Think Forward.

DRACULA - CHAPTER I JONATHAN HARKER’S JOURNAL [1/5] 2502

(Kept in shorthand.) 3 May. Bistritz.—Left Munich at 8:35 P. M., on 1st May, arriving at Vienna early next morning; should have arrived at 6:46, but train was an hour late. Buda-Pesth seems a wonderful place, from the glimpse which I got of it from the train and the little I could walk through the streets. I feared to go very far from the station, as we had arrived late and would start as near the correct time as possible. The impression I had was that we were leaving the West and entering the East; the most western of splendid bridges over the Danube, which is here of noble width and depth, took us among the traditions of Turkish rule. We left in pretty good time, and came after nightfall to Klausenburgh. Here I stopped for the night at the Hotel Royale. I had for dinner, or rather supper, a chicken done up some way with red pepper, which was very good but thirsty. (Mem., get recipe for Mina.) I asked the waiter, and he said it was called “paprika hendl,” and that, as it was a national dish, I should be able to get it anywhere along the Carpathians. I found my smattering of German very useful here; indeed, I don’t know how I should be able to get on without it. Having had some time at my disposal when in London, I had visited the British Museum, and made search among the books and maps in the library regarding Transylvania; it had struck me that some foreknowledge of the country could hardly fail to have some importance in dealing with a nobleman of that country. I find that the district he named is in the extreme east of the country, just on the borders of three states, Transylvania, Moldavia and Bukovina, in the midst of the Carpathian mountains; one of the wildest and least known portions of Europe. I was not able to light on any map or work giving the exact locality of the Castle Dracula, as there are no maps of this country as yet to compare with our own Ordnance Survey maps; but I found that Bistritz, the post town named by Count Dracula, is a fairly well-known place. I shall enter here some of my notes, as they may refresh my memory when I talk over my travels with Mina. In the population of Transylvania there are four distinct nationalities: Saxons in the South, and mixed with them the Wallachs, who are the descendants of the Dacians; Magyars in the West, and Szekelys in the East and North. I am going among the latter, who claim to be descended from Attila and the Huns. This may be so, for when the Magyars conquered the country in the eleventh century they found the Huns settled in it. I read that every known superstition in the world is gathered into the horseshoe of the Carpathians, as if it were the centre of some sort of imaginative whirlpool; if so my stay may be very interesting. (Mem., I must ask the Count all about them.) I did not sleep well, though my bed was comfortable enough, for I had all sorts of queer dreams. There was a dog howling all night under my window, which may have had something to do with it; or it may have been the paprika, for I had to drink up all the water in my carafe, and was still thirsty. Towards morning I slept and was wakened by the continuous knocking at my door, so I guess I must have been sleeping soundly then. I had for breakfast more paprika, and a sort of porridge of maize flour which they said was “mamaliga,” and egg-plant stuffed with forcemeat, a very excellent dish, which they call “impletata.” (Mem., get recipe for this also.) I had to hurry breakfast, for the train started a little before eight, or rather it ought to have done so, for after rushing to the station at 7:30 I had to sit in the carriage for more than an hour before we began to move. It seems to me that the further east you go the more unpunctual are the trains. What ought they to be in China? All day long we seemed to dawdle through a country which was full of beauty of every kind. Sometimes we saw little towns or castles on the top of steep hills such as we see in old missals; sometimes we ran by rivers and streams which seemed from the wide stony margin on each side of them to be subject to great floods. It takes a lot of water, and running strong, to sweep the outside edge of a river clear. At every station there were groups of people, sometimes crowds, and in all sorts of attire. Some of them were just like the peasants at home or those I saw coming through France and Germany, with short jackets and round hats and home-made trousers; but others were very picturesque. The women looked pretty, except when you got near them, but they were very clumsy about the waist. They had all full white sleeves of some kind or other, and most of them had big belts with a lot of strips of something fluttering from them like the dresses in a ballet, but of course there were petticoats under them. The strangest figures we saw were the Slovaks, who were more barbarian than the rest, with their big cow-boy hats, great baggy dirty-white trousers, white linen shirts, and enormous heavy leather belts, nearly a foot wide, all studded over with brass nails. They wore high boots, with their trousers tucked into them, and had long black hair and heavy black moustaches. They are very picturesque, but do not look prepossessing. On the stage they would be set down at once as some old Oriental band of brigands. They are, however, I am told, very harmless and rather wanting in natural self-assertion. It was on the dark side of twilight when we got to Bistritz, which is a very interesting old place. Being practically on the frontier—for the Borgo Pass leads from it into Bukovina—it has had a very stormy existence, and it certainly shows marks of it. Fifty years ago a series of great fires took place, which made terrible havoc on five separate occasions. At the very beginning of the seventeenth century it underwent a siege of three weeks and lost 13,000 people, the casualties of war proper being assisted by famine and disease. Count Dracula had directed me to go to the Golden Krone Hotel, which I found, to my great delight, to be thoroughly old-fashioned, for of course I wanted to see all I could of the ways of the country. I was evidently expected, for when I got near the door I faced a cheery-looking elderly woman in the usual peasant dress—white undergarment with long double apron, front, and back, of coloured stuff fitting almost too tight for modesty. When I came close she bowed and said, “The Herr Englishman?” “Yes,” I said, “Jonathan Harker.” She smiled, and gave some message to an elderly man in white shirt-sleeves, who had followed her to the door. He went, but immediately returned with a letter:— “My Friend.—Welcome to the Carpathians. I am anxiously expecting you. Sleep well to-night. At three to-morrow the diligence will start for Bukovina; a place on it is kept for you. At the Borgo Pass my carriage will await you and will bring you to me. I trust that your journey from London has been a happy one, and that you will enjoy your stay in my beautiful land.
Bluwr X Commons: Bram Stoker

Bluwr X Commons: Bram Stoker

Abraham Stoker (8 November 1847 – 20 April 1912) was an Irish author, his novel ‘Dracula’ is regarded as one of the most recognizable works of English literature.


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Towards a New Era: The CAA Advocates for Fairness and Representativeness in World Athletics 99

At its latest congress held on July 14, 2025, in Abeokuta, Nigeria, the Confederation of African Athletics (CAA) adopted a resolution that could shake up the governance structure of global athletics. At a time when the debate around modernity and representativeness in international sports institutions is intensifying, the CAA proposes major reforms for the organization World Athletics (WA). **At the heart of the reform: towards fairer governance** In light of recent developments in global sport and the imperative to ensure transparency and efficiency, the CAA believes it is time to revise the statutes of World Athletics, the global governing body for athletics. The primary goal is to strengthen continental representativeness within the WA Council. This reform necessarily hinges on key points in the resolution, notably fair representation by continent. The CAA suggests the establishment of a fixed quota of representatives for each continent within the Council. Such a measure would give each region an effective voice, limiting the overrepresentation of continents already firmly entrenched in international decision-making bodies. The CAA also proposes that members of the World Athletics Council be elected by the continental associations themselves, rather than by the global general assembly. According to the CAA, each continental association should directly elect its own representatives. The only exception in the proposed reform concerns the presidency: the position of World Athletics President would remain subject to the traditional election by the WA General Assembly, thereby preserving a form of institutional unity. The resolution goes further, proposing that for all World Athletics commissions and working groups, the appointment of members should also fall under the authority of continental associations—according to quotas predetermined by WA regulations. This approach aims to ensure genuine diversity in the technical and strategic circles of global athletics. This represents a new impetus for international sports democracy. The CAA’s initiative aligns with a worldwide movement demanding greater democracy, transparency, and balance in the governance of major sports federations. Several observers consider that such a reform, if supported by other continental associations, could serve as a model for other sports and contribute to a balanced, representative, and inclusive international sports world. However, the proposal will face multiple challenges in its implementation. Despite its ambitions, the resolution must overcome several hurdles. Obviously, consensus must be reached with the other continental associations. It will also require negotiation with the World Athletics Council, which may fear a loss of influence for certain continents. Finally, the regulatory texts must be adopted within a timetable compatible with the desired institutional evolution. Carried by the spirit of Abeokuta, the CAA’s proposal could well usher in a new era for athletics. It reaffirms the legitimacy of emerging continents and raises the fundamental question of fairness in international sport. Time will tell if this reform ambition will resonate globally and lead to a profound transformation in the governance of World Athletics.

Moroccan Women’s Football: When Hope Hits the Glass Ceiling 146

For the second consecutive time, the Moroccan women's national football team has been defeated in the final of the African Women's Cup of Nations, despite both tournaments being hosted in Morocco. The second loss seems hard to accept, reigniting deep frustration among fans and sparking heated debates across the country. This defeat, this time against Nigeria following a previous loss to South Africa, highlights complex issues far beyond the playing field. The start of the final was quite fantastic. The Moroccan national team, displaying a dazzling and effective style of play, found themselves leading 2-0 at halftime against a Nigerian side appearing lost on the pitch, as the Moroccans were skillful and disciplined. Unfortunately, they were caught up later. The popular enthusiasm generated by the journey of the Atlas Lionesses contrasts sharply with the bitterness of the final defeat. For many observers, this failure is not simply bad luck. Several voices, expert and anonymous alike, offer various explanations that fuel the debate. The coach’s tactical choices are being questioned. Many believe that the second half against Nigeria revealed a lack of inspiration and responsiveness, hence a lack of competence, notably through late substitutions that failed to dynamically revive the team as the game seemed to slip away from Morocco. Although not solely responsible for the outcome, these technical decisions sparked a wave of criticism regarding bench management and adaptability to the match’s developments. Among various points raised is the average age of the players, arguably too high at 31. At this age, unless blessed with exceptional physical, technical, and mental qualities, it is difficult to sustain 90 minutes, especially after enduring 120 minutes and penalty shootouts just days earlier. There is also mention of sentimental considerations in the selection of certain players, picked to please others. Further criticism targets the deployment of some players who were not placed in their usual positions. In short, many viewpoints tend to converge on the technical staff’s responsibility. The issue of physical conditioning is also raised. Several analysts and fans point to insufficient physical preparation, reflected in a drop in intensity and sharpness during key moments of the match. Facing opponents known for their athletic power and their ability to maintain high levels of demand throughout 90 minutes, this deficit proved fatal. In truth, physical conditioning is a long-term process that cannot be meaningfully developed at the national team level due to lack of time. It primarily occurs at clubs that have the players throughout the season. At the national team level, the fitness coach mostly focuses on maintenance. However, the analysis does not stop at strictly sporting aspects. Throughout the tournament, the feeling of having been wronged by the refereeing was palpable. Some even spoke of "theft" or systemic injustice against Morocco. The controversial penalty, awarded then ultimately canceled for obscure reasons, only confirmed this sentiment. Was a certain number of Nigerian titles guaranteed at all costs? Social media, acting as a true echo chamber for popular emotions, immediately ignited after the final. Criticism multiplied against the federation and its president. Some internet users accused him of failing to assert Morocco’s authority in its own stadium, while others pointed to management detached from supporters’ expectations, who had been buoyed by recent progress in national women’s football. A polarization of the debate has since emerged. On one side, a segment of the public, legitimately disappointed, demands accountability and calls for radical changes in team management. They remind that it was the same coach who led the team to victories before losing the Olympic qualification to Zambia on home soil. On the other side, defenders of the current leadership emphasize the progress made, insist on the need for stability, and caution against hasty judgments, citing the impressive record of the Spanish coach. They remind critics that Nigeria holds 10 African titles and has reached a World Cup quarter-final, while Morocco had little clout before. While the Royal Moroccan Football Federation has succeeded in putting women's football on the continental map—something that barely existed not long ago—the path from dream to achievement remains fraught with obstacles. It now appears urgent to draw conclusions, both technically and structurally, especially since the tournament will soon be held again in Morocco and, under the new format, will serve as a qualifier for the 2027 World Cup in Brazil. Will the same staff be kept despite everything, with a squad whose average age does not allow for enduring the seven matches of the African Cup and a deep run in the World Cup? Although premature, it might be wise to quickly assess the strategy of a women’s football program fully funded by the federation to the tune of 1.2 million per team—a very substantial amount compared to other teams in other sports. Are clubs doing their job properly to avoid wasting money for a near-zero return at the national team level? Priority should be given to improving scouting and physical preparation, expanding the pool of professional players, and raising the standards in Botola (the Moroccan league). At the same time, efforts in communication and dialogue with supporters seem essential to restore trust, ease tensions, and encourage collective mobilization around upcoming challenges. The reading of His Majesty the King’s message, may God assist him, to the team must be twofold. Yes, the team and staff deserve congratulations for the journey, but the Royal message is also a warning regarding future expectations. And the future includes other football competitions the country is preparing to host. Moroccan women’s football is at a turning point. Between the merit of past achievements and the need to reach a new level, the challenge remains immense. But sports history is made as much of setbacks as resilience. The key may lie in the ability of those behind this project to transform current frustration into a driving force for the future, so that the hope raised by these bittersweet finals finally turns into accomplished victory.

When Christopher Nolan Illuminates Dakhla, Dakhla Enhances His Film... 152

Christopher Nolan has just finished shooting part of his upcoming film, *The Odyssey*, in Dakhla, a gem of southern Morocco. It is a cinematic adaptation of the epic of Ulysses. Among the chosen shooting locations is the spectacular White Dune, located about thirty kilometers from Dakhla — an exceptional natural setting blending white sand and turquoise lagoon — which greatly contributed to the film’s visual richness. This Hollywood blockbuster features a prestigious cast: Matt Damon plays Ulysses, alongside Zendaya, Charlize Theron, Tom Holland, Robert Pattinson, Anne Hathaway, and Lupita Nyong’o. The worldwide release of the film is scheduled for July 15, 2026. Before setting up cameras in Dakhla, Nolan’s team had filmed sequences in Ouarzazate, notably at the Ksar Aït Ben Haddou, as well as in Italy. Originally, Nolan considered locations such as Bermuda or Australia for some maritime scenes, but ultimately chose southern Morocco, recognized for the diversity and quality of its natural landscapes. The shoot in Dakhla is widely seen as a great opportunity for the city and for Morocco, boosting their visibility on the international film scene while promoting the local film industry. But who is Christopher Nolan in the world of cinema? In 2024, he won two major Oscars: Best Director and Best Picture for *Oppenheimer* (2023). He also received an honorary César for his entire career, the BAFTA for Best Director, as well as several other prestigious awards such as the Golden Globes and the Directors Guild of America Awards, all for *Oppenheimer*. This brief overview proves that Nolan is no ordinary figure in the film industry — he is one of the greatest filmmakers in the world. However, this production sparked some controversy and unfounded criticism lacking rigor. The media outlet Middle East Eye dedicated an article condemning the shooting in Dakhla, adopting a selective and victimizing tone, relying on a rhetoric of “decolonization” and supposed “indigenous voices.” This critique, riddled with historical inaccuracies and an obvious bias, reveals either a deep ignorance of the history and physical and human geography of these regions or a deliberate will to distort reality for some ulterior motive... The filming took place in a peaceful and stable city, equipped with modern infrastructure, where Moroccan sovereignty is indisputable. It is probably this stability that troubles some, especially because it highlights the Kingdom’s successes in this region of its territory, contrasting sharply with the difficult situation caused by the Polisario Front, which, under its tutelage, has brought nothing but despair and a lack of dignity to populations held hostage in the Tindouf camps for nearly 50 years. While Middle East Eye accuses Morocco of “cultural normalization,” the article omits mentioning that Algeria exerts a true occupation over the Sahrawis held captive in the camps of shame, where they are a minority compared to the Sahrawis in Morocco, and have neither freedom of movement, nationality, nor an independent press. They don’t even benefit from refugee status, with the United Nations prevented by the host country from registering them. The real question remains: who is the true colonizer in this context? The Sahrawis, who are the majority and live in Moroccan Sahara, enjoy a significantly higher standard of living than the populations in the Tindouf camps — or even compared to those in the host country overall. They participate in democratic processes, govern their communes, towns, and regions, engage in the political life of the Kingdom, hold positions of responsibility at all levels of government, create businesses, run associations, travel freely, and produce cultural works enriching their country. Their children attend quality schools and universities. They receive care in top-tier hospitals and do not need a media outlet to speak for them. In reality, this article has nothing to do with serious journalism but rather reflects nostalgia for reversed colonialism and an outdated neo-Orientalist vision. It is an ideological staging orchestrated by a group of European activists using the Sahrawis as instruments of propaganda that has been seen before, and that is, frankly, absurd. The goal here is neither peace nor real autonomy, but the perpetuation of artificial resentment in service of their chimera of an independent Sahrawi state — a state that will never exist. Meanwhile, the *The Odyssey* shooting team, satisfied with the quality of reception, assistance, and support from the Moroccan authorities and the work accomplished, has indeed returned to the USA aboard a Royal Air Maroc plane chartered for the occasion. Let us hope Christopher Nolan will not take long before returning with another project and that the beauty of the images in his film will encourage other major filmmakers worldwide to come to Dakhla to elevate their upcoming works.

Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 472

The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position