocco, History, and Geography: The Foundations of Political Reality and Territorial Integrity... 485

Aziz Daouda, 4 d.
Politics cannot be separated from history or geography. It consists of a set of actions and decisions aimed at organizing a society internally, as well as in its relations with the rest of the world. It is always situated within a context shaped by the two fundamental dimensions of history and geography, which are by no means mere backdrops but rather provide the framework within which political projects, conflicts, and developments unfold. Politics may be influenced by an ideology—born of a philosophy—or simply shaped by a given context, but such influence rarely lasts. History plays a fundamental role in understanding political phenomena. A country’s institutions, laws, and values are rooted in its collective memory, an inheritance made up of major events, breaks, or continuities with the past. Borders, for example, are often drawn following wars or treaties, the outcome of ancient or recent conflicts. They remain visible marks of past rivalries, defeats, victories, and compromises. Relations—whether of solidarity or rivalry—between nations, regions, or communities are explained in light of shared or divergent histories. The present Kingdom of Morocco cannot be understood without reference to its millennial origins, to the centuries-old Sharifian Empire, nor to the successive dynasties that shaped its relationship to religion, allegiance, and the centralization of power throughout different eras. Similarly, geography significantly influences the choices and constraints of public policies. The distribution of natural resources conditions economic development, territorial organization, and power relations. Relief, climate, and access to maritime routes determine possibilities for urbanization, agriculture, communication, and defense. Border situations impose specific diplomatic and security policies, while landlocked or insular areas require tailored strategies. Some authors even describe Morocco as an “island country” due to its geographical configuration. It is therefore inconceivable to conceive of effective or legitimate politics without taking history and geography into account. Every choice, reform, or political ambition must be based on a deep understanding of the territory and collective memory; ignoring one or the other exposes one to illusion, misunderstanding, or even failure. Regarding the Sahara, referred to as the “Western Sahara,” the geography of this region is undeniably contiguous to Morocco, physically, demographically, and historically: the Saharan populations have largely contributed to the country’s evolution. Its history was written through the successive allegiances of its tribes to the sultans of Morocco, and the Sharifian kingdom thus constitutes a nation-state established long before the contemporary era. Weakened by having missed the crucial turn of the industrial revolution, the Sharifian Empire was dissected from south to north, but also from the east. The so-called Western Sahara was annexed by Spain, which exercised colonial control there from 1884 to 1975. This situation facilitated France’s domination over territories grouped into French West Africa, part of which later became Mauritania. France also appropriated the eastern part of the Sharifian Empire, annexed de facto to its departments conquered from the Ottoman Empire and called French Algeria. The remainder was placed under French protectorate, while northern Morocco came under Spanish rule. Independence, achieved in 1956, and the gradual decolonization of Sidi Ifni and Tarfaya concerned other regions only later. On November 28, 1960, France authorized the proclamation of Mauritania’s independence—a region then claimed by Morocco, as were territories under Spanish control that Morocco considered its own. At that time, there was a Moroccan ministry called the “Ministry of Mauritanian and Saharan Affairs,” headed by Mohammed Fal Ould Oumeir, a representative of those territories. From 1963 onwards, the kingdom raised the issue of the Spanish Sahara before the Decolonization Commission. The situation became complicated when newly created Mauritania also claimed the territory, notably to pressure Morocco, which did not recognize Mauritanian independence until 1969—nine years after its proclamation. Morocco continued to claim the Spanish Sahara peacefully, preventing the Liberation Army from pursuing military actions in the region. In 1973, the creation of the Polisario Front (Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro) marked a new stage. This movement initially aimed to unite the Saharan territory with the “motherland.” But in a context of regional rivalries and ideological tensions, the Saharan question was instrumentalized by various actors. Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya played a decisive role in the rise of the separatist Polisario, supporting and arming the movement in a "revolutionary" and pan-Arabist logic, while seeking to destabilize the Moroccan monarchy. Later, Gaddafi himself admitted having made a “strategic mistake” in backing this group, which remains a destabilizing factor in the region today. In 1975, a peaceful turning point occurred: bolstered by the International Court of Justice’s opinion recognizing ties of allegiance between Saharan tribes and Moroccan sultans, the late King Hassan II launched the Green March to general surprise. This mobilization pushed Spain to withdraw from Laâyoune in favor of Morocco, which immediately reclaimed the territory. Mauritania, although having occupied adjacent zones, ultimately withdrew, leaving Morocco alone against the Polisario Front, actively supported by Algeria, which hosted, armed, financed, and elevated the movement into a “republic.” Houari Boumédiène’s Algeria exploited the situation to weaken its Moroccan neighbor, even calling the Saharan issue a “thorn in Morocco’s side,” a way of exacting revenge for the crushing defeat in 1963. This dispute has often overshadowed the deep history of ties between Morocco and these territories under Sharifian authority well before the colonial era. For Morocco, territorial integrity rests firmly on the constants of history and geography—major arguments. The rest is merely a temporary construction without foundation, destined to fade into oblivion in the near future. Moroccans know this very well… Perhaps not everyone else…

Morocco-Nigeria: From Coldness to a Continental Strategic Partnership... 1189

Aziz Daouda, 11 d.
I am currently in Abeokuta, Nigeria, for the organization of the African Athletics Championships for U18 and U20. It is only natural to reflect on the relations between Morocco and Nigeria, which have seen a remarkable evolution, moving from a period of distance and caution to a major strategic partnership for Africa. An eloquent indicator: the national airline now operates two daily flights to Lagos. From the 1960s to the 1980s, relations between Morocco and Nigeria remained formal but distant, due to deep ideological differences. Nigeria, an Anglophone heavyweight and close to the Non-Aligned Movement—a non-alignment that in reality meant alignment with the Eastern European models of the time. Morocco, on the other hand, closer to the West, adopted a cautious diplomacy in line with its longstanding position and its principles of non-interference and respect for peoples and their choices. The distancing between the two countries became more pronounced, especially after the Kingdom’s withdrawal from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1984, in reaction to the admission of the so-called Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) to this organization. The issue of the so-called Western Sahara was a major point of friction, with Nigeria supporting the SADR, which hindered any significant rapprochement. Thus, relations during the 1980s and 1990s remained lukewarm, limited to basic diplomatic exchanges. The return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999, with the election of Olusegun Obasanjo, and Morocco’s growing influence on the African stage marked a turning point. The two countries began a discreet but concrete diplomatic rapprochement. Several areas were explored to strengthen cooperation: energy, with discussions on gas cooperation; trade, with modest but growing exchanges; agriculture, aiming to meet the growing needs of the Nigerian population; and the religious dimension, notably through Sufism and the moderate religious education promoted by Morocco. The real turning point came in December 2016, during the historic visit of King Mohammed VI to Abuja. This visit marked a break in bilateral relations, with the signing of numerous cooperation agreements in the agricultural, banking, industrial, religious, and energy sectors. One recalls here the fraternal embraces and warm words that marked the meetings between His Majesty King Mohammed VI and President Buhari. The flagship project in this dynamic is the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline (NMGP), announced in 2016. This ambitious project, over 5,600 km long and crossing 13 West African countries, aims to transport Nigerian gas to Morocco, and potentially to Europe. Its objectives are multiple: to ensure energy security, promote regional integration, and strengthen geopolitical stability. Between 2022 and 2023, several financing and technical study agreements were signed with ECOWAS, OPEC, and European partners. At the same time, cooperation has diversified: Moroccan banks have invested in Nigeria, while the partnership between the OCP (Office Chérifien des Phosphates) and the Dangote Group has strengthened fertilizer production in Nigeria. On the religious front, Morocco welcomes Nigerian imams to its training centers, thus consolidating cultural and religious ties. Since the election of President Bola Tinubu in 2023, active cooperation with Morocco seems to be continuing. The NMGP pipeline project is progressing with the support of key players such as the European Union and the Islamic Development Bank, despite a complicated global context marked by the war in Ukraine and regional instability. The issue of Western Sahara remains a moderate dividing line: Nigeria has not withdrawn its recognition of the SADR, but has not made any hostile statements towards Rabat for several years, indicating a certain diplomatic appeasement. The Morocco-Nigeria partnership is part of a complex geostrategic dynamic, notably in competition and complementarity with Algeria. The Morocco-Nigeria project is sometimes seen as a counterweight to the Trans-Saharan Algeria-Nigeria pipeline, which remains at the project stage, unlike the Moroccan project, which is advancing rapidly and according to the set schedule. At the regional level, this alliance could reshape North-South axes of African cooperation, linking West Africa to the Maghreb, thus moving beyond the traditional Francophone/Anglophone divide. Morocco’s application to join ECOWAS, although currently suspended, illustrates this desire for deeper economic integration with Abuja as a key partner. Relations between Morocco and Nigeria have evolved from diplomatic coldness to a structuring strategic alliance for the African continent. The gas pipeline project, banking establishment, agricultural and religious cooperation, as well as geoeconomic convergences, make this partnership a major pillar of Africa’s Global South. The next decade will be decisive in measuring the ability of these two countries to transform their cooperation into a driver of continental integration. This clear overview and chronology of the evolution of Morocco-Nigeria bilateral relations highlights the political, economic, and geostrategic stakes underlying them. Can we conclude without paying heartfelt tribute and praying for the soul of President Muhammadu Buhari, who passed away on Sunday, July 13, in London at the age of 82 after a long illness? It was during his presidency that relations between the two countries developed and moved from a latent conflictual routine to a win-win cooperation. May he rest in peace.

Kingdom of Morocco: 2030 Foundation, the New Momentum for Major Sporting Events 1303

Aziz Daouda, 11 d.
The Moroccan Government Council recently formalized the creation of the **2030 Foundation**, an innovative strategic entity tasked with leading the preparation, organization, and successful hosting of major international sporting events that the Kingdom will welcome in the coming years. This initiative aligns with an ambitious vision driven by royal directives and the instructions given at the Council of Ministers on December 4, 2024, aiming to establish Morocco as a global benchmark for hosting major sporting events. The **2030 Foundation** is not merely an organizing committee; it is designed as a true lever for economic, social, and infrastructural transformation. Its mission encompasses the comprehensive management of flagship events such as the **2025 Africa Cup of Nations**, which will serve as a full-scale rehearsal, and the **2030 FIFA World Cup**, co-hosted with Spain and Portugal. Through this new entity, Morocco intends not only to guarantee the technical and logistical success of these competitions but also to maximize their positive impact across the entire national territory. To achieve this, the Foundation’s mission rests on **six strategic pillars**: 1. **Optimal planning and coordination:** The Foundation will ensure rigorous and detailed planning covering all phases from preparation to event closure. It will effectively mobilize public and private stakeholders to respect timelines and international standards, with global logistical management—including delegation reception, security, communication, and media—at its core. 2. **Acceleration of infrastructure projects:** Hosting these sporting events is a powerful driver for infrastructure development. The Foundation will oversee the completion and modernization of stadiums, training centers, and related facilities according to FIFA and CAF requirements. It will also lead the development of airports, the expansion of the high-speed rail network, and improvement of roadways to facilitate mobility for spectators and teams. Renovation and construction of hotels, as well as enhancement of tourism services and urban infrastructure in host cities, are integral to this large-scale effort. 3. **Transparent, rigorous project management:** The Foundation commits to exemplary management with strict monitoring of budgets, deadlines, and specifications. It will implement control and evaluation tools to guarantee the effectiveness of actions undertaken, ensuring Morocco fully honors its international commitments and strengthens its global credibility and image. 4. **Administrative coordination and international dialogue:** Acting as the sole interlocutor with international bodies such as FIFA and CAF, the Foundation will centralize decisions and harmonize Morocco’s positions. This centralization will facilitate exchanges, accelerate negotiations, and swiftly resolve potential issues, ensuring essential administrative and diplomatic fluidity for event success. 5. **Promotion of a positive and sustainable image of Morocco:** Beyond technical aspects, the Foundation will play a key role in long-term strategic planning, integrating economic, social, and environmental benefits. It will highlight Morocco’s cultural, tourist, and economic assets and deploy proactive communication to attract investors, media, and visitors, thereby enhancing the Kingdom’s international appeal. 6. **Enhanced support for host regions and provinces:** Aware of the importance of balanced territorial development, the Foundation will provide technical and financial support to organizing regions and provinces. It will ensure local human resource training and mobilization while developing public and private services (transport, security, health, accommodation) to offer an optimal visitor experience. This approach guarantees that event benefits extend throughout Morocco, helping reduce regional disparities. The **2030 Foundation** embodies a dynamic of sustainable and inclusive development, aiming to create jobs, stimulate the local economy, strengthen modern infrastructure, and improve social cohesion and Morocco’s cultural influence. These sporting events become catalysts to accelerate the Kingdom’s economic and social transformation. Underlying this vision is the goal to depoliticize the action to ensure guaranteed success. The Foundation transcends time, competition, and political calculation. One major challenge is to shield these mega sports projects from political uncertainties and administrative delays. By ensuring centralized, rigorous, and multidisciplinary management, it guarantees optimal project efficiency and safeguards against bureaucratic stagnation. The **2030 Foundation** is thus the cornerstone of an ambitious national strategy that promises not only the exemplary success of CAN 2025 and the 2030 FIFA World Cup but also the emergence of a new dynamic of harmonious and sustainable development for Morocco. This innovation reflects the Kingdom’s determination to combine sporting excellence with socio-economic progress. It embodies a modern, proactive vision capable of transforming international sporting events into genuine levers of long-term growth and influence. Morocco will position itself as a key player on the global sports stage, ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with ambition and responsibility.

Morocco, an Indispensable Pivot of the New American Strategy in Africa and the Atlantic... 1366

Aziz Daouda, 12 d.
In a mini-summit, the first of its kind, President Trump hosted five West African heads of state, marking a new geopolitical dynamic in the region. The USA is now adopting a pragmatic and transactional approach focused on economic partnerships, security, and the development of strategic resources. Underlying this is, of course, the aim to counter the growing influence of China and Russia in the region. This new orientation is reflected in the targeted selection of African partners. Washington favors countries perceived as open to investment and rich in critical resources, possibly at the expense of some regional heavyweights like Nigeria. The emphasis is on trade and investment agreements replacing the traditional official development aid, which has been abandoned in favor of bilateral deals centered on commerce, access to strategic minerals such as manganese, uranium, oil, cobalt, and securing supply chains. One of the pillars of this new approach is strengthening security, which the region greatly needs. Discussions focused on combating terrorism, regulating migration flows, and military cooperation, with the intention to rely on trustworthy partners to project American power. Let us set aside the behavior of the participants and the awkwardness that chilled the atmosphere. Ultimately, everyone was simply in their place according to their true standing. One by one, before the president, each head of state introduced themselves in a kind of “name, first name, profession.” It is unfortunate that Mauritania, Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, and Senegal separately expressed their economic, security, and political priorities. - Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, the strongman of Gabon, emphasized the need for increased support for local processing of mineral resources, mentioning his decision to ban the export of raw manganese by 2029 to promote value addition locally, following the Botswana model. He expressed openness to industrial partnerships to develop refining and local production capacities. - Umaro Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau highlighted the strategic importance of his country’s port and its rich bauxite deposits, requesting support to modernize port and logistics infrastructure, a key condition for attracting investment and regional economic integration. - Joseph Boakai of Liberia, speaking in perfect English according to Trump, called for a more favorable framework for American investments, especially regarding legal security and anti-corruption efforts. He also requested enhanced cooperation in combating drug trafficking and regulating migration flows, key factors for regional stability. - Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, president of Mauritania, seeks to develop manganese and uranium resources, calling for agreements to build local industrial sectors. He also proposed strengthened partnership in maritime security to fight piracy and illicit trafficking in the Atlantic. - Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal raised the issue of his country’s hidden debt and sought support from international financial institutions like the IMF, as well as enhanced economic and trade cooperation, particularly in renewable energy and information technology sectors. All want to establish sustainable partnerships with the USA focused on local resource processing, infrastructure modernization, security, and economic governance. Were they warning that without American investments, other powers would take their place? Although Morocco was not invited to this mini-summit, it occupies a central place in the new African and Atlantic geopolitical architecture thanks to several levers, notably the modernization of the Morocco–United States free trade agreement. Rabat seeks to expand this agreement to include emerging sectors such as artificial intelligence, defense industry, clean energy, and green hydrogen, beyond traditional textile and agricultural exports. The United States, wishing to secure certain supplies to reduce dependence on China, finds Morocco a good partner in strategic minerals with its phosphate and cobalt reserves, essential resources for the global energy transition. Morocco is also a major security partner. It hosts the African Lion exercises and is modernizing its armed forces with advanced American equipment, including HIMARS, drones, and missiles. It is also negotiating the acquisition of F-35 fighter jets. In energy, Morocco aims to become a key supplier of green hydrogen for Europe and the United States, with projects integrating into future transatlantic energy supply chains. In the context of the new American policy, Morocco can hope to better benefit from the situation, primarily through reaffirmed American support for Morocco’s sovereignty over the Southern provinces, which strengthens its position. The Polisario is thus more isolated and Algeria disoriented. The Kingdom has also established itself as a regional hub thanks to its Atlantic anchorage, infrastructure, projects such as the port of Dakhla, the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline, and its political stability. It presents itself as the ideal gateway for American and European companies seeking access to the African market. This is a major asset for increased investment attractiveness. The geopolitical rivalry favors an influx of capital and structuring projects, especially in renewable energy, technology, and defense industries. Add to this Morocco’s African diplomatic leadership. Building on its diplomatic and economic successes, Morocco consolidates its role as mediator and leader in South-South cooperation and regional integration initiatives. It is the perfect pivot state for the region. The next step is for Mauritania to join the USA and the other four countries and clearly express its position on the Sahara issue. The current geopolitical reshuffle offers unprecedented room to strengthen strategic partnerships, develop resources, ensure security, and promote the prosperity of peoples. However, these opportunities require agile diplomacy and the ability to anticipate rapid changes in alliances and international priorities. Have the Five seized this chance? They all maintain good relations with the Kingdom.

Moroccan Higher Education Under Fire: The Crisis of Diploma Sales and Scientific Integrity... 1733

Aziz Daouda, 15 d.
The recent scandal involving the sale of diplomas at Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is not just an isolated incident but a symptom of a systemic crisis undermining the credibility of Moroccan higher education and, more broadly, public trust in institutions. The arrest of a law professor suspected of issuing diplomas in exchange for payment exposed a structured network of academic fraud, revealing serious flaws in control and evaluation mechanisms. Even if isolated, this phenomenon deeply impacts the quality and reputation of Moroccan diplomas. It undermines the quality of university education, calls into question the integrity of evaluation procedures, weakens the pedagogical authority of teachers, and discredits Moroccan diplomas both nationally and internationally. The consequences are multiple, ranging from employers losing trust in the value of diplomas, to reduced international mobility of Moroccan students, and, of course, to the weakening of Moroccan universities' reputations in global rankings. **In response, reactions have been strong given the gravity of the case. The National Authority for Integrity, Prevention, and the Fight against Corruption (INPPLC) intervened, initiating civil action to defend the public interest despite the opening of a judicial investigation. The scandal was also raised in Parliament, highlighting the crisis's magnitude and the need for a strong response to restore citizens' confidence in academic and judicial institutions.** This scandal confirms what had already been rumored among students about registrations and diplomas obtained for money or even in exchange for sexual favors. The situation is further aggravated by a recently revealed structural problem in scientific research. This scandal is neither isolated nor unprecedented. It fits into a broader context of a crisis of scientific integrity, as revealed by the 2025 Scientific Research Integrity Index. This index, focused on the quality and ethics of publications, sounded the alarm for ten Moroccan universities, flagged for publications tainted by methodological errors or plagiarism, and removed from international databases. The 2025 Scientific Integrity Ranking presents an alarming state of affairs: - Ibn Tofail University in Kenitra is on the red list: out of 2,154 publications, 165 were withdrawn. - Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is on the orange list: 96 of 1,912 publications withdrawn. - Hassan II University in Casablanca is also on the orange list with 202 publications withdrawn out of 3,668. - Mohammed V University in Rabat is on the orange list with 253 articles withdrawn out of 4,544. - Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah University in Fez is also on the orange list with 191 titles withdrawn. - Abdelmalek Essaadi, Sultan Moulay Slimane, Moulay Ismail, Mohammed VI Polytechnic, and Cadi Ayyad universities are on the yellow list, meaning under surveillance. This ranking highlights a high or very high risk of non-compliance with academic integrity standards in several Moroccan public institutions, damaging the country's reputation in the MENA region. Morocco ranks third in terms of the number of universities concerned, behind Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It is important to emphasize that it is not the walls of these institutions that are at fault or cause such scandalous harm, but humans—and not just any humans. These are the ones supposed to train the national elites, advance the country, and secure its future. *Quickly said: not all of them, because there are also very great, competent, and honest teachers and researchers in our universities who are the first to suffer from this situation.* This means that even at this level, where probity should be decisive and where only competence should prevail, unacceptable practices likely exist in researcher recruitment, in peer review of their work, or by the institutions that employ them. This crisis, which tarnishes the country's image, demands urgent and structural measures. Without calling for immediate sanctions, demotions, or dismissals of the teachers involved, it is imperative to prioritize strengthening internal controls, guarantee the autonomy of scientific integrity units in each university, and train teacher-researchers and students in research ethics and fraud detection, reminding them that they are monitored internationally and that plagiarism or data manipulation cannot escape the vigilance of competent authorities. Finally, it is imperative and urgent to establish an independent national observatory to ensure transparent and sustainable monitoring of academic practices. Our academics must understand that valuing integrity in rankings and university recognition is an absolute necessity. To this end, they have the duty to prioritize quality over quantity in publications. The multiplication of scandals in the university environment is only the visible part of a deeper malaise in management, curricula, and the very foundation of university education in Morocco. This is what generates so many dysfunctions that must be tackled head-on and without concession. Meeting the challenge of academic integrity is today a sine qua non condition to guarantee the credibility, attractiveness, and competitiveness of Moroccan universities on a global scale, with all the impact this can have on the country's future. This is the true mission of Si Azzedine El Midaoui, Minister of Higher Education, Scientific Research, and Innovation, who knows the intricacies of Moroccan universities well, having worked at all levels within them.

Algeria Faces Strategic Imperative to Disarm Polisario Amid Geopolitical Shifts 1998

Aziz Daouda, 17 d.
*The disarmament of the Polisario now appears as the *ultimate option* Algeria might face in light of recent geopolitical and diplomatic developments. Several factors converge toward this perspective, which is no longer merely hypothetical but a strategic and political necessity. For several years, the international community, notably driven by the United States, has clearly positioned Morocco’s autonomy proposal as the only credible basis for resolving the so-called Western Sahara conflict. This shift has fundamentally changed the dynamics, marginalizing the Polisario and weakening its traditional support, especially from Algeria. Algeria, which has long provided military and political backing to the Polisario, now finds itself in a delicate position, under international pressure and confronted with realities on the ground. The movement of Polisario militias out of Algerian territory perfectly reflects Algeria’s impotence, even debacle, as separatists openly use it as a logistical rear base. Separatist incursions into the buffer zone—part of Moroccan territory, a restricted area under tight Moroccan military surveillance—significantly weaken the Polisario, which emerges defeated each time. **In an already tense regional context, the recent terrorist attack in Mali illustrates the worsening security threats. Several Malian cities have been seized by a genuine terrorist army, an unprecedented coalition of all extremist factions in the region, including about 300 fighters armed and coming from the Polisario. This alliance complicates the security landscape in West and North Africa, blurring lines between armed groups and political movements, increasing pressure on neighboring states, particularly Algeria with its porous borders. For the first time, terrorists approached the Senegalese border, a significant development. Are we on the verge of the birth of another Islamic state?** In the United States, bipartisan calls to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization implicitly target Algeria, which could be labeled a “state sponsor of terrorism.” Facing these pressures, the Algerian military junta has few options. The most likely is a calibrated backtrack: accepting Morocco’s autonomy proposal as a negotiation basis. Reluctantly, it is forced to reduce its military support for the Polisario, which will also lose backing from Iran and its proxies. In this context, disarming the Polisario is not only a military option but a political and security imperative. Maintaining armed militias, fed illusions and weapons for decades, has become a burden for Algeria, which must now consider their dissolution, halt their funding, and isolate the most belligerent elements. This implicit approach aligns with the political settlement logic based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. It would pave the way for the return of Sahrawis held in camps to their Moroccan homeland. The political end of the Polisario renders its armed existence obsolete. Disarmament thus appears as Algeria’s last card to exit the Western Sahara conflict deadlock without losing face or risking international sanctions. This choice, imposed by circumstances, could mark the end of an armed confrontation era and open the path to a painful but peaceful resolution for separatists and Algerian military leaders, who would suffer yet another defeat against Morocco. On the other hand, Algeria must finally allow a precise census of the Tindouf camp inhabitants and clearly determine their origins. It is known that Sahrawis from Moroccan Sahara are a minority, about one-third of the population. This census, repeatedly requested by the United Nations and the UNHCR, is essential to ensure transparency and the future of all. Morocco would likely not allow non-Moroccans to settle on its territory. Algeria’s persistent refusal to permit this census raises serious questions about its motives, given contradictions over the real number and origins of the camp populations, who are not only displaced from Western Sahara but also include Sahrawis from Algeria, Mauritania, and elsewhere. This opacity contributes to militarization and a situation contrary to the 1951 Refugee Convention principles, as populations are effectively detained and armed, incompatible with refugee status. Moreover, a refugee cannot be armed. Disarming the Polisario is thus a major strategic and political necessity for Algeria, facing increased international, especially American, pressure demanding not only militia disarmament but also dismantling of the Tindouf camps. Maintaining armed militias in these camps is a real burden for Algiers and an obstacle to peaceful regional relations. Population census is therefore an essential step to clearly distinguish civilian refugees from armed fighters, a prerequisite for disarmament and militia dissolution. Without this clarification, the international community cannot control the situation, prevent fraud, or guarantee regional security. In sum, Algeria must stop evading its responsibilities by finally allowing an internationally supervised census, which would open the way to more transparent and humane conflict management while facilitating Polisario disarmament, indispensable for a lasting political solution based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. This difficult but unavoidable choice is crucial to avoid diplomatic isolation, sanctions risk, and regional security deterioration. However, this option remains delicate and fraught with consequences for Algiers, which must first convince its population of the paradigm shift and find solutions for separatists whose hands are stained with blood. Disarming the Polisario, far from a mere military operation, will be a major turning point in regional dynamics and a decisive test for Algerian diplomacy. This will require great courage and perhaps new leadership.*

Morocco’s Heatwave Exposes Critical Failures in Train Air Conditioning Systems 2383

Aziz Daouda, 19 d.
Morocco has just experienced an exceptional heatwave, like many other countries in the region, including those further north. While temperatures exceeded 45°C in several areas, train passengers expressed strong anger over the air conditioning failures on many trains operated by the National Office of Railways (ONCF), especially on conventional lines connecting the main cities of the Kingdom. On social media, increasing testimonies of frustration described train cars as true “walking ovens.” For many, some journeys, particularly the heavily trafficked line between Casablanca and Rabat, have become nearly unbearable. Numerous travelers are outraged, going as far as to call this situation a clear sign of disrespect toward passengers. This failure mainly affects classic trains, often over twenty years old, whose air conditioning systems are outdated and frequently out of order. In contrast, the high-speed Al Boraq line, which connects Casablanca to Tangier, is better equipped to handle these extreme conditions, offering a striking contrast between modernity and obsolescence. The National Meteorological Directorate recorded historic peaks: 47.3°C in Marrakech, 46°C in Fès, and 45.5°C in Kénitra. Under these conditions, inside a non-air-conditioned carriage, temperatures far exceed the tolerable threshold, endangering not only passengers’ comfort but also their health, especially the most vulnerable such as the elderly and children. In this context, it is often the controllers, powerless, who bear the brunt of passengers’ anger and verbal outbursts. It is important to recall that international railway transport standards require functional air conditioning systems, especially during heatwaves. In several countries, prolonged absence of air conditioning can even lead to financial compensation for travelers. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case in Morocco, where no regulations provide for compensation, which is absurd: citizens do not receive a service commensurate with their expense, while the law should protect them, especially in a monopoly situation. And this is indeed the case. Facing a flood of criticism, the ONCF acknowledges the technical difficulties related to old train sets and announces maintenance operations. However, these explanations fail to convince users, who denounce a lack of structural investment in renewing the railway fleet, despite regular fare increases. The question also arises whether the problem lies solely in the obsolescence of equipment, or if it also stems from a lack of maintenance team skills, or even negligence. Elsewhere, sometimes older trains still provide good ventilation and air conditioning service. In 2025, traveling without air conditioning in a country where heatwaves have become the norm is no longer acceptable. An emergency plan must be implemented, especially as summer has just begun, with holidays and major travel ahead. The ONCF regularly communicates about its future acquisitions of modern trains, but will any be in service this summer? In any case, the current rolling stock must be better maintained to improve passenger comfort. It is a basic right. Beyond the obvious discomfort, this situation raises a deeper issue related to respect for passengers and the quality of public service. In a context where the government encourages the use of public transport to reduce the carbon footprint, trains should be a reliable and attractive alternative. However, recurring failures tarnish the ONCF’s credibility, widening the gap between the Al Boraq line, Morocco’s technological showcase, and the conventional lines, perceived as outdated and uncomfortable despite visible efforts in seat comfort and station organization, especially at newer stations. Faced with this crisis, it is imperative that the ONCF revise its strategy. While significant investments have been made in high-speed rail, it is urgent to give equal attention to conventional lines that serve thousands of Moroccans daily. During heatwaves, the absence of air conditioning on trains is not a mere oversight but a crucial public health and dignity issue for travelers. A clear action plan, including a precise schedule for renovating train sets, better maintenance of existing systems, and a revision of passenger rights in case of failure, must be adopted without delay and made public. Everyone knows that the ONCF aims to transform its services by 2030, but until then, millions of Moroccans will take the train and deserve dignity and respect.

No Religion in Science But Ethics in Citizenship 2652

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 20 d.
I write these words with deep respect and a sense of emotion. Professor Jamal Fezza my former high school philosophy teacher and later my thesis co-supervisor is currently facing an unfair wave of criticism. And I feel the need to publicly express my support. Those who know him understand how deeply he embodies intellectual rigor, ethical integrity, and an unwavering commitment to what science is meant to be: a space for free thought, beyond identity-based boundaries. In emotionally charged moments, it’s easy to withdraw into national or personal reactions. I know this I’ve experienced it myself. Once, I was faced with a difficult decision, and I chose not to attend a scientific event, out of loyalty to my country. But that decision was mine alone. I never asked anyone else to follow suit, nor did I demand that scientific spaces be shaped to reflect my personal stance. That’s what Jamal Fezza is reminding us of today and that’s what I stand by: science should never be confused with foreign policy. Refusing to engage with researchers based on nationality is not an act of resistance it’s a step away from dialogue and intellectual integrity. This doesn’t mean turning a blind eye to injustice. It means preserving the university as a place where ideas, not identities, are confronted. I am proud to have had Professor Fezza as a teacher, and later as a mentor. But beyond the personal bond, I am above all grateful for the example he continues to set with clarity, honesty, and courage. We need voices like his, especially when they are inconvenient.
youtu.be/RsfDelvjatA

The Smara Attack: A Reflection of Power Struggles in Algeria... 2901

Aziz Daouda, 24 d.
The recent Polisario attack on Smara, in the Moroccan Sahara, takes place within a context of deep divisions within the Algerian military hierarchy, which directly influence the policy of the Algerian state. These internal tensions, marked by strategic rivalries, impact the Algiers-Polisario strategy vis-à-vis Morocco. This offensive, targeting notably a MINURSO base and the small airport of Smara, reflects the will of certain sectors of the Algerian army, supporting the Polisario, to challenge the international community and counter American diplomatic pressure, particularly the bill in Congress aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization. This move also likely reflects a disagreement within the Algiers-Polisario alliance, exacerbated by the request of the Algerian Chief of Staff, Said Chengriha, to return the Iranian weapons supplied to the Polisario, signaling a probable change of course under international pressure. The Polisario, dependent on Algerian authorities for its actions, illustrates through this attack the fractures within the Algerian military hierarchy. Several currents oppose each other: some advocate rapprochement with France, others maintain the historic relationship with Russia, while others seek to appease the United States. These divergences are amplified by regional geopolitical stakes, notably the war in Ukraine, and by Morocco’s rapprochement with Sahel countries, which exasperates certain members of the general staff. Moreover, the concentration of military, political, economic, and diplomatic powers in the hands of General Chengriha fuels tensions with the civilian presidency. President Tebboune, although formally head of state, sees his authority challenged, as demonstrated by the private meeting with Emmanuel Macron held without prior consultation of the general staff, causing a cooling of relations at the top before the ‘president’ was reprimanded. These internal conflicts directly influence the management of the Sahara dossier. The Polisario attack appears as an expression of power struggles: some officers favor an aggressive posture to preserve their influence, while others prioritize caution in the face of risks of diplomatic isolation and sanctions. The increasing integration of the military into the civilian administration, reinforced by a recent presidential decree, illustrates the general staff’s desire to control all levers of power, accentuating the politicization of the army and internal tensions. Finally, the fact that the attack did not achieve its major objectives seems deliberate, constituting a kind of “signature” with Iranian rockets. This gesture can also be seen as a sign of despair from a diplomatically isolated movement and an indicator of divisions at the military top, with some seeking to show that a change of power could open other regional options. This operation, far from unanimous, weakens Algiers’ position and strengthens the arguments of figures like Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta. Highlighting that major national decisions occur within a context of internal rivalries within the military institution, a pillar of power in Algeria, no one can believe that the decision to launch rockets against Morocco was made in a unanimous conclave.

Council of Europe Conference on Human Rights in Sport Held in Rabat, Morocco. 3321

Aziz Daouda, 26 d.
3 min read.
The Council of Europe, in collaboration with the Ministry of Preschool Education and Sports, and with the support of the Swiss Embassy to the Kingdom, organized in Rabat on June 23 and 24 a conference dedicated to Human Rights in Sport. All relevant departments and administrations, the national sports movement, as well as researchers specializing in the field were invited. The choice of date was no coincidence: we are just a few months away from the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, and a few years from the FIFA World Cup co-hosted by Morocco, Spain, and Portugal. These major sporting events require the Kingdom to strengthen and update its legal and institutional framework regarding human rights in sport. For the Council of Europe, sport is not only an essential physical and social activity but also a fundamental vector of human rights, embodying values such as respect, non-discrimination, solidarity, and justice. To protect and promote these rights, it relies on several key conventions: the Macolin Convention, the Anti-Doping Convention, and the Saint-Denis Convention. These legal instruments form the cornerstone of its commitment to ethical, safe, and inclusive sport. Morocco has signed the Macolin Convention, which is awaiting ratification. It has also acceded to the provisions of the Anti-Doping Convention but remains an observer regarding the Saint-Denis Convention. The conference therefore addressed these different legal frameworks, further explained them, and reviewed the Kingdom’s progress in these areas. Following the official opening and presentations by the departments of the Ministry of National Education, Preschool and Sports, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the representative of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Swiss ambassador and the Head of the Council of Europe Office in Rabat, several experts took the floor to elaborate on the theme: Prof. Younes Lazrak Hassouni presented the Moroccan national legal framework concerning human rights in sport. Dr. Fatima Abouali, President of the Moroccan Anti-Doping Agency (AMAD), spoke about AMAD’s commitment to respecting human rights. The Anti-Doping Convention (1989, amended in 2002) seeks to preserve health and sporting fairness by eradicating doping, which is considered a violation of sports ethics and a threat to athletes’ health. It supports the fundamental right to healthy and fair sport, guaranteeing the dignity of participants. Mr. Younes El Mechrafi, General Director of Moroccan Games and Sports, addressed the fight against illegal betting in light of the Macolin Convention, highlighting recent developments, particularly in combating illegal betting. The Macolin Convention (2014) aims to strengthen national coordination and international cooperation to prevent and combat the manipulation of sports competitions, whether related to criminal activities or sports betting. It protects the integrity of sport, ensuring a fair environment for athletes and spectators—an essential aspect of human rights in sport. The Moroccan presentations were followed by those of Council of Europe experts: Ms. Elena Caser, from the Sports Division, outlined the Council’s priority areas for preserving sports integrity. Mr. Nicolas Sayde detailed the implementation of the Macolin Convention to combat competition manipulation, using concrete examples. Ms. Marie Françoise Glatz, Secretary of the Saint-Denis Convention, presented the principles and standards of this convention, emphasizing its integrated and multi-institutional approach to the secure management of sporting events. Mr. Paulo Gomes, Head of the Convention Unit, stressed the added value of this convention for Morocco, especially regarding a strengthened legal framework and the security of upcoming major sporting events. The objective was clear: to convince Morocco to fully adhere to the Saint-Denis Convention. To date, this convention is the only binding international instrument that establishes an integrated approach to ensure the safety, security, and quality of services at sporting events. It promotes close cooperation between public authorities, private actors, and supporters to create welcoming, safe sporting events that respect human rights, particularly in combating violence, racism, and discrimination. This last convention sparked extensive debate, especially among representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the General Directorate of National Security, as Morocco is currently preparing its legal arsenal for hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup, in accordance with the requirements of various specifications. Beyond international conventions, Morocco is one of the few countries in the world to have enshrined sport and physical activity in its Constitution. It establishes these as a right for citizens and an obligation for the State. Physical activity constitutes the primary pillar of any comprehensive health system, both physical and mental. Sport plays a crucial role through its recreational, social, political, and geopolitical dimensions. It is also an important economic sector, contributing significantly to GDP, directly or indirectly. The Kingdom has a solid normative framework: Law No. 30-09 on physical education and sports, Law No. 84-12 on the organization of sports activities, Law No. 09-09 against violence in stadiums, and Law No. 97-12 on anti-doping, which regulates controls and sanctions. These laws are complemented by Decree No. 2-10-628 of 2011 relating to Law 30-09. This fairly comprehensive system aims to make sport a space of respect, fairness, and solidarity, in line with the universal values of human rights. The proper organization of sporting events, the fight against doping, and the fight against violence form a fundamental triptych guaranteeing integrity, health, safety, and respect for fundamental rights in sport. This integrated vision places sport at the heart of public policies promoting human rights, making it a powerful lever for a fairer, more inclusive, and more united society. Holding this conference in Rabat confirms the Kingdom’s determination to comply with the highest international standards in this field and demonstrates its openness to cooperation with its partners, notably the European Union and its dedicated bodies.

Mauritania’s Ambiguous Stance on the Western Sahara Conflict 3355

Aziz Daouda, 26 d.
The Mauritanian Minister of Culture, Arts, Communication, and Relations with Parliament, Government Spokesperson El Houssein Ould Meddou, recently spoke on France 24 regarding Mauritania’s position on the so-called Western Sahara conflict. Clearly uncomfortable, to the point of appearing surprised by the journalist’s question, he seemed to stammer while affirming that Mauritania adopts a policy of neutrality, introducing a new concept: that of “positive and active neutrality” in this matter. Very clumsily, he reduced the issue to a matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara,” without specifying who exactly he meant. He got further bogged down when he claimed that his country does not limit itself to a passive stance but is sincerely committed to contributing to a fair political solution, serving regional stability and the interests of all parties involved. Again, no clarification was given on who these parties are, and whether his own country is included or not. This borders on contradiction with his earlier statements. According to the Minister, this neutrality is expressed notably by Mauritania’s willingness to play a central role in facilitating dialogue between the conflict’s actors, fostering a climate of trust and overcoming political deadlock. However, he seemed not to have carefully read the Security Council resolutions since 2007. The Minister showed more irritation when the journalist asked about the closure of Lebriga, the border post between Mauritania and Algeria. He appeared unaware of this closure, which is surprising given that the decision sparked major controversy and strong reactions from separatists against his own country and government. After some hesitation, he awkwardly stated that the recent Mauritanian decision to close the Lebriga crossing on the Algerian border was a measure taken for internal security reasons, aimed at controlling crossings and protecting national sovereignty. His attempt to recover only entrenched him further. For him, this decision has no political significance and targets no particular party but responds to a state approach to securing borders. Quite astonishing. The Mauritanian Minister thus explicitly reduced the so-called Western Sahara conflict to a simple matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara.” Did he realize at that moment the sensitive political repercussions he was causing? Indeed, this position was perceived as indirect support for the Algerian version of the conflict. Algeria quickly reacted by officially inviting the minister and bestowing many honors on him. This instant Algerian response can only be interpreted as a reward for the minister’s risky stance. He thus placed himself in a situation where he contradicted himself. The “positive neutrality” he mentioned becomes clear: it is actually alignment with the Algerian position. This situation embarrassed the Mauritanian government and presidency, which did not officially endorse the minister’s remarks. Several government members expressed discomfort with this statement, emphasizing that it does not reflect Mauritania’s official position. Moreover, within Mauritanian civil society, critical voices emerged, denouncing the apparent ignorance of the minister on sensitive issues, notably the border with Algeria. During the interview, the journalist noted that the minister seemed poorly informed on this subject, which heightened the discomfort around his statements. On the Moroccan side, the reaction to the Mauritanian government spokesperson’s remarks was very measured, even officially nonexistent. Morocco, as usual, chose not to publicly respond to this declaration, probably considering that the Mauritanian minister is only a marginal actor, not part of Mauritania’s true leadership circle. This silence can be interpreted as a strategy to avoid giving importance to these remarks, so as not to fuel unnecessary controversy or unduly embarrass Mauritania’s real leaders. It should be noted that this interview took place before recent Polisario strikes near Smara, close to MINURSO positions, which officially complained. The mercenaries operated by passing through Mauritanian territory, where they were neutralized by the Royal Armed Forces. The clumsy declaration of the so-called spokesperson created implicit diplomatic tension, revealing internal divisions in Mauritania and illustrating the regional complexities surrounding the so-called Western Sahara conflict, where every stance is scrutinized and can have significant diplomatic consequences, without hindering the inevitable and confirmed historical evolution: the progress and consolidation of the solution proposed by Morocco, reinforced by the recognition of the Moroccan sovereignty over the territories in question by nearly all key countries, among others. By his posture, the minister thus disregarded recent developments, notably the bipartisan introduction in the U.S. Congress of the “Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act,” which a political leader in his position could not have ignored. He simply sidelined his own country, which is directly impacted.

Bipartisan U.S. Bill Seeks to Designate Polisario Front as Foreign Terrorist Organization 3699

Aziz Daouda, 28 d.
A promis is a promise. As he had already announced a few weeks ago, Joe Wilson, a Republican senator representing South Carolina, has just introduced a bipartisan bill in the United States House of Representatives aimed at designating the Polisario Front as a foreign terrorist organization. This bill is bipartisan because it is also signed and proposed by California Democratic Senator Jimmy Panetta. The project, titled "Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act," aims to list the Polisario on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations. Being on this blacklist automatically triggers severe sanctions, such as the prohibition of any material or financial support, freezing of assets under U.S. jurisdiction, and entry bans to the United States for members of the organization. By extension, the vote on this bill will also have a direct and significant impact on the host country of the Polisario and its potential supporters. The content of the bill is simple and clear. The Polisario is described as a Marxist militia supported by Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia. It is asserted that this militia destabilizes the Western Sahara region and threatens the security of the Kingdom of Morocco, a steadfast historical ally of the United States. The bill also highlights alleged links between the Polisario and extremist groups in the Sahel, while mentioning serious accusations of human rights violations committed by the militia. Senators could have enriched the text by recalling the origins of the movement, notably the support from Cuba and the generosity of Gaddafi towards it for decades. This will likely be discussed during debates. In the current geopolitical context, the Polisario is perceived as an Iranian proxy hostile to regional stability, particularly due to its involvement in smuggling networks and terrorist activities in the region, facts that are well documented. The text thus seeks to officially recognize the Polisario as a terrorist entity, which would allow, besides international sanctions, to strengthen security cooperation against this separatist movement. The initiative has a very strong chance of succeeding after, of course, satisfying all necessary steps and procedures. The bill was introduced on June 24, 2025, and is currently under review by the Foreign Affairs and Judiciary Committees of the House of Representatives. The U.S. legislative process involves several steps: committee review and approval, House vote, Senate passage, and then the President's signature. The exact duration of the process varies, but committee review usually takes several weeks or months, followed by votes in plenary sessions. The bill seems to enjoy strong support, as it is sponsored by both a Democrat and a Republican, eliminating partisan division at this level. It could be adopted in the coming months, although nothing guarantees a rapid or certain progression, as political and geopolitical debates could influence the timeline. Adopting this law would mark a historic shift in U.S. policy on Western Sahara, with significant diplomatic and security implications. The United States, having already officially recognized the Moroccan sovereignty over the concerned provinces, would thus strengthen its position and lead to increased support for Morocco. The resolution of the artificial conflict, which has lasted half a century over the southern provinces of the Kingdom, has never been closer. The Republican majority controls both the House and the Senate, with 218 seats out of 435 in the House and 53 out of 100 in the Senate, which would facilitate the bill's passage. Moreover, Republicans are very disciplined and strongly support this initiative, notably due to their loyalty to Donald Trump and the expressed support of Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who aligns with Moroccan positions. The bill introduced by Senators Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta therefore has a strong chance of quickly succeeding. The text benefits from bipartisan support, increasing its chances of adoption without major obstacles. The geopolitical context, reinforced by recent reports from American think tanks Heritage Foundation and Hudson Institute demonstrating the terrorist nature of the Polisario and its links with Iran and other hostile actors, politically legitimizes this proposal. The bipartisan bill aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization thus finds its full justification given the proven links with actors hostile to American and Moroccan interests, as well as its destabilizing activities in the region. Once the law is adopted by both chambers, the President has ten days to sign it, which can accelerate its enactment if the executive is favorable, which seems very likely.

Human Rights Council: International Support for Morocco’s Sovereignty over Its Southern Provinces, a Setback for the Separatists... 4363

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
At the opening of the 59th regular session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, held in Geneva at the Palais des Nations from June 16 to July 9, 2025, the Moroccan ambassador Omar Zniber delivered a solemn statement on behalf of about forty countries, reaffirming their full and complete support for Morocco’s sovereignty over its Southern provinces. The ambassador boldly emphasized that Morocco has maintained for years a “constructive, voluntary, and profound” cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), tirelessly working to promote and respect human rights throughout its entire territory, including, of course, in the said provinces. Zniber did not hesitate to underline, on behalf of the group, that the UN Security Council has consistently praised in its resolutions the key role of the national and regional human rights commissions in Dakhla and Laâyoune, as well as the Kingdom’s transparent and efficient collaboration with the OHCHR’s special mechanisms and procedures. Furthermore, the ambassador highlighted the recent opening of multiple consulates general in Laâyoune and Dakhla, describing this dynamic as an “essential lever” to stimulate economic cooperation, investment, and local development for the benefit of the populations, thereby contributing to regional and continental development. He did not mince words in recalling that the so-called Western Sahara issue falls exclusively under the Security Council’s remit, which unequivocally recognizes the relevance and credibility of the Moroccan autonomy plan presented in 2007; a plan that the Security Council acknowledges as a serious and pragmatic solution to the artificial dispute, a legacy of bygone times. On behalf of the same group, the ambassador expressed unconditional support for UN efforts aimed at reviving the political process within the framework of the Geneva roundtables and in accordance with Security Council resolutions, notably resolution 2756 of October 31, 2024. This resolution, it should be recalled, advocates a realistic, pragmatic, and durable political solution based on compromise. Finally, Ambassador Zniber stressed that resolving this dispute will “undeniably respond to the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the region in terms of integration and development,” a vision that Morocco strives to realize through sincere and continuous efforts. This timely intervention comes as the World Human Rights Council and the United Nations Security Council have recently addressed the so-called Western Sahara issue in a context marked by the nervousness and incoherence of separatists and their sponsor. The Security Council had extended the mandate of MINURSO until October 31, 2025, emphasizing the importance of continuing negotiations under UN auspices. Resolution 2756 was adopted, it must be noted, by 12 votes in favor, 2 abstentions, and no votes against. The Security Council insists on a “realistic, pragmatic, durable, and mutually acceptable” political solution based on compromise. The text supports the action of the Secretary-General and his personal envoy to facilitate negotiations. It also encourages cooperation with the OHCHR to improve the human rights situation, while completely disregarding and rejecting the amendments proposed by Algeria aimed at expanding MINURSO’s mandate to “record human rights violations.” All recent Security Council resolutions and reports tend to recognize the Moroccan autonomy initiative as a serious and credible solution and strongly emphasize the necessity of including Algeria in the roundtables, highlighting and confirming its essential role in the dispute, which it strives to perpetuate by any means. This orientation is seen as favorable to Morocco, which enjoys growing international support, notably with the opening of numerous consulates in the two major cities of the concerned provinces and, of course, with the backing of three permanent Security Council members and more than 116 other countries. Paradoxically, so-called Sahrawi human rights defenders dared the perilous exercise of testifying before the UN Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24), alleging serious violations committed by Moroccan forces, violations of which they seem to be the only ones aware. They denounced abuses described as war crimes and crimes against humanity, nothing less. In ridiculous language excesses that the audience paid no attention to, they spoke of systemic repression, harassment, and marginalization of Sahrawi activists. Undoubtedly, they had in mind what happens in the Tindouf camps. Despite the audience’s indifference, which never took them seriously, these pseudo-defenders called for the urgent establishment of a UN mechanism to monitor and protect human rights in the region. Short of arguments and constructive proposals, Algeria makes them repeat talking points that only they seem to believe, and even then, barely. The Polisario Front, in its delirium, goes as far as to consider Morocco’s candidacy for the presidency of the UN Human Rights Council as an affront, speaking of illegality and Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. These tribulations will obviously remain without follow-up or effect, except to deceive the Algerian people into swallowing numerous bitter pills and enormous budgets wasted on a cause from which they do not benefit; colossal sums sunk into a lost cause since 1976. The Polisario and the so-called petitioners also aimed to soothe the wounded hearts of the Tindouf detainees, making them believe they live in a better world than on the other side of the border. The World Human Rights Council and the UN Security Council have actually adopted very clear texts that, while recognizing the need for a political solution, lean in favor of the Moroccan position, notably by recognizing its autonomy initiative and maintaining a negotiation framework including Algeria. These decisions and resolutions have all remained insensitive to the pleas of the separatists, ironically supported by Algeria, of course, and by countries all flagged by the World Human Rights Council for serious violations committed against their own nationals, which is not the case for the Kingdom, including, of course, in its Southern provinces, hence the ease with which Moroccan diplomats intervene before these bodies, it must be recalled.

Morocco 2030: Football as a Geopolitical and Strategic Lever While Waiting for Other Sports Disciplines... 4542

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
3 min read.
The Kingdom of Morocco, through football, is today establishing itself as a major player in sports geopolitics. It clearly demonstrates its determination to carve out a prominent place on the international stage in this field. This vision comes from the highest levels of the State and is also shared by the Moroccan people, who have embraced this choice. This dynamic is notably illustrated by the co-hosting of the 2030 World Cup with Spain and Portugal, a historically significant event symbolizing a major political and diplomatic victory. This co-organization of the 2030 World Cup alongside two European states is the result of a long, patient, and determined strategy. It stems from an enduring conviction that has never wavered. After five unsuccessful bids, the Kingdom managed to convince FIFA and its member federations, becoming the second African country to host the tournament after South Africa in 2010. In fact, aside from the political contingencies of the time, the global sympathy for Nelson Mandela, and the questionable practices of FIFA decision-makers then, South Africa would never have been able to host the World Cup before Morocco for obvious footballing reasons. The Kingdom has nonetheless been rewarded for its patience, resilience, and conviction. It will host the centennial World Cup, an edition exceptional in every respect and designed under a cost-sharing logic. It will have a considerable economic and diplomatic impact, strengthening ties between Europe and Africa and highlighting football’s role in bringing peoples closer, as well as in the social and sporting development of the region. Never has Europe been so close and cooperative with the African continent—and vice versa. Morocco is organizing on behalf of an entire continent. Football is a true soft power tool that Morocco wields to strengthen its diplomatic relations in Africa. Did His Majesty the King not order the Local Organizing Committee to include expertise from across the continent? The Royal Moroccan Football Federation has long multiplied partnerships with African federations, providing financial and logistical support and inviting many countries to use the country’s numerous modern infrastructures for their training or competitions. This proactive and positive policy naturally consolidates Moroccan influence on the continent, in a context where the country seeks to counter the influence of other regional powers that do not look upon it favorably. From a purely footballing standpoint, Morocco is gradually asserting itself as an African powerhouse. It wins or participates in all major continental finals with a steady rise in the performance of its national teams. This success is supported by massive investments in player development, with the construction of high-performance training centers such as the Mohammed VI Academy in Salé. The Kingdom is also increasingly exporting players and coaches to leagues in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. This contributes to strengthening its image and influence. For example, Jamal Selami recently qualified Jordan for the World Cup for the first time in its history, a team propelled by his compatriot Houcine Amouta. Moreover, the Moroccan diaspora plays a key role: many players born or trained abroad enthusiastically choose to wear the Moroccan colors, proud and unashamed to represent their country of origin. This mobilization of diaspora talent is a strategic asset that enriches the national teams and enhances their reach. Morocco therefore does not limit itself to mere sporting ambition in football. It conceives football as a vector of international influence, a territorial marketing lever, as evidenced by the strategic agreement “Morocco, Land of Football” signed between the FRMF and the Moroccan National Tourism Office. This alliance reflects the Kingdom’s desire to build a strong, inspiring image and attract enthusiasts and tourists from around the world. It is a continuation of the policy of building and strengthening the Morocco brand, which is increasingly asserting itself globally in the economic sphere. Morocco no longer hesitates to admit it is an industrial power asserting itself more and more every day. This approach fits into a global geostrategic perspective where football is called upon to reinforce Morocco’s position on the African and international stage, assert its continental leadership, and support its diplomatic advances, notably on the sensitive issue of the southern provinces. By using sport as a diplomatic and economic tool, Morocco aims to consolidate its alliances, extend its influence, and prepare a future where it occupies a central position in relations between Africa, Europe, and the world—and it makes no secret of this. Everyone today understands that to engage with Africa, especially on economic issues and certain political aspects, the Kingdom is indispensable. The question now arises for other sports disciplines. In fact, this football policy could only be implemented and succeed thanks to the royal vision in this domain, understood by a federation that, before all others, corrected its course following the royal letter addressed to the world of sport in 2008. The FRMF has smartly set itself in motion, now reaping the first results of its commitment. Unfortunately, other federations have remained in the shadows, mired in a certain mediocrity or even lethargy that makes them increasingly ineffective and criticized. Some, and not the least, are simply insignificant at the continental and global level, or have become so due to lack of foresight and competence, despite the available resources and the green light for sports in general. Developing other disciplines could diversify the country’s sports soft power, strengthen its diplomatic ties, and better distribute the economic and cultural benefits of sporting events across the national territory. Diversification is precisely at the heart of the royal vision. Meanwhile, Morocco is making football a major political asset, blending sport, diplomacy, and economic development to establish itself as an unavoidable player in sports geopolitics. The 2030 World Cup is both a symbol and a catalyst of this ambitious strategy, which promises to reshape regional and international balances around a ball rounder than ever—while awaiting the awakening of other sports disciplines.

Mauritania Facing Security, Diplomatic, and Geopolitical Recomposition Challenges in the Sahel.. 4792

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
After four years of intervention, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner officially announced its withdrawal from Mali in June 2025. It had been active in the region since 2021. This departure occurs in a context marked by a resurgence of jihadist attacks weakening Malian and regional stability. Wagner’s departure does not signify a Russian disengagement, as its missions are being taken over by a new paramilitary organization, the Africa Corps, directly controlled by the Russian Ministry of Defense. This group, born after the failed coup attempt by former Wagner leaders in 2023, continues Russia’s strategy of influence in Africa, notably in what is declared to be the training of Malian forces to face the rising terrorist threats. This transition illustrates the complexity of the security context in the Sahel, where Wagner’s relative failure to stabilize Mali and contain Tuareg and jihadist armed groups forces Moscow to readjust its methods while maintaining its strategic influence. This new situation raises serious questions about the real capacity to contain terrorism in the region, especially at Mali’s border with Mauritania. Meanwhile, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement, is increasingly associated with terrorist activities. In Spain, a militant affiliated with the Polisario was arrested for preparing terrorist acts against Morocco, with evidence of incitement to jihadism and acquisition of explosive materials. This radicalization fits into a dynamic where the Polisario cooperates more closely with Islamist groups, notably benefiting from the support of Iran and its proxies including Hezbollah. Well-documented longstanding links exist between the Polisario and terrorist groups in the Sahel, such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, whose founders were former Polisario fighters. This collusion manifests through logistical support, arms transfers, and increased militarization, including the use of suicide drones supplied by Iran. These facts reinforce the perception of the Polisario not only as a separatist actor but also as a vector of instability and terrorism in the region. At the same time, Morocco has recorded numerous diplomatic breakthroughs and growing international pressure to formalize Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara provinces. In 2024, Morocco achieved several major victories in the international recognition of its sovereignty over its southern provinces. More than 116 countries, including powers like France, now support the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only viable solution to the conflict. This position was recently shared by the United Kingdom following the United States. Influential African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire and, more recently, Ghana have done the same. The fresh stance of Zuma’s party in South Africa further confirms this evolution. Morocco’s diplomatic progress relies on skilled international relations management and active engagement in regional security, notably in the Sahel. The Kingdom’s tact is evident as it avoids embarrassing its southern neighbor Mauritania, which has long recognized the so-called RASD puppet entity. It is also important to recall the U.S. intention to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization, a measure supported by analyses documenting its links with Hezbollah, the PKK, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Cuba, Venezuela, and other states unfriendly to the U.S. This classification aims to reveal the true nature of the Polisario. In this context, Mauritania finds itself in turmoil. Things have moved too fast. The comfort it once enjoyed is gone. The conjunction of these developments forces the country’s authorities to rethink their political positioning. Faced with the recurring fragility caused by the Polisario, which hinders its development and threatens its stability, and observing Algeria’s inability to move beyond Boumediene’s legacy to ensure effective security, Mauritania is inevitably pushed toward rapprochement with Morocco. Morocco is perceived as the only actor capable of guaranteeing lasting security in the region, especially against rising terrorist threats and current geopolitical challenges. Some Mauritanian publications already address this question very directly. This shows that Mauritanian decision-makers are indeed embracing this paradigm shift. Recent movements by the Mauritanian army align with this trend, especially as some Polisario cadres no longer hesitate to threaten Mauritania, which they label as a traitor. This tension further complicates Mauritania’s capacity to secure its borders, a young country whose resources remain very limited given the vastness of its borders, notably with Mali and Algeria. In this environment, Algeria, a blind and staunch supporter of the Polisario, today appears more trapped in rhetoric without real capacity for action, which weakens its regional position. Mauritania seems to have understood this for some time, though perhaps not openly. Conversely, Morocco, strengthened by its diplomatic successes and proven commitment to counterterrorism, appears as an indispensable partner for Mauritania in its quest for stability and prosperity. It would therefore not be surprising to see Mauritania in the very near future withdraw its recognition of the so-called RASD puppet entity or at least move away from what it has so far called a positive neutrality. In fact, Mauritania has already distanced itself somewhat from the separatists, which does not please Algeria, which is losing influence. The withdrawal of Wagner from Mali, the radicalization of the Polisario which seems overwhelmed, Morocco’s diplomatic successes, and the likely imminent designation of the Polisario as a terrorist organization by the U.S. clearly redraw the geopolitical map of the Sahel and the Maghreb. Mauritania is probably preparing for this and even taking the lead. In this shifting context, it is pushed toward a natural strategic realignment with Morocco, the only actor capable of offering a credible security alternative against terrorist threats and development challenges. This repositioning marks a major step in the reshaping of regional alliances, with profound implications for the future stability of the Sahel and the reconfiguration of North Africa.

His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity 4685

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
Long before the major transformations of the 1920s, Morocco experienced significant attempts at modernization under the reign of Hassan I (1873-1894). A visionary Sultan, Hassan I undertook reforms of the administration, strengthened the army, and developed infrastructure, notably roads and communications. His efforts encountered a conservative internal context, marked by resistance from the fouqahas (Islamic scholars) and elites attached to traditional structures. He also faced increasing pressure from European powers seeking to establish themselves in Morocco. These dual obstacles limited the scope of the reforms but nevertheless laid the foundations for gradual modernization. Before him, Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, an enlightened 18th-century Sultan, had already played a major role in opening Morocco to the world. He notably founded and developed the port of Essaouira (then Mogador) in 1765, conceived as a strategic commercial hub to control foreign trade. Thanks to its geographic position and infrastructure, Essaouira quickly became an essential crossroads for exchanges between Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Mediterranean, thereby strengthening the kingdom’s economic and diplomatic ties. Other sovereigns continued this dynamic. Moulay Abdelaziz (1894-1908) pursued certain military and administrative reforms despite increasing instability. Under the French protectorate, Moulay Youssef (1912-1927) had to navigate colonial domination while trying to preserve some Moroccan sovereignty. Ascending the throne in 1927 at only 19 years old, Mohammed V became a symbol of Moroccan resistance against the French protectorate. Rejecting colonial domination, he supported the nationalist movement, notably during his historic speech in Tangier in 1947, where he called for Moroccan unity and independence. Exiled from 1953 to 1955, his triumphant return marked the beginning of the end of the protectorate. In 1956, he proclaimed independence and laid the foundations of a sovereign Morocco. He then engaged in building a modern state by reforming institutions, unifying the territory, developing education, and initiating economic modernization, creating the Royal Armed Forces and other security bodies while affirming national cultural identity. Son of Mohammed V, Hassan II (1961-1999) consolidated the Moroccan state by establishing a constitutional monarchy and developing essential infrastructure. He skillfully combined tradition and modernity, strengthening national sovereignty while opening the country to foreign investment and international exchanges. Under his reign, Morocco made major advances in economic, social, and cultural fields, laying the groundwork for sustainable modernization and preparing the terrain for current transformations. Hassan II is remembered for gradually recovering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom in a difficult, even hostile, internal and international context. Under Mohammed VI, Morocco is undergoing a profound transformation, comparable in scale to that of the 1920s but within a sovereign and globalized context. His reign, marked by a clear vision and firm will, combines respect for traditions with openness to modernity. The country is investing massively in transport infrastructure: roads, high-speed trains, airports, and public and private facilities throughout the territory. Integration with Western economies has strengthened, making Morocco a preferred destination for foreign direct investment, attracting billions of dollars annually. Flagship projects, especially in preparation for the 2030 World Cup, are stimulating the development of sports, tourism, and cultural infrastructure, affirming the country’s international influence. At the same time, social and economic modernization is underway, with initiatives to improve education, health, innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Morocco within a global and modern dynamic. The country has simply tripled its GDP in less than twenty years. All this reflects continuity and renewal. Morocco is, in fact, in perpetual reinvention. The parallel between the major transformations of the 1920s and the era of Mohammed VI reveals a Morocco capable of constant reinvention. While the metamorphosis of the 1920s was dictated by a colonial context, today’s transformation is the fruit of a sovereign ambition, focused on balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development. It embodies the will of a sovereign with a multilateral vision. No domain is left aside or forgotten. The great projects of yesterday and today testify to an even stronger and more determined energy for transformation, with different goals: to move from a Morocco under tutelage, dependent and powerless in the face of circumstances, to a major player on the international stage, capable of attracting and cooperating with the world and building its future with confidence. Today, Morocco fits into a long tradition of historical metamorphoses. Each era has shaped a dynamic country, attempting modernity and ambitions, sometimes successful, sometimes aborted. Yet it has remained faithful to its millennial history and cultural heritage. Today it is rising, modernizing, and asserting itself as an emerging country on which one can rely. The Kingdom of Mohammed VI is thus ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century with boldness and determination, armed this time with institutions, clear and powerful visions and strategies. The royal will thus guides the country toward genuine development benefiting all, an indispensable geostrategic position, sustainable economic breakthroughs, a reliable political system, and truly irreversible progress.

Moroccan cybersecurity dangerously undermined by successive attacks 4596

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
Since April 2025, Morocco has been facing a series of major cyberattacks claimed by a collective of hackers allegedly Algerian, named "JabaRoot DZ." These cyberattacks have targeted key economic and administrative institutions, notably the Ministry of Employment, the National Social Security Fund (CNSS), and more recently the Ministry of Justice, as well as platforms related to land registry and property conservation. What is clear, let’s say it outright, is that Algeria does not possess the technological power or expertise for such operations. It is highly likely that its services call upon "skills," notably from Eastern Europe, to attack the Kingdom’s interests in its ongoing global war against its "classic enemy." If this hypothesis proves true, the question would then be who else might have the hacked information and for what purpose. The first intrusion, which occurred in early April 2025, began with the hacking of the Ministry of Employment’s website and quickly extended to the CNSS database. This attack led to the leak of thousands of sensitive documents, exposing the personal information of nearly two million employees and the administrative data of about 500,000 Moroccan companies. Among the leaked data were pay slips detailing names, social security numbers, salaries, and sometimes identity card numbers of very important personalities and leaders of Royal Air Maroc, Attijariwafa Bank, Banque Centrale Populaire, and the Mohammed VI Investment Fund. Less than two months later, in June 2025, JabaRoot DZ claimed a new "large-scale" cyberattack against the National Agency for Land Conservation, Cadastre, and Cartography (ANCFCC). Although the ANCFCC denied any direct intrusion into its servers, it was revealed that the vulnerability originated from an electronic platform used by some notary offices for archiving land documents. The hackers claim to have obtained about 4 terabytes of data, including millions of land titles, contractual documents, copies of identity cards, passports, as well as banking documents and information concerning high-ranking officials and public figures. This leak led to the temporary shutdown of the platform by the ANCFCC for security reasons. The hackers justify these attacks as retaliation for alleged Moroccan hacking attempts against Algerian institutions, notably the Twitter account of the Algerian Press Agency (APS). They also threatened further actions in case of future attacks against Algerian interests. These events occur in the context of geopolitical tensions between Morocco and Algeria, exacerbated by recent developments related to the Sahara issue and regional rivalries; Morocco has been recording victory after victory at a rapid pace. Algeria, in its official and unofficial media, no longer hides and even implicitly claims responsibility for the hacking, ignoring that this amounts to a form of state terrorism. These cyberattacks have had serious consequences: they have eroded citizens’ trust in digital public services, increased the risks of identity theft and banking fraud, and damaged the reputation of the affected companies. The Moroccan government has condemned these acts as "criminal" and announced measures to strengthen cybersecurity while launching internal investigations. The series of attacks especially highlights major vulnerabilities in the cybersecurity of Moroccan institutions. The massive centralization of sensitive data on single platforms and the creation of junctions between multiple actors and platforms facilitate things for citizens and institutions in the context of digitalization, but also make it easier for hackers to gain massive access in case of a breach. It is therefore crucial to thoroughly and promptly review the national data protection strategy. To better distribute its data and strengthen its security, Morocco could adopt several complementary strategies, relying notably on the 2030 National Cybersecurity Strategy and international best practices. It should likely avoid excessive centralization by distributing sensitive data across multiple secure systems, segment networks to limit lateral movements by hackers, and use data transmission techniques through several distinct channels to reduce the risk of simultaneous theft. Morocco must also integrate decentralized cybersecurity solutions based on blockchain and collective intelligence, establish a national sovereign cloud with local hosting and end-to-end encryption guaranteeing the protection of critical information. Moreover, the country should develop an agile and adapted legal framework, build a national pool of qualified cybersecurity professionals through specialized curricula and certifications, and establish a high-performance Security Operations Center combining advanced detection tools and local teams capable of managing threats specific to the Moroccan context. A higher cybersecurity school, where carefully selected students—true specialists—would be trained, could be a major strategic advance guaranteeing both competence and independence in this field. Faced with rising cyber threats, it is urgent for Morocco to adopt a proactive and innovative cybersecurity policy based on a decentralized technical architecture. Strengthening regional and international cooperation is not a luxury here. The real-time exchange of critical information is crucial; as is encouraging public-private collaboration through threat intelligence-sharing platforms to anticipate and respond quickly to incidents. Today, it is clear that many claim to master the issue, offering services that will soon expose their limits and incompetence. Administrations and companies must be very cautious before engaging or hiring skills in this very sensitive domain. This sphere relies on agile governance, the development of human skills, and active cooperation at national and international levels. An integrated approach is essential to build a resilient, sovereign cyberspace capable of supporting the country’s ambitious digital transformation while effectively protecting its security, institutions, citizens, and economy.

The Polisario Front Confronted with Increasing Accusations: Moving Towards Being Designated as a Terrorist Organization 5109

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
For several years now, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement supported and armed, as everyone knows, by Algeria, which has provided it with an entire territory in the Tindouf area, has been at the center of a growing international controversy. In the United States, Japan, and Europe, voices are rising to have this group officially classified as a terrorist organization. This shift is based on tangible evidence of its links with actors qualified as terrorists, its involvement in violent actions, but also on a network of international alliances that go beyond the regional framework. While Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah are often cited as the main supporters of the Polisario, as well as South Africa, Cuba has also played a historic and decisive role in the military and logistical training of separatist fighters. As early as 1977, under the impetus of Fidel Castro and at the request of Algeria, a tripartite military agreement was signed between Cuba, Algeria, and the Polisario, paving the way for intensive cooperation. This agreement allowed the sending of many separatist fighters to Cuba to receive specialized military training. Dedicated military schools were created on the island, where Polisario recruits were trained in guerrilla tactics, special operations, and military logistics. A Cuban delegation even went to Tindouf in 1988 to study Moroccan defenses and help develop strategies to breach the defense wall erected by the Kingdom. Cuba also provided naval logistical support, notably in the waters near the Canary Islands, where Cuban ships were involved in operations to facilitate Polisario infiltrations. Between 1975 and 1991, Cuba delivered to the Polisario a significant arsenal including assault rifles, mortars, rocket launchers, and ammunition, thus strengthening its military capabilities. Even after the 1991 ceasefire, Cuba maintained its support, continuing to train warriors especially in special operations. The last known class trained in Cuba dates back to 2003. More recently, six-month training courses have been given to groups of about forty separatists, focused on special forces tactics. Moreover, for a long period, damning testimonies report the kidnapping of children from the Tindouf camps, sometimes as young as 9 years old, to send them to Cuba on a "youth island" under high military surveillance. They undergo intensive military training mixed with strong political indoctrination. These children, isolated from their families, are trained to become soldiers in the service of the Polisario, under conditions denounced as inhumane by witnesses and former detainees. Some recent signals suggest a possible repositioning of Havana. Indeed, at the 2019 Non-Aligned Movement summit, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel omitted any reference to the Polisario, marking a break with the tradition of support displayed by Fidel and Raúl Castro. This evolution could reflect a diplomatic realignment, notably after the resumption of diplomatic relations between Morocco and Cuba in 2017, relations broken for nearly 37 years due to Cuban support for the Polisario. However, to date, the aforementioned tripartite agreement has not yet been repealed. Cuba's role is part of a larger network of Polisario alliances. Algeria, the main political and military supporter, continues to arm and shelter the movement. Iran, through Hezbollah, provides military and logistical support, notably also training fighters and delivering sophisticated weapons. This is well documented. There are also hundreds of Polisario mercenaries captured in Syria, where they operated alongside Assad's army, reinforcing the image of a group involved in international terrorist conflicts. On the ground, the Polisario is also accused of violence against civilians in southern Morocco. The missiles launched against the city of Smara bear witness to this, in addition to the blockage of the strategic Guerguerat passage. The sequestration of Sahrawi populations in the Tindouf camps, where it refuses, with Algerian support, any official census, is another proof of the true nature of the movement. Faced with these elements, several American, European, and Asian political leaders advocate for the Polisario Front to be quickly listed as a terrorist organization. American Congressman Joe Wilson has proposed a bill to this effect, denouncing the use of the Polisario by Algeria and its accomplices to destabilize the Kingdom of Morocco, a long-standing strategic ally of the United States in the region. This eminent designation would deal a major blow to Algeria, which seems tireless in supporting the Polisario for nearly 50 years, while it simply costs the country development. It would further strengthen Morocco's position on the international stage, notably after the American recognition in 2020 of Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces, that of Spain, France, the recent one of the United Kingdom, and many other African and Latin American countries. The historical, military, and educational support of Cuba, combined with the role played by Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah, places the Polisario in a network of actors with manifest destabilizing and terrorist activities. The rise in calls for its classification as a terrorist organization fits into a logic of regional and international security, requiring a coordinated response to restore stability in North Africa, the Sahel, and beyond. This page must be quickly turned for the good of the populations of the entire region

A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East 5006

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable. Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last. The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism. In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors. At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters. Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world." The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers. Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position. Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm. The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion. Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.

John Bolton and His Controversial Op-Ed Against Morocco: Hostility with Troubled Roots... 5317

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor under Donald Trump, has just published an op-ed in the Washington Times, notably favorable to the Polisario thesis and thus to the Algerian position. The text recycles arguments Bolton has already put forward in the past. He notably defends the outdated idea of a self-determination referendum and accuses Morocco of obstructing the implementation of UN resolutions. It should be recalled once again that the referendum proposal, which Morocco had put forward in Nairobi, has been obsolete and abandoned by the Security Council since 2007; as for accusing Morocco of hindering the process, this is simply false in light of the UN resolutions over the past 20 years. Bolton lies, and he knows it. He is accustomed to it. How can one not think that this is clearly an attempt by this forgotten figure of history to regain relevance, a will to manipulate public opinion, but above all an intention to harm by pleasing the enemies of the Kingdom. This position strangely fits, without surprising, into the continuity of the official rhetoric of the Algerian military junta, the main supporter of the Polisario. It is a blatant alignment and rapprochement that raises questions about Bolton’s integrity. Let us just recall that Bolton was abruptly dismissed by Donald Trump in 2019, officially for strategic disagreements, but according to some observers, also due to questionable connections. Regarding the matter concerning the Kingdom, Bolton regularly frequents Algiers and collaborates with well-paid Algerian lobbyists such as David Keene, former NRA president, engaged in defending the Algerian cause in the United States. This closeness fuels suspicions of a relay role for Algerian interests, aiming to influence American policy. Nothing to be proud of for the jubilant military junta. It is used to contradiction and blunt communication turning the slightest detail into a victory. Bolton no longer counts and has no impact. In his rhetoric, Algiers pretends to ignore that the same Bolton supports the use of force against Iran, Algeria’s strategic ally. Iran, which the Algerian president will soon visit... It is also this same Bolton who pushed for the transfer of the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem... A strange supporter of the Palestinians to take one of their enemies as a reference. Bolton’s article fits into a morbid continuity. He shamelessly and unashamedly tries to discredit Moroccan policy and its growing influence on the international stage while defending separatism. He ignores the terrorist nature of the Polisario, opposing an entire faction of Republicans with Joe Wilson as spokesperson. The latter is logically pushing for a vote very soon in the U.S. Congress on a law designating the Polisario as a terrorist organization. Paradoxically, Bolton’s desperate offensive comes at a time when Morocco is achieving major diplomatic successes. The Kingdom has recently further strengthened its ties with several African countries, Kenya being the latest example. Thanks to its autonomy plan for the Sahara, widely recognized and supported by the international community, Morocco is reaping success after success. The vote on the latest Security Council resolution on the issue shows that even countries that once voted out of ideological principle against anything favorable to Morocco no longer do so, quite the opposite. Moreover, the closure of the Polisario Front’s office in Damascus illustrates Morocco’s growing influence in the Middle East. Thus, unanimity is almost reached in favor of Morocco at the Arab League today, with the obvious exception of Algeria alone, perfectly isolated, even neutralized and weakened in everyone’s eyes. At heart, Bolton’s op-ed seems intended to soothe the wounds of Algiers and the separatists, who are losing ground to Morocco’s assertion. The autonomy plan proposed by Rabat is increasingly endorsed on the international stage, while the Polisario sees its influence diminish. It is becoming inaudible and has no other escape than to cling to a few fringe extremist demonstrations here and there. This stance therefore appears as a last gasp from a retreating camp. Lacking any real leverage to influence American or global policy, Algiers and the separatists quench their thirst by drinking the words of marginal figures without substance. To better understand this posture, it must be recalled that John Bolton is a controversial figure in American politics, known for his ultra-conservative positions and aggressive foreign policy approach, often described as neoconservative. His dismissal in 2019 was marked by major disagreements with the Trump administration, but also by suspicions of dubious connections with certain foreign circles. Bolton is suspected of involvement in several controversial international operations, including organizing coups d’état, reinforcing the image of a man with brutal methods and strongly marked convictions. In sum, John Bolton’s recent op-ed in the Washington Times illustrates a persistent hostility towards the Kingdom by a fading figure; a pontiff driven by an outdated political vision. The signatory’s stance is disconnected from current geopolitical developments. It once again shows that Algiers, through its parrot media, is ready to cling to any nonsense, provided it fits its outdated narrative. Above all, it highlights the irreversible decline of the Polisario and Morocco’s growing success on the international stage.

Kenya Inaugurates Its Embassy in Rabat: A Major Diplomatic Turning Point Favoring Morocco on Western Sahara 4990

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The official inauguration of Kenya’s embassy in Rabat, conducted by Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Kenyan Foreign Minister Musalia Mudavadi, marks a historic milestone in bilateral relations between the two countries. This ceremony, coinciding with the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Kenya in East Africa and Morocco in the far west of the continent, symbolizes a significant strengthening of political, economic, and cultural exchanges in pursuit of continental continuity. Most importantly, it signifies Kenya’s strategic repositioning on the sensitive issue of the Moroccan Sahara. For the first time, Kenya has opened an embassy in Morocco, demonstrating Nairobi’s firm commitment to consolidating its relations with Rabat. Even more crucially, Kenya has officially recognized Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as “the only sustainable approach” to resolving the Western Sahara dispute. This represents a radical shift in Kenyan policy, as until recently, Kenya maintained relations with the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), supported by Algeria, which is increasingly losing ground internationally. Under President William Ruto’s leadership, this diplomatic shift began taking shape in March 2024 with the appointment of Jessica Muthoni Gakinya as Kenya’s first ambassador to Morocco. Since then, several memorandums of understanding have been signed covering key areas such as housing, urban development, youth, trade, and diplomatic training, significantly strengthening cooperation between the two nations. Kenya’s repositioning on the Sahara issue aligns with a broader global trend of growing support for Morocco’s stance, while the Polisario Front loses international recognition. Over fifty countries have withdrawn recognition of the SADR since the Cold War’s end, and no African country has recognized it since 2011. Recent developments include Syria’s official closure of the Polisario office in Damascus, signaling a strategic distancing from the Algerian-Iranian axis and a clear rejection of support for Sahrawi separatists. This is a major setback for Algeria on the Arab world stage. In Latin America, key countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Panama have also withdrawn recognition of the SADR, adopting neutral or pro-Moroccan sovereignty positions consistent with UN resolutions. This shift is notable given the region’s past role as a haven for separatist propaganda. In Europe, nearly all countries, including France, Spain, Germany, and many EU members, now explicitly support Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as a serious basis for a lasting political solution. Algeria, increasingly powerless, is losing influence and reputation worldwide due to its persistent backing of the Polisario. Despite this international momentum favoring Morocco, Algeria continues to support the Polisario, exemplified by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s recent reception of the “new Sahrawi ambassador” Khatri Adouh. While Bourita and Mudavadi forged strong friendship ties, the Algerian-hosted ambassador boasted of supposed “diplomatic victories” for the separatists, ignoring Polisario’s growing isolation. Algeria and its proxy even disregard UN Security Council Resolution 2756 adopted in October 2024, which explicitly recognizes Algeria as a party to the dispute and calls for respect of the ceasefire and a durable political solution, endorsing Morocco’s initiative led by King Mohammed VI. Morocco is capitalizing on this favorable context by multiplying bilateral agreements, notably with strategic African countries like Kenya. The signing of five memorandums of understanding during Mudavadi’s visit reflects a shared vision of enhanced cooperation based on historical, cultural, and economic ties. Africa is thus showing a new face marked by pragmatism and mutual interests. The opening of the Kenyan embassy in Rabat and Nairobi’s official support for Morocco’s territorial integrity represent a major diplomatic victory for the Kingdom. Algeria can no longer ignore this development without risking even greater isolation on the continent and globally. Adding to Algeria’s woes, Ivory Coast recently reiterated its position sidelining the separatist movement and its sponsor. Morocco is consolidating its diplomatic leadership and advancing toward a peaceful and lasting resolution of the artificial Western Sahara conflict. In contrast, the Polisario is increasingly isolated, supported only by a stubborn Algeria and perhaps, for now, South Africa, whose economy and business ties with Morocco are growing. The international community is converging toward greater recognition of Moroccan sovereignty and its Autonomy Plan, supported by two permanent UN Security Council members and many regional economic powers. This irreversible momentum heralds a new era in African diplomacy, with the African Union likely to expel the SADR in the near future, removing a burdensome member that meets no criteria for international organization membership except Algeria’s excessive sponsorship, itself in notable decline. Omar Hilal, Morocco’s representative to the UN, does not hesitate to remind his Algerian counterparts of this anachronistic and untenable situation at every opportunity, making the international community a witness to this increasingly ridiculous stalemate that cannot last.

Beatrice Chebet, Soufiane El Bekkali, Femke Bol, Masalela: inaugurate The Rabat Olympic Stadium: A showcase of excellence for high-level athletic performances 5036

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
3 min read.
The core of the profession in sports is undoubtedly the gesture, the exercise, or the action performed by an athlete or a group of athletes. This achievement is extremely complex due to the numerous factors involved and their relative importance. The gesture begins with an image the athlete forms of themselves performing it. For this, they need energy, meaning physiological stimulation. They execute a precise movement engaging part or all of their body, which constitutes mechanical solicitation. To perform this gesture, the athlete thinks and exerts mental effort: this is a psychological dimension and stimulation. Once this process is initiated, the athlete obtains a final image which they evaluate by comparing it to the initial image they had formed of their gesture. This feedback allows them to be satisfied, to question themselves, and to improve their performance. The gesture is never isolated: it takes place before an audience that appreciates the performance, the achievement, and the result. While sports regulations impose, besides ethical behavior, dimensions and specificities of playing areas, that is, rules common to all without discrimination. These rules and other standards condition the technical performances of athletes. However, the environment and context: stadium, hall, or competition venue bring other influencing factors on the performance and thus on the outcome. Among these factors are: • The type of surface; • The comfort, visibility, and proximity of spectators; • Aerodynamic conditions, such as wind exposure; • Lighting and illumination; • Acoustics, including sound treatment and crowd noise; • Visual and material markers on the field for athletes and the audience; • External climatic factors, depending on whether the infrastructure is enclosed or open; • Internal climate, depending on ventilation or air conditioning; and so on. All these elements impact the aforementioned psychological dimension, which in turn influences the physiological and mechanical dimensions, directly affecting the athlete’s performance. But that’s not all: the type and configuration of a sports facility also generate a particular sociological relationship. The atmospheres vary from one stadium to another. The layout, amenities, and comfort offered influence spectator behavior, and by extension, that of the entire audience. This behavior fosters a specific way of appreciating the athlete’s performance. For example, the proximity between the audience and players plays an important role: close supporters with unobstructed visibility are more empathetic than distant spectators. The nearby supporter better appreciates the effort and becomes more tolerant toward the athlete. Thus, the employment programs and architecture of a sports facility become an influencing factor on athletes’ performance. A well-studied final configuration is a factor that promotes performance, highlighting the importance of considering these data before any study or proposal for the construction of a sports facility. These facts were probably taken into account during the design and construction of the Athletics Stadium, known as the Olympic Stadium, built in only 8 months at the Prince Moulay Abdallah Sports Complex, replacing the National Institute of Athletics, erected in the early 1990s, where nearly all of Morocco’s great athletics talents emerged. This explains the exceptional results achieved during the latest edition of the Mohammed VI Diamond League Meeting in Rabat: three world-leading performances and five meeting records, a remarkable feat. The 8 minutes 11.49 seconds by Kenyan Beatrice Chebet, the second-best global performance ever in the 3000m, perfectly illustrate the symbiosis between the athlete’s potential and the conditions offered for her to express it. She made history in world athletics. The same applies to the performance of Moroccan champion Soufiane El Bekkali in the 3000m steeplechase, in front of his home crowd and on a track whose qualities he praised. He had never achieved such a performance so early in the season: 8 minutes 00.47 seconds, a very strong time for May, pulling along German Frederick Ruppert, who will never forget his race in Rabat, smashing his country’s record and posting the third-best European performance of all time. He is now a serious contender for a medal at the World Championships planned in Tokyo. The performance of Femke Bol in the women's 400m hurdles is also noteworthy: 52.46 seconds, a heavy-hitting time. Another notable performance was by Tshesipo Masalela from Botswana, who clocked 1 minute 42.70 seconds. These are just some examples among many outstanding performances achieved for the inauguration of this Moroccan Olympic stadium. In short, Morocco can be proud of such an accomplishment, which will surely enter the Guinness records, as never before has a sports facility of such scale been completed in so little time, while respecting the required standards and quality. The President of the African Athletics Confederation and CASOL, the very recent Association of African Olympic Sports Confederations, did not hide his pride, framing this achievement as part of Morocco’s support for the African sports movement in general, and athletics in particular. He recalled that the Kingdom is the only African country to host a Diamond League athletics stage. Naturally, he hopes to see the African Athletics Championships held there soon.

Morocco–United States and Côte d’Ivoire: The New Strategic Framework to Strengthen the Counterterrorism Fight in the Sahel 4830

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
On April 24, 2025, in Abidjan, the Ivorian Minister of Defense, Téné Birahima Ouattara, received the United States Ambassador to Côte d’Ivoire, Jessica Davis Ba, accompanied by General Michael Langley, the renowned AFRICOM commander. This meeting clearly fits into a major geostrategic dynamic where Côte d’Ivoire, Morocco, the United States, and the G5 Sahel countries are strengthening their cooperation to combat the transnational terrorist threat that has long destabilized the Sahel and North Africa. It is worth recalling that the pact concluded in Algeria under Bouteflika with armed groups shifted the threat southward within the country, exacerbating instability in the Sahel after a war that caused more than 250,000 Algerian deaths. In this new security architecture, Côte d’Ivoire positions itself as a key player south of the unstable zones. Washington is intensifying its military presence there with a drone base in Bouaké and a donation of 12 armored vehicles to reinforce Ivorian defense, especially in areas exposed to terrorism. This partnership also includes training for Ivorian forces and the establishment of maintenance infrastructure, illustrating cooperation expected to endure over time. Joint exercises in Bingerville, still in Côte d’Ivoire, demonstrate the growing strength of Ivorian forces in synergy with the United States, consolidating an essential link in West African security. Côte d’Ivoire, historically allied with Morocco, thus becomes a central actor in this regional cohesion. This could not happen without Rabat being informed and possibly even playing a facilitating role beforehand. Morocco asserts itself as a key actor in the counterterrorism fight in North Africa and the Sahel, coordinating its actions with the G5 Sahel, the most effective platform against various jihadist groups—essentially mere gangsters. Its intense participation in military exercises such as African Lion 2025, notably in its southern provinces, strengthens coordination with American, African, and other forces. Training in handling the mobile HIMARS artillery system, for example, testifies to the strategic depth of the Morocco–United States partnership. This new regional cohesion makes the Kingdom a major stabilizer, promoting a multilateral approach to terrorism, illicit trafficking, and hybrid conflicts. The Sahelo-Saharan region, now aligned with Morocco, faces complex threats, including the porous links between separatist movements like the Polisario Front and terrorist networks. Southern Algeria has become a lawless zone conducive to trafficking and multifaceted jihadism, threatening regional stability. Mali increasingly denounces Algerian interference and its support for terrorist groups, while Mauritania recently closed its border with Algeria near Tindouf, the Polisario’s stronghold. Algeria, at worst, if not openly encouraging, tolerates its territory as a strategic fallback zone and a supplier—particularly of fuel—vital for the survival and activities of various groups. The G5 Sahel Joint Force, even after the French withdrawal from the region, remains limited by funding and equipment deficits, highlighting the urgent need for strengthened international support. The growing military power of Côte d’Ivoire, cooperation with Morocco, and American support thus fit into a comprehensive regional strategy to contain these threats. Algeria, despite itself, is a pressured partner, hosting the Polisario Front for over 50 years. Increasingly, this group is being labeled a terrorist organization and will soon be so in the USA by law. In May 2025, the American destroyer USS Forrest Sherman’s stopover in Algiers and joint naval exercises with the country reflect the US desire to maintain a strategic Mediterranean presence, thereby involving Algiers more in counterterrorism. The memorandum of understanding signed in January 2025 between Washington and Algiers underscores this increased responsibility regarding threats on Algeria’s southern borders. The region is thus heading toward a new security architecture. The Abidjan meeting and the scale of maneuvers south of Morocco illustrate a profound transformation of security cooperation in West and North Africa. Morocco’s rise as a central actor, combined with strengthened partnerships between Côte d’Ivoire, the United States, and the G5 Sahel, shapes this new, more coherent and effective geostrategic architecture. In the same vein, one can also mention recent visits by Emirati officials in the region and the very recent visit of Marshal Haftar’s son, General Saddam Haftar, to Niger, following previous visits to Burkina Faso and even Israel some time ago. The noose is tightening around terrorist groups, now cut off from their strategic refuges. Their last resort remains the north via Algeria and Libya, where internal conflicts complicate the fight. This multilateral regional approach appears as the best response to restore stability and security in a region rapidly evolving due to recent political changes. Morocco, the first to adapt to these developments, is reaping the benefits of its non-interference strategy by forging strong economic and strategic complementarity with its partners. From Rabat to Abidjan, no zone escapes this economic and security dynamic desired by His Majesty the King. Algeria’s now shaky stance and its belligerent rhetoric toward neighbors no longer impress. The death knell has sounded for desert extremist groups, notably the Polisario and its ambiguous role for over half a century.

Informal Economy in Morocco: Wealth-Creating Liberalism and a Social Pillar 4868

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The World Bank’s regional report, published in April 2025, presents the informal economy in Morocco as a major obstacle to economic development, highlighting that 83% of businesses operate outside the legal framework. According to this institution, this situation limits growth, productivity, and the formalization of the private sector. This viewpoint, which likely conflates informal economic activity with economic fraud, while supported by data on sluggish growth and structural challenges, deserves a more nuanced critique. It should shed light on the positive and dynamic aspects of the informal economy—as an expression of wealth-creating liberalism, a social safety valve, a job creator, and a factor of political stability. The narrative advanced by the World Bank on this matter should be approached with caution. Recognizing the economic significance of the informal sector would allow for a more intelligent reassessment of growth metrics, making them more realistic and grounded. For example, Morocco’s growth rate would likely be much higher than officially reported. Contrary to the portrayal of the informal economy as a burden, it plays a crucial role in job creation and income generation, especially for a large segment of the population. Estimates suggest the informal sector accounts for between 60% and 70% of total employment in Morocco and contributes 40% to 60% of GDP, with a strong concentration in micro-services and micro-commerce, which make up 91% of informal jobs. This dynamic reflects a form of spontaneous economic liberalism, where individual actors—often sole artisans or small traders—engage in entrepreneurial activities without waiting for state intervention or regulation. Thus, the informal economy is a concrete manifestation of economic liberalism in the Adam Smithian sense, where the “invisible hand” organizes exchanges and harmonizes individual and collective interests, thereby contributing to overall wealth. It enables millions of Moroccans to survive, escape unemployment, and participate in economic life, representing a grassroots wealth-creating liberalism rather than a flaw. The informal economy also functions as an essential social safety valve. In the absence of strong social protections such as unemployment insurance or social welfare—which are only beginning to be implemented—it provides a safety net for vulnerable populations, particularly in rural and poor urban areas. This social function contributes to political stability by preventing frustrations linked to unemployment and poverty from escalating into major social tensions. Has the Economic, Social and Environmental Council (CESE) not emphasized that the informal sector supplies goods and services tailored to the purchasing power of modest-income classes, thereby avoiding deeper economic exclusion? This social regulation through informality is a factor of cohesion and resilience in the face of economic crises—a fact made evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. The informal economy also offers a flexibility that the formal sector cannot always guarantee. Formal enterprises sourcing from informal suppliers benefit from lower production costs, greater flexibility in volumes and deadlines, and can thus improve their competitiveness, including in export markets. This interplay between formal and informal sectors creates an economic ecosystem where economic liberalism fully expresses itself through freedom of initiative and the pursuit of efficiency. The dominant criticism linking informality to low productivity and unfair competition overlooks that the informal sector often reflects a pragmatic, intelligent, and innovative adaptation to heavy institutional and regulatory constraints. This is human ingenuity driven by survival instincts. Simplifying procedures, reducing tax burdens, and improving the institutional environment can encourage formalization, but it must also be acknowledged that informality is a creative and liberal response to existing obstacles. Morocco’s informal economy should not be viewed as a developmental hindrance but as a living expression of wealth-creating economic liberalism, a job engine, and an essential social safety valve. It contributes to political stability by offering economic opportunities to marginalized populations and fostering social cohesion. Confronting this economy with restrictive measures—while it creates wealth—instead of adopting flexible policies that adapt to real needs and constraints, risks stifling initiative and fueling social unrest. Rather than seeking to eliminate it, public policies would benefit from recognizing its role and supporting its gradual integration into the formal fiscal economy, while preserving its capacity for innovation and adaptation. In doing so, the informal sector could become a true lever for inclusive and sustainable development in Morocco. The World Bank and others—whether government officials or representatives of the so-called formal economy—are largely mistaken in condemning this creative economic sector without appreciating its real contributions to the population. The Moroccan government, and likely those of similarly situated countries, should disregard ill-informed or detached opinions. Instead, they should support this economy with accompaniment and tolerance, guided by a vision of progressive inclusion and integration into the formal economic fabric.

Between Deals and Geopolitics: Trump Snubs Israel and Bets on the Gulf Monarchies 4814

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
On May 13, 2025, Donald Trump began the first major international tour of his second term. Instead of stopping in Jerusalem, a symbol of the strong alliance between the United States and Israel, the president chose to visit only the three Gulf countries: Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. Israel, a neighboring and long-standing partner, was not included. This decision represents a significant change in American diplomacy and could reshape regional dynamics. It raises the question: is this simply an economic strategy or a deeper geopolitical shift? In Riyadh, the focus was clearly on business. Saudi Arabia announced an unprecedented investment of $600 billion in the American economy, with plans to increase it to $1 trillion over four years. The sectors involved include defense, energy, technology, infrastructure, and especially weaponry, which may cause discomfort for Israel. The U.S. military orders amount to $142 billion, reflecting the priority to secure America’s economic future through strong partnerships with the Gulf monarchies, which aim to be seen as more than just oil producers. Saudi Arabia is a major global economic player and even influenced the lifting of U.S. sanctions on Syria. In Doha, Qatar signed historic agreements worth nearly $1.2 trillion, including the sale of Boeing planes and GE Aerospace engines to Qatar Airways. Qatar also gifted Trump a plane valued at nearly half a billion dollars. The United Arab Emirates committed to investing $1.4 trillion over ten years in the American economy, focusing on artificial intelligence and digital infrastructure. At each stop, investment forums brought together leading figures from Silicon Valley and Wall Street, demonstrating the intention to strengthen economic ties with the Gulf. Trump presented tangible results, reinforcing his image as a dealmaker and promising long-term prosperity for the United States. He secured jobs and prosperity by renegotiating tariffs and ensuring that capital would first benefit the U.S. economy. But why was Israel excluded from this tour? The regional situation offers some explanation: the war in Gaza continues, the humanitarian crisis worsens, and talks between Saudi Arabia and Israel are stalled. A visit to Jerusalem could have been seen as provocative and might have endangered the important economic agreements. Additionally, Trump’s proposal to transform Gaza into a "Riviera of the Middle East" was not well received by Arab-Muslim countries. The focus remained on regional stability and economic cooperation, avoiding symbolic issues. Trump’s approach is cautious and pragmatic, consistent with his "America First" policy. This decision does not reflect a punishment of Netanyahu, despite tensions between the two leaders, but signals a shift in the relationship between Washington and Jerusalem. Whereas Israel was a priority in Trump’s first term, the approach is now more nuanced and pragmatic. Israel is costly for the U.S., and Trump seeks financial support for a heavily indebted country. There are many strategic differences with Israel on issues such as Gaza, Iran’s nuclear program, and normalization with Riyadh. However, Trump still faces a firm Netanyahu, whose hardline stance complicates American goals. Supporting Israel without reservation risks losing economic opportunities with the Gulf monarchies. By focusing on these countries, Trump signals that American diplomacy now prioritizes economic interests and new regional balances, even if it means temporarily distancing from a historic ally. This message also reaches Israeli voters and the international community: automatic loyalties are replaced by realpolitik, where partnerships are judged by their concrete benefits. This change breaks with decades of American diplomacy, where Israel was always central during presidential visits. The White House now favors tangible outcomes and alliances that benefit the U.S. economy and the president’s international standing. The vice president also strengthens his position for the upcoming election. The Republican Party welcomes this. In summary, Israel’s absence from the Middle East tour can be explained by the priority given to economic matters, caution in a volatile context, and a desire to redefine strategic balances in favor of the U.S. This decision may redraw alliances in the Middle East, marking an era where American diplomacy is guided by economic returns and regional stability, even if it disrupts traditions and surprises allies. Israel remains an essential partner but cannot match the scale of opportunities offered by the Gulf. For Trump, the priority is clear: "America First," including in redefining Middle Eastern alliances. If this strategy succeeds economically, it could have lasting effects on regional dynamics and Israel’s role in American diplomacy. Israeli society must acknowledge this new reality, and opposition parties might use this moment to counter extremists dominating politics. Israel’s future depends on regional peace, which also requires the Palestinian people’s right to live in peace. This will be the next challenge. The Gulf monarchies invest to support the U.S. but also become more demanding on this issue. The Middle East, birthplace of religions and much of human civilization, long a stage for ideological rivalries, is becoming the ground for a new American realpolitik. Donald Trump, true to his style, favors deals and results, even if it means breaking conventions. Israel’s exclusion is not an oversight but a sign of strategic repositioning that could reshape the future of the region and the world.

Morocco’s Southern Provinces Witness Unprecedented Investment Boom 4674

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
For several years now, Morocco’s Southern Provinces have been experiencing an exceptional surge in investment activity. Numerous countries and major international corporations are drawn to the region’s vast potential, particularly in renewable energy, infrastructure, and industry. This momentum aligns with the Kingdom’s strategic vision to transform these territories into hubs of innovation and sustainable development, while strengthening their economic integration nationally and continentally. Notably, the Atlantic port of Dakhla is designed to open up the Sahel countries, fostering broader regional economic integration. Contrary to allegations from Algiers, these regions enjoy a climate of peace and security conducive to both living and investing. The exponential development observed stems from an ambitious strategy backed by massive state funding as a driving force, alongside contributions from international partners. Since the launch of the New Development Model for the Southern Provinces by His Majesty the King in 2015, over €8.3 billion has been invested across infrastructure, energy, agriculture, industry, tourism, and social services. The Southern Provinces have become a major center for renewable energy production, especially wind and solar power. By 2024, installed capacity reached 1.3 GW, representing a cumulative investment of around €2 billion and accounting for 21% of the nation’s clean energy output. Landmark projects such as Noor Laâyoune and Noor Boujdour, each with a 100 MW capacity, exemplify this focus. An additional €2 billion is planned to boost future capacity to 1.6 GW. Innovation is also evident in the emergence of green hydrogen, with pilot projects launched in 2024 across Guelmim-Oued Noun, Laâyoune-Sakia El Hamra, and Dakhla-Oued Eddahab regions. The provinces boast significant mineral resources, especially phosphates. The Office Chérifien des Phosphates has invested 7.18 billion dirhams in a new fertilizer complex in Laâyoune and 5.26 billion dirhams in a phosphate port. The mining sector plays a crucial role in job creation and economic diversification. Fishing is another key economic driver, accounting for nearly 39% of local activity. Investment priorities include processing industries, aquaculture development, and seafood product valorization, supported by modern ports and highway networks that facilitate exports. High-value agriculture adapted to arid conditions benefits from investments in irrigation, desalination, and farm modernization. The sector has also expanded through the creation of industrial zones dedicated to processing and storage. Major infrastructure projects, such as the 1,055 km Tiznit-Dakhla expressway completed in record time and the nearly €1 billion Dakhla Atlantic port, strengthen the Southern Provinces’ integration into national and African markets. This positions the region as a logistical hub connecting sub-Saharan Africa and serving as a gateway to the Americas and Europe. Dakhla is poised to assume the commercial role once held by Essaouira, historically known as the “Port of Timbuktu.” His Majesty the King’s vision has been embraced pragmatically by Sahel countries following recent regime changes. Coastal, ecological, and niche tourism is growing exponentially, with investments in hotels, resorts, and eco-tourism circuits. Local crafts benefit from enhancement programs, adding to the region’s tourist appeal. Social sectors are also receiving significant investment. The Laâyoune University Hospital Center (CHU), for example, mobilized €110 million. Education and vocational training have expanded to support demographic and economic growth, with numerous faculties now serving local youth. Banking, insurance, and telecommunications services are evolving in tandem with other sectors. Local authorities, fully aligned with this vision, are multiplying public-private partnerships to accelerate project implementation and pool resources. These initiatives foster job creation, improve living standards, and empower local populations, while reinforcing regional stability and attractiveness. Illustrating this momentum, the French Development Agency (AFD) recently announced a €150 million investment to support structural projects and regional development, reflecting the strengthened Morocco-France partnership. This development and integration drive has provoked strong opposition from Algeria and the separatist group it sponsors. The Polisario Front, increasingly desperate, has escalated provocations, including blocking MINURSO logistical convoys and issuing terrorist threats against foreign investors in a bid to disrupt regional development and internationalize the conflict. Algeria, stuck in an outdated stance, harbors deep hostility toward Morocco’s advanced autonomy model, viewing it as a direct threat to its regional ambitions and support for the Polisario. Algiers condemns Moroccan projects in the Southern Provinces as colonial and illegitimate, attempting unsuccessfully to isolate Morocco diplomatically. In reality, Morocco’s only remaining support appears to be from parts of Africa-and even there, voices within the African National Congress (ANC) are urging a policy shift toward Morocco, now a major diplomatic player. Despite these maneuvers, Morocco remains steadfast in its sustainable and inclusive development strategy, consolidating sovereignty and regional leadership. Its partners include Europe, the USA, China, France, Spain, Russia, and many others. Through innovation, sustainability, and inclusion, Morocco is transforming its Southern Provinces into engines of growth benefiting both the nation and the entire African continent-a true model of integrated and resilient development.

Violence in stadiums: a highly complex social phenomenon... 5062

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
2 min read.
Violence in stadiums and their surroundings is not solely a matter of sports passion. It reflects deep social tensions, individual vulnerabilities, and possibly institutional dysfunctions. Understanding this phenomenon implicitly requires an analysis of all the personal, social, and organizational factors that foster these all-too-frequent outbreaks. The majority of young people involved in such violence, especially during football matches, often come from precarious backgrounds, marked by fragile family structures and a strong sense of social, cultural, and economic exclusion. The need for recognition drives some of them to join radical supporter groups, where violence becomes a way to assert their identity, gain notoriety, and earn respect. Clashes before, during, and after matches are opportunities to establish this recognition, assert a certain popularity, or even consolidate leadership. The identification and sanctioning of troublemakers, which are obviously limited, reinforce the feeling of impunity and even superiority over the law and law enforcement. Anonymity in the crowd and insufficient controls facilitate violent acts, often orchestrated by leaders who quickly step back. Family instability, school failure, emotional immaturity, adolescent impulsiveness, and difficulties managing emotions add to educational and psychological deficiencies, encouraging violent behavior. Cognitive vulnerabilities, attention disorders, or below-average IQ, as well as the absence of effective integration programs, further complicate social and academic inclusion, increasing the risk of marginalization. Structural and institutional causes also play a decisive role. Sports clubs, often little involved in the educational and social management of their supporters, shift responsibility onto security services. This opaque and poorly coordinated management among stakeholders makes matches increasingly costly in terms of security and image. Young people left to themselves, without prospects, are easy targets for criminal or extremist groups that exploit sports passion to spread violent and increasingly political messages. The lack of sports and cultural infrastructure in disadvantaged neighborhoods drives these youths to find an outlet for their frustrations in supporter groups. Social networks amplify the spread of tensions and hateful discourse, exacerbating violence. The deterioration of public health, the decline of education, the increase in social inequalities, and the feeling of injustice feed this endemic violence. In Morocco, for example, 1.7 million young people aged 15 to 24 are NEET (not in education, employment, or training), and nearly 280,000 students leave the education system each year without qualifications, fostering marginalization and adherence to violent groups. Today, such groups orbit almost all football teams, regardless of the level of competition, results, or geographic location of the club. This is not just an observation. Violence surrounding sport is not inevitable. Civic education, abandoned in favor of proven ineffective school methods and content, must be reintroduced with a strong emphasis on respect for others and common goods, tolerance, and fair play, starting at a young age through ongoing awareness campaigns in schools and sports clubs. Strengthening judicial authority, with rapid, exemplary, and systematic sanctions, including family responsibility for those under 16, is necessary. The development of local infrastructure with free access and supervised activities must continue. Local authorities have a duty to get involved by recruiting educational staff to supervise young people in neighborhoods and offering extracurricular programs, educational workshops, sports activities, and second-chance schools. Sports clubs must assume their responsibility through greater transparency, adopting an ethical charter for spectator management, training supervisors, engaging in dialogue with supporters, and directly managing matches. They must openly condemn and distance themselves from violent groups and no longer tolerate them. Better collaboration between schools, families, clubs, and authorities is essential for comprehensive youth supervision. European examples, such as Eurofan in Belgium, the European Convention on Violence in Stadiums, or educational programs in Germany and the UK, demonstrate the effectiveness of prevention, dialogue, mediation, and advanced technologies (video surveillance, facial recognition). Violence in stadiums reflects social fractures, exclusion, and a lack of guidance. The solution lies in a comprehensive approach: prevention, education, social integration, professional club management, and institutional cooperation. Sport must once again become a vector of integration, respect, and social cohesion: a notably collective responsibility.

The Africa Atlantic Gas Pipeline: A Strategic Project at the Heart of Regional Rivalriy. 4956

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
While Algerian media persist in disparaging the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline project, also known as the Atlantic Africa Gas Pipeline (AAGP), this large-scale transcontinental megaproject paradoxically generates growing interest and increasing international support. More than just a pipeline, the AAGP embodies an ambitious vision of South-South cooperation, regional integration, and sustainable development, crossing often landlocked and fragile countries, and offering a credible complement or alternative source of gas for Europe. The AAGP aims to transport up to 30 billion cubic meters of gas per year from Nigeria’s rich gas fields, passing through about fifteen West African countries, reaching Morocco, and then onward to Europe via the Strait of Gibraltar. This significant capacity will not only diversify Europe’s energy supply sources but, above all, meet the growing energy needs of West African countries. Unlike the Algerian Trans-Saharan gas pipeline project, which is about 1,500 km shorter but costly (nearly USD 20 billion) and passes through an unstable region, the AAGP stands out for its inclusive approach. It is not merely a transit conduit to Europe but a regional energy network that will supply bordering countries, allowing producers to inject their gas locally and others to fuel their industrial, agricultural, and urban development. The AAGP is based on a logic of South-South cooperation, founded on solidarity, sharing expertise, and economic complementarity. By crossing often landlocked countries, the pipeline will help reduce their energy isolation, strengthen their infrastructure, and stimulate their economic growth. The choice of a predominantly offshore route up to Dakhla, then onshore along Morocco’s Atlantic coast, illustrates the desire to fully integrate the Sahel-Saharan region into a modern energy corridor. Dakhla, which will become a major port, industrial, and logistics hub, is set to play a central role in this dynamic, promoting job creation, industrial growth, and economic diversification-key strengths and major assets of the Moroccan vision. Algeria, for its part, perceives it as a direct threat to its dominant position in the regional energy sector. Its shorter Trans-Saharan pipeline project is limited to a simple transit role for Nigerian gas to Europe, without real impact on the development of the territories it crosses. In contrast, the Moroccan AAGP proposes a more ambitious vision, integrating a regional network that will benefit all partners and their increasingly demanding populations. Algerian hostility manifests in an intense media campaign aimed at downplaying the feasibility of the Moroccan project. Beyond the media, Algeria is multiplying diplomatic efforts to strengthen ties with Nigeria and accelerate its own project. Official delegations follow one another, while on social networks, relentless, likely orchestrated smear campaigns seek to discredit the AAGP. This antagonism fits into a broader political logic, with Morocco as the "classic enemy" to weaken. Ideological stubbornness leads to ridiculous choices that paradoxically harm Algeria’s own economic and social interests. The artificial conflict over Western Sahara remains a backdrop; the survival of the Polisario Front has mobilized a large share of Algeria’s resources, efforts, and attention for 50 years. Contrary to Algerian claims, the AAGP enjoys solid support from financial institutions and major investors. The United Arab Emirates (25 billion USD), the Islamic Development Bank, the European Investment Bank, the OPEC Fund for International Development, as well as the USA, have expressed interest and commitment to the project. On the industrial front, the Chinese group Jingye Steel has already won the contract to supply the metal pipes, demonstrating the project’s international and industrial dimension. This involvement of global players strengthens the technical and financial credibility of the AAGP and consolidates adherence to the goal of making the region a development hub rather than a source of migration and forced population displacements. The Moroccan project is divided into several phases, with feasibility, basic engineering, and environmental studies already completed or underway. A call for tenders is planned to accelerate construction, with the commissioning of the first sections envisaged as early as 2029. Beyond energy issues, the AAGP is part of a broader strategy of sustainable development, reducing energy poverty and poverty in general, and strengthening regional stability. By promoting economic integration and complementarity among West African countries, the project will help create an environment conducive to investment, job creation, inclusive growth, and prosperity. This was recently reinforced in the PRAI declaration at the 5th meeting of the African Atlantic States Process (AASP). This approach strongly contrasts with Algeria’s strategy, which remains focused on political and ideological confrontation, to the detriment of economic and social opportunities for its own populations. Algeria even refuses to acknowledge the emergence of new gas producers, notably Senegal and Mauritania, who actively participate in the Moroccan project. These countries adopt a pragmatic logic, favoring economic development and regional cooperation over ideological rivalries. The first section of the AAGP precisely includes these states, illustrating a dynamic of openness and partnership that could reshape West Africa’s energy map. The Atlantic Africa Gas Pipeline is more than just an infrastructure project: it embodies an ambitious vision of cooperation, integration, and sustainable development for West Africa that the affected populations fully understand. Faced with this dynamic, Algeria seems trapped in its chronic confrontational stance, hindering its own development and, regrettably, that of the region. At a time when energy, economic, and geopolitical challenges are multiplying, the AAGP is a model for the future, based on complementarity, solidarity, and innovation. Its success could open the way to a new era of shared prosperity and stability for West Africa and its international partners, much to the dismay of those who oppose it, refuse to admit it, or simply fail to understand it.

The winning formula: Morocco as a Sahel country... 5429

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
Since Morocco’s 2007 proposal of autonomy for Western Sahara within the framework of Morocco’s territorial integrity, the Polisario Front has suffered significant setbacks both diplomatically and internally within its camps on Algerian territory. In recent weeks, the situation in the Tindouf camps has sharply deteriorated, exposing growing disorder and an increasing loss of control over the populations. The detainees are increasingly confronting the Algerian security forces surrounding the camps, whose mission is to limit movement for fear of a mass return to Morocco. Haven’t we seen videos where female protesters shout in metallic voices, “Let us return to Morocco”? Such demonstrations are not unprecedented in the camps, but this time, “Long live the King” is clearly and loudly chanted. The population is disillusioned and no longer afraid to confront Brahim Ghali and his associates. In this atmosphere on the brink of anarchy, violence and armed clashes in the camps are multiplying, with real power increasingly in the hands of rival gangs involved in drug and fuel trafficking, illegal gold mining, and the diversion of received aid. Just last weekend, heavy gunfire erupted in the so-called Laâyoune camp (not to be confused with the beautiful city of Laâyoune in Morocco) between rival factions. Powerless, the Polisario did not intervene. At the same time, three Polisario fighters deserted and joined the Moroccan Royal Armed Forces near Oum Dreyga; a defection that foreshadows others. The Polisario is increasingly unable to impose its authority and is also discredited from within its own structures. The internal crisis within the Polisario raises palpable concern in Algiers, which more than ever fears latent chaos in the camps, a genuine threat to public order and regional stability. Once an instrument of Algerian influence, the movement, which has always been a security burden, is now becoming a political liability. Several scenarios are even being discussed, ranging from disarmament to the dissolution of armed militias, but this will not be possible without major internal tensions in Algeria-a probable generals’ war. The accelerated instability is worsened by increased repression, notably by the Algerian army, which has opened fire on civilians in the camps during protests, causing deaths and injuries. This climate of violence and oppression fuels the anger of the detained populations, who watch in disbelief the inaction of those supposed to protect them. They openly denounce the Polisario’s complicit passivity in the face of these aggressions. They now understand that these so-called leaders are in fact powerless puppets. Combined with extremely difficult living conditions, including restricted access to water, education, and medical care, the situation is increasingly unbearable for those held under the yoke of criminals and traffickers of all kinds. In Morocco, particularly in the southern provinces, this dramatic situation is causing growing concern. On social networks and in the press, countless voices vehemently denounce the situation. They alert to the grave suffering of women and children in the camps. Numerous NGOs and international observers are calling for urgent intervention to restore security and protect civilians. The major security crisis and sustained, almost daily popular protests in the Tindouf camps occur at a difficult time for the host country. It is struggling with the reaction to its provocations from Sahel countries-a coordinated and forceful response that seems to have caught it off guard. The Algerian regime no longer knows where to turn amid internal problems supplying basic goods to the population and the unrest they provoke; the crisis in Tindouf; the exponential weakening of the Polisario; and its obvious isolation in the region. The Sahel countries have unanimously made their choice: they are strengthening their all-around rapprochement with Morocco. The Malian drone shot down in early April 2025 by the Algerian army will cost Algeria dearly in terms of geopolitical positioning. It shows how a “premeditated hostile action” without reflection can lead to serious consequences, even a lasting crisis. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso collectively recalled their diplomats, triggering an unprecedented diplomatic escalation with Algeria, which responded by closing its airspace to flights and recalling its ambassadors. The escalation with Algiers, which seems to be settling in for the long term, has opened these countries’ eyes. They already had on the table the proposal to anchor themselves in a structuring Moroccan project, enabling their access to the Atlantic. On April 28, 2025, His Majesty King Mohammed VI received in Rabat the foreign ministers of the three countries simultaneously-a significant geostrategic turning point. The “Atlantic Africa” initiative was endorsed as a facilitation of ocean access, a solid foundation for the economic development and commercial integration of the countries involved. The economic dimension of the project is strong, and the political dimension powerful. Morocco is perceived as a serious, committed strategic partner, notably respectful of the principle of non-interference, which contrasts with the tensions and climate of hostility prevailing between Algeria and the new Sahelian regimes. The three countries reaffirmed their full adherence to the Moroccan vision; their respective top diplomats emphasized that this alliance is a lever for growth and stability in a region marked by security and diplomatic crises. The recent developments fit into the regional context where Morocco consolidates its position amid the weakening of the Polisario and the internal crisis in the Tindouf camps, while Algeria sees its influence recede in the face of the rising power of its Sahelian neighbors who turn to Rabat for economic and security solutions. This regional realignment is an additional factor weakening Algeria’s position both in the Sahara dossier and in managing the Polisario. The Algerian crisis with Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, combined with these countries’ strategic rapprochement with Morocco under the impetus of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, thus illustrates a major geopolitical shift in the Sahel. The new context strengthens Morocco’s territorial integrity dynamic while further isolating the Polisario and its sponsor: Algeria is very talented when it comes to improvising or manufacturing crises with its neighbors and beyond.

Benkirane don't forget: the "brainless," "donkeys," and "microbes" are also voters...** 5598

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
2 min read.
During the rally he presided over on the occasion of May 1, 2025, Abdelillah Benkirane, former-new secretary general of the Justice and Development Party (PJD), erupted with rare vehemence, calling Moroccan citizens who prioritize national causes over the cause of Gaza "brainless," "microbes," and "donkeys." Adopting a harsh tone and a contemptuous look, he fiercely criticized supporters of the slogan "Taza before Gaza," denouncing their stance while reaffirming his commitment to the Palestinian cause. For Benkirane, this segment of society has not grasped the real issues by placing Moroccan national interests first. He deliberately conflated the Palestinian issue with Hamas and its control over Gaza, insinuating that the apparently majority position he vehemently criticizes comes at the expense of solidarity with Palestine. His speech, filled with contempt and insults, shocks by the use of such degrading terms as "brainless," "microbes," and "donkeys" and by a humiliating formulation. This outburst comes in a context where Benkirane has been increasingly taking positions favorable to Hamas, notably since the start of Israeli military operations in Gaza in October 2023. This radical stance is beginning to raise many questions, especially since during the 9th national congress of the PJD, held in Rabat on April 26 and 27, 2025, the incendiary remarks of two foreign guests went unchallenged in the hall, not even by Benkirane, who is known for his strictness and for not letting anything pass. A particularly ideological and worrying speech was delivered by Doğan Bekin, vice-president of the Turkish Islamist party Yeniden Refah (New Prosperity Party). He prophesied the overthrow of Muslim regimes maintaining relations with Israel, confidently asserting that the PJD would regain power in Morocco as the true representative of the people. He also mentioned the fall of Western-supported regimes in favor of Islamic powers, a supranational message that can be interpreted as a challenge to Moroccan sovereignty and national interests. The lack of any reaction to these remarks gives the impression that the international Islamist ideological agenda carried by Benkirane and his allies now takes precedence over Morocco's interests. This situation is unacceptable. The supposedly national congress thus took on the appearance of an "Islamist international," with the presence of foreign speakers carrying agendas contrary to the foundations and sovereignty of the Moroccan nation. Moreover, the performance of a Mauritanian preacher, Mohamed Hassan Ould Deddew, during the same congress also caused astonishment. Known for his hostility to Moroccan recognition of sovereignty over the Sahara and for his radicalism, he firmly rejected the American approach, calling it legally null and contrary to Islamic law. President of the Mauritanian Ulama Training Center (closed in 2018) and an influential figure in the Qatar-funded International Union of Muslim Scholars, his hostile intervention regarding Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara went unanswered by the PJD and its religious wing, the Movement for Unity and Reform (MUR). This silence is significant. It is clear that the PJD seeks to renew itself and win back votes for the upcoming elections by positioning itself as a defender of Palestinians, the underprivileged, and popular causes. However, one must question the limits of this strategy, especially since the party openly defies institutions and no longer hesitates to insult its opponents. The stance adopted by Benkirane is contrary to political ethics and the respect that every politician owes to his country, its laws, institutions, and citizens. Has he forgotten that those he insulted on this May 1, 2025-the "brainless," "donkeys," and "microbes" are also voters?

Royal message to Benkirane: the rules of the game are clear. 5329

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
2 min read.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI sent a congratulatory message to Abdelilah Benkirane on the occasion of his re-election as Secretary General of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) during its ninth National Congress. A careful reading of the message reveals that it goes beyond mere formal protocol. Behind the usual institutional courtesy lies a subtle political writing, faithful to the Palace’s style, where every word is weighed and every phrase meaningful. As customary, the tone is both cordial and measured, acknowledging Benkirane’s trajectory on the national stage. His Majesty praises "the sense of responsibility" of the former head of government and "his attachment to the constants and sacred values of the nation." These words serve as a clear reminder of the fundamentals of the constitutional monarchy and the foundational values of the Kingdom. This is the choice of an entire nation. Is this not an unambiguous reminder of an implicit red line? The expression is diplomatic but reminds Benkirane and all PJD members and factions that adherence to the constitution’s foundations is the sine qua non condition for any political participation. Moreover, this message comes at a time when the PJD seeks to regain momentum after a historic electoral defeat. By congratulating Benkirane, His Majesty indirectly acknowledges his political comeback. However, one must read between the lines that the party must understand and definitively accept that opposition is legitimate but must remain within the constitutional balances. The message thus takes on the tone of a political beacon: encouragement to responsibility and a warning against any adventurism. The remarks of some foreign guests at the congress were more than surprising, especially since no reprimand was noted. Likewise, the statement by Benkirane’s deputy a few days before the congress, which caused a stir on social media, raised many questions about the party’s new direction, which seems to be emerging. The party must firmly assimilate that religion does not need it for defense; the Islamic reference is a foundation of the Moroccan constitution, which also guarantees broad individual freedoms and protects religious minorities as essential components of the nation. It must understand that the Palestine issue is a priority of Moroccan diplomacy and not an electoral campaign topic. Its role must implicitly remain eminently political, within the constitutional framework and nothing else. The message could also be read as a way to reposition Benkirane in the political landscape, distinguishing him from other critical voices of the system while reminding him that his party is like any other. The message explicitly refers to "honorable" parties. This is a tactical gesture, perhaps aimed at restoring a role to a framed and responsible opposition at a time when Morocco’s party landscape suffers from a real deficit of credibility and societal anchoring. In sum, the message is not merely symbolic: it is a piece of a broader political chessboard, where managing the country’s balances prudently and delicately is essential and unavoidable. While explicitly a protocol act of congratulations, the message contains several elements rich in meaning and political insinuations. The Sovereign, while emphasizing the renewed confidence placed in Benkirane to lead the PJD and wishing him full success in his missions, particularly stresses the need to consolidate the party’s position on the national political scene and to strengthen its active participation alongside other honorable political formations. This insistence recalls the importance of serious, responsible engagement serving the general interest with a distinctly national imprint. The framework is clear and the scope of action precise. His Majesty highlights the accompaniment of the overall development process led under his guidance, aiming to propel Morocco toward greater modernity, progress, and prosperity. This explicit reference to royal leadership in national development underscores that the PJD must align with this dynamic and support the country’s orientations transparently and sincerely. The interests of the Moroccan nation are clear and stand as the only path considered. Parties exist to serve the supreme interests of the homeland, placed above all other considerations. This mention is an implicit warning against any ambition or action that might stray from the Kingdom’s fundamental principles and national unity. Thus, His Majesty’s congratulatory message, while cordial, carries clear injunctions regarding the expected role of the PJD under Benkirane’s leadership: to strengthen its political anchoring within the national framework, act responsibly, support the royal development project, and respect national constants. These elements can be perceived as subtle reminders to all parties of their duties and limits in today’s Moroccan political landscape.