Think Forward.

Historic turning point with the transfer of 2.5 million archive documents to Rabat, a source of concern for Algeria 4846

President Macron's visit to Morocco has been repeatedly postponed for a variety of reasons. While many saw the visit as a stalemate in a serious and insoluble situation, time has shown otherwise. In view of recent developments, rather than speaking of successive deep crises, it would be better today to speak of a beneficial and productive halt, since it enabled us to set the record straight, clarify the situation on both sides, make clear the positions of each party on the issues that concern it, and dispel certain latent difficulties that in fact haunted both parties. The hope now is to see the locomotive and wagons of complementarity on the rails, in a spirit of mutual respect and common interests, with the most absolute programmatic and the most profitable perspective for both parties. In this context, one of the issues that has been outstanding between the two countries for decades is that of the archives concerning Morocco, in particular those from the protectorate period and slightly earlier. In other words, documents from the time when France began to take an interest in Morocco. For a long time, and right up to the 'post' recent crisis, France had always pretended not to hear Morocco's claims to the paternity of its archives, even though they concerned it directly. In fact, France, in its balancing act, seeking to remain halfway between Algeria and Morocco, didn't think it productive to deliver such a treasure trove of information to the Kingdom, without it casting a shadow over its relations with its former departments; a rather relative equidistance, since the former colonial power has acted more to Algeria's advantage, for historically obvious and understandable reasons. However, France has never shown any consideration for this position, which is perceived as unfair by Rabat. Clearly, these archives are of capital importance for Morocco, as they concern its history and, above all, its geography prior to the colonization of its South by Spain, the despoiling of its East by France, the attachment of some of its provinces to Algeria and the division of the rest of its territory into strata, again between France and Spain. In fact, the Cherifian Empire had been stripped, no doubt with a view to weakening it forever. Now that the cold period between the two countries is over, the thorny issue of archives will be brought to the table, leading to an agreement that will enable the Cherifian Kingdom to recover more than two and a half million documents. The boxes that will be handed over to Morocco will undoubtedly be of real use and will have a major impact on the future of its foreign policy. They will undoubtedly weigh heavily in its relations with its neighbors. My friend MH has just devoted a most pertinent reflection to the question, which he has published, as usual, on LinkedIn. With his permission, I'm publishing it here in its entirety. It is essential to read this text to understand what is really at stake in Morocco's insistence on recovering the said archives. “Morocco and France have just reached a crucial stage in their relations with the signing of an official agreement providing for the transfer of some 2.5 million French archival documents to Rabat. This development, which follows decades of Moroccan demands, is of major strategic importance. These documents, which contain valuable information on Morocco's historical claims and territorial borders, particularly in areas disputed since the end of the colonial era, reinforce the legitimacy of Moroccan positions. This transfer of archives concerns in particular illegally occupied territories such as the Eastern Sahara, a region whose sovereignty is at the heart of disputes between Morocco and Algeria. These documents provide historical evidence likely to consolidate Moroccan claims to these territories. At the meeting which formalized the agreement, Moroccan and French officials stressed the importance of this documentation in resolving territorial disputes and recognizing Morocco's historical rights. The agreement sent shockwaves through the Algerian regime, which was particularly concerned by the handover of the archives. Algeria, aware of the validity of Morocco's claims, fears that these new historical elements will strengthen Morocco's position in international forums. For decades, Algerian leaders have sought to deny the legitimacy of Moroccan claims. To conceal these claims and delay any negotiations, Algeria has found no better way than to create a conflict over the Western Sahara. In vain. This agreement marks a decisive turning point not only in the management of historical disputes between Morocco and France, but also in the regional geopolitical balance. It is seen by many as an implicit recognition by France of the importance of the historical context in contemporary territorial claims. The handover of these documents to Rabat, after decades of claims, represents a major blow to the Algerian regime, whose positions are increasingly weakened in the face of a historical truth that is now accessible and indisputable. Morocco, thanks to this agreement, strengthens its means of defense on the international stage, while Algeria, faced with a delicate situation, could see its arguments crumble in the face of irrefutable archival evidence. This transfer of archives is not only a diplomatic victory for Morocco, but also an act that sheds light on the historical injustices committed during the colonial period and the legitimate claims arising from them.” Now that's been said, but above all, it's an eminently political gesture to return such archives, knowing the powerful impact this will inevitably have, namely on the geostrategy of the region. France knows it, Morocco knows it. As for Algeria, it has only its eyes to cry and, above all, to pull itself together and, why not, abandon the headlong rush that has characterized its day-to-day actions for a long time now....
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Moroccan Women’s Football: When Hope Hits the Glass Ceiling 37

For the second consecutive time, the Moroccan women's national football team has been defeated in the final of the African Women's Cup of Nations, despite both tournaments being hosted in Morocco. The second loss seems hard to accept, reigniting deep frustration among fans and sparking heated debates across the country. This defeat, this time against Nigeria following a previous loss to South Africa, highlights complex issues far beyond the playing field. The start of the final was quite fantastic. The Moroccan national team, displaying a dazzling and effective style of play, found themselves leading 2-0 at halftime against a Nigerian side appearing lost on the pitch, as the Moroccans were skillful and disciplined. Unfortunately, they were caught up later. The popular enthusiasm generated by the journey of the Atlas Lionesses contrasts sharply with the bitterness of the final defeat. For many observers, this failure is not simply bad luck. Several voices, expert and anonymous alike, offer various explanations that fuel the debate. The coach’s tactical choices are being questioned. Many believe that the second half against Nigeria revealed a lack of inspiration and responsiveness, hence a lack of competence, notably through late substitutions that failed to dynamically revive the team as the game seemed to slip away from Morocco. Although not solely responsible for the outcome, these technical decisions sparked a wave of criticism regarding bench management and adaptability to the match’s developments. Among various points raised is the average age of the players, arguably too high at 31. At this age, unless blessed with exceptional physical, technical, and mental qualities, it is difficult to sustain 90 minutes, especially after enduring 120 minutes and penalty shootouts just days earlier. There is also mention of sentimental considerations in the selection of certain players, picked to please others. Further criticism targets the deployment of some players who were not placed in their usual positions. In short, many viewpoints tend to converge on the technical staff’s responsibility. The issue of physical conditioning is also raised. Several analysts and fans point to insufficient physical preparation, reflected in a drop in intensity and sharpness during key moments of the match. Facing opponents known for their athletic power and their ability to maintain high levels of demand throughout 90 minutes, this deficit proved fatal. In truth, physical conditioning is a long-term process that cannot be meaningfully developed at the national team level due to lack of time. It primarily occurs at clubs that have the players throughout the season. At the national team level, the fitness coach mostly focuses on maintenance. However, the analysis does not stop at strictly sporting aspects. Throughout the tournament, the feeling of having been wronged by the refereeing was palpable. Some even spoke of "theft" or systemic injustice against Morocco. The controversial penalty, awarded then ultimately canceled for obscure reasons, only confirmed this sentiment. Was a certain number of Nigerian titles guaranteed at all costs? Social media, acting as a true echo chamber for popular emotions, immediately ignited after the final. Criticism multiplied against the federation and its president. Some internet users accused him of failing to assert Morocco’s authority in its own stadium, while others pointed to management detached from supporters’ expectations, who had been buoyed by recent progress in national women’s football. A polarization of the debate has since emerged. On one side, a segment of the public, legitimately disappointed, demands accountability and calls for radical changes in team management. They remind that it was the same coach who led the team to victories before losing the Olympic qualification to Zambia on home soil. On the other side, defenders of the current leadership emphasize the progress made, insist on the need for stability, and caution against hasty judgments, citing the impressive record of the Spanish coach. They remind critics that Nigeria holds 10 African titles and has reached a World Cup quarter-final, while Morocco had little clout before. While the Royal Moroccan Football Federation has succeeded in putting women's football on the continental map—something that barely existed not long ago—the path from dream to achievement remains fraught with obstacles. It now appears urgent to draw conclusions, both technically and structurally, especially since the tournament will soon be held again in Morocco and, under the new format, will serve as a qualifier for the 2027 World Cup in Brazil. Will the same staff be kept despite everything, with a squad whose average age does not allow for enduring the seven matches of the African Cup and a deep run in the World Cup? Although premature, it might be wise to quickly assess the strategy of a women’s football program fully funded by the federation to the tune of 1.2 million per team—a very substantial amount compared to other teams in other sports. Are clubs doing their job properly to avoid wasting money for a near-zero return at the national team level? Priority should be given to improving scouting and physical preparation, expanding the pool of professional players, and raising the standards in Botola (the Moroccan league). At the same time, efforts in communication and dialogue with supporters seem essential to restore trust, ease tensions, and encourage collective mobilization around upcoming challenges. The reading of His Majesty the King’s message, may God assist him, to the team must be twofold. Yes, the team and staff deserve congratulations for the journey, but the Royal message is also a warning regarding future expectations. And the future includes other football competitions the country is preparing to host. Moroccan women’s football is at a turning point. Between the merit of past achievements and the need to reach a new level, the challenge remains immense. But sports history is made as much of setbacks as resilience. The key may lie in the ability of those behind this project to transform current frustration into a driving force for the future, so that the hope raised by these bittersweet finals finally turns into accomplished victory.

When Christopher Nolan Illuminates Dakhla, Dakhla Enhances His Film... 44

Christopher Nolan has just finished shooting part of his upcoming film, *The Odyssey*, in Dakhla, a gem of southern Morocco. It is a cinematic adaptation of the epic of Ulysses. Among the chosen shooting locations is the spectacular White Dune, located about thirty kilometers from Dakhla — an exceptional natural setting blending white sand and turquoise lagoon — which greatly contributed to the film’s visual richness. This Hollywood blockbuster features a prestigious cast: Matt Damon plays Ulysses, alongside Zendaya, Charlize Theron, Tom Holland, Robert Pattinson, Anne Hathaway, and Lupita Nyong’o. The worldwide release of the film is scheduled for July 15, 2026. Before setting up cameras in Dakhla, Nolan’s team had filmed sequences in Ouarzazate, notably at the Ksar Aït Ben Haddou, as well as in Italy. Originally, Nolan considered locations such as Bermuda or Australia for some maritime scenes, but ultimately chose southern Morocco, recognized for the diversity and quality of its natural landscapes. The shoot in Dakhla is widely seen as a great opportunity for the city and for Morocco, boosting their visibility on the international film scene while promoting the local film industry. But who is Christopher Nolan in the world of cinema? In 2024, he won two major Oscars: Best Director and Best Picture for *Oppenheimer* (2023). He also received an honorary César for his entire career, the BAFTA for Best Director, as well as several other prestigious awards such as the Golden Globes and the Directors Guild of America Awards, all for *Oppenheimer*. This brief overview proves that Nolan is no ordinary figure in the film industry — he is one of the greatest filmmakers in the world. However, this production sparked some controversy and unfounded criticism lacking rigor. The media outlet Middle East Eye dedicated an article condemning the shooting in Dakhla, adopting a selective and victimizing tone, relying on a rhetoric of “decolonization” and supposed “indigenous voices.” This critique, riddled with historical inaccuracies and an obvious bias, reveals either a deep ignorance of the history and physical and human geography of these regions or a deliberate will to distort reality for some ulterior motive... The filming took place in a peaceful and stable city, equipped with modern infrastructure, where Moroccan sovereignty is indisputable. It is probably this stability that troubles some, especially because it highlights the Kingdom’s successes in this region of its territory, contrasting sharply with the difficult situation caused by the Polisario Front, which, under its tutelage, has brought nothing but despair and a lack of dignity to populations held hostage in the Tindouf camps for nearly 50 years. While Middle East Eye accuses Morocco of “cultural normalization,” the article omits mentioning that Algeria exerts a true occupation over the Sahrawis held captive in the camps of shame, where they are a minority compared to the Sahrawis in Morocco, and have neither freedom of movement, nationality, nor an independent press. They don’t even benefit from refugee status, with the United Nations prevented by the host country from registering them. The real question remains: who is the true colonizer in this context? The Sahrawis, who are the majority and live in Moroccan Sahara, enjoy a significantly higher standard of living than the populations in the Tindouf camps — or even compared to those in the host country overall. They participate in democratic processes, govern their communes, towns, and regions, engage in the political life of the Kingdom, hold positions of responsibility at all levels of government, create businesses, run associations, travel freely, and produce cultural works enriching their country. Their children attend quality schools and universities. They receive care in top-tier hospitals and do not need a media outlet to speak for them. In reality, this article has nothing to do with serious journalism but rather reflects nostalgia for reversed colonialism and an outdated neo-Orientalist vision. It is an ideological staging orchestrated by a group of European activists using the Sahrawis as instruments of propaganda that has been seen before, and that is, frankly, absurd. The goal here is neither peace nor real autonomy, but the perpetuation of artificial resentment in service of their chimera of an independent Sahrawi state — a state that will never exist. Meanwhile, the *The Odyssey* shooting team, satisfied with the quality of reception, assistance, and support from the Moroccan authorities and the work accomplished, has indeed returned to the USA aboard a Royal Air Maroc plane chartered for the occasion. Let us hope Christopher Nolan will not take long before returning with another project and that the beauty of the images in his film will encourage other major filmmakers worldwide to come to Dakhla to elevate their upcoming works.

Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 412

The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position