For once, the PJD is proposing to set up a national sports council

For once, the PJD is proposing to set up a national sports council 6777

It's not customary, but this Sunday, April 6, 2025, the article is about sports. I don't usually like to talk about it unless I'm forced to. It's paradoxical, given that I've dedicated my life to sports and made it my profession. Many are convinced that it's very difficult to make changes, as mediocrity is deeply rooted, good intentions are disrupted, undesirable skills are present, dedication is not valued, and honesty is perceived as questionable. The opportunity arose due to two political parties, as it's not common for both parties to show interest in sports within a week. The PJD and the FFD have done so. I found this very interesting because usually, parties only address the subject after unacceptable results. Then, succumbing to emotion, they take advantage of the situation to question the government and, for a while, take a stand, criticizing the responsible minister and blaming the federations. This was the case recently following the disappointing results at the Paris Olympics. Afterwards, there was complete silence. During the preparation of electoral campaign programs, some parties, though rare, mention sports in simple narratives that are generally devoid of meaning; just to say it's important, without specifying why or how they plan to address it once in parliament or government. This quickly translates into a lack of vision in the inaugural speeches of prime ministers, now chiefs of government. We settle for a few phrases picked up here and there to say that sports are not forgotten. From memory, I can cite a few exceptions that confirm the rule. The Ittihad Addoustouri, in its program at its creation, dedicated a good chapter to sports. I contributed significantly to it. The USFP, during the last elections, also invited me to a reflection that served as the basis for the party's program. I also remember participating in similar work a long time ago with the Istiqlal under the impetus of Si Belmahi, the valiant president of the FRM cycling federation. This time, it's the PJD that has taken a stand by proposing, according to the press, a bill to create a National Sports Council in place of the current responsible department, namely the small sports department under the Ministry of National Education, Preschool, and Sports. The structure of Si Akhanouch's Government and its revised version continues to astonish, reducing sports to a simple department without prominence among the prerogatives of a ministry bogged down in endless reforms, without us seeing the end of the tunnel. Since independence, national education has been in perpetual reform. The latest one dates back to just last week. Let's hope it's not the last. Since this attachment, the two ministers in charge seem not to have time for sports. The PJD has come boldly with this project, which is not new. The first sports conferences in the early sixties already mentioned it. Since then, sports have experienced at least 14 or 15 upheavals, going from an independent department to being attached to youth, national education, passing through a secretariat attached to the prime minister. It was even attached to labor during the time of the late Arsalane El Jadidi. Sports will continue on its path with more or less success, but mostly repetitive failures. The only time it experienced some stability was during the time of the late Abdellatif Semlali, who still holds the record for longevity as a sports official. His tenure as Secretary of State and then Minister lasted eleven good years. We talked then about a sports takeoff. It was a relatively happy period that saw a restructuring of the sports field with sponsorship, the second round in the World Cup, the creation of the National Athletics School, and a resurgence of youth in more than one sport discipline. The PJD, which led the government, didn't it realize the malaise that sports were experiencing during its ten years of glory? Better late than never. Moving to a sports management system that escapes political time is a necessity. It's an evident demand made by many specialists for a long time, without the political world following up. Sports time is longer than political time. Preparing high-level athletes requires 7 to 8 years of continuous and linear work. Sports performance requires time and stability. The number of ministers in charge of sports who have succeeded each other in a short period shows how much we need this stability, and that's one of the flaws, but not the only one. Due to ignorance of this history, some say that the project is inspired by what happened in France with the creation of an agency to handle sports. This is completely false. The demand in Morocco is much older. For about forty years, it has been discussed. Already during the government of Driss Jettou, it was on the table but did not succeed for many reasons, including a certain resistance that does not want this highly promising sector to leave the political sphere. National sports can only thank the PJD for this bold move, even if it doesn't have much chance of succeeding, given how things are going in the current parliament. The PJD, being largely in the minority and without real support from its partners in the opposition, will have at least succeeded in opening the debate in the right direction. The supporters of Si Benkirane rightly refer to the royal letter of 2008. They cite the law 30.09 without saying that it was catastrophic for national sports. This could be the subject of a future article. The second party that raised the issue of sports did so just yesterday. It is the Front of Democratic Forces. The party, under the leadership of Si Mustapha Benali, has brought back to the forefront the discussion of public sports policies with an extremely wide and varied panel of specialists and sports leaders, and in the presence of representatives from political parties of the same persuasion. The debates were of very good quality with a broad consensus around solutions that seem obvious and the surprise that they are not being implemented. This kind of debate is as necessary as it is urgent. Morocco, which makes sports and football in particular a driver of development, cannot wait any longer, lest it see its colossal efforts wasted and thus dangerous for its near and distant future.

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .

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Between Ideology and Pragmatism: The Spanish Radical Left's Controversial Stance on Moroccan Sahara... 274

Aziz Daouda, 2 d.

- World Politics - Politics - History -

3 min read.

I confess here that it was the writings of Si Lahcen Hadad that pushed me to take a closer interest in this Spanish left, which positions itself in opposition to the Sánchez government, which is itself left-wing. Not reading Spanish, I am therefore somewhat less inclined to pay attention to the repeated ignominies of this left, sick from not being able to access power, sick from its aborted history, sick from what it actually is. So, to exist, it invented a cause. Too bad if it understands nothing about it, too bad if it harms Spain’s interests, too bad if it distorts history, ignores geography and demography, too bad if its reasoning, if it is reasoning at all, is far from logical, too bad if it lies outrageously. The important thing is to exist and to appear to the Spanish public as the defender of the causes of the most deprived... No matter if those people harmed the Spanish people; no matter if they have Spanish blood on their hands. Manifest bad faith. In Spain, therefore, a significant part of the radical left, mainly represented by formations such as Unidas Podemos, an alliance between Podemos, Izquierda Unida, and other minority groups, maintains a posture—let’s say critical, if not belligerent—towards the Kingdom of Morocco. This contradictory position is fed by a historical prism marked by colonial memory, “anti-imperialist” struggles, but also by the question of the Sahara, called the "Spanish Sahara" until 1975, as it was a former territory under Spanish domination until the Green March in 1975. This radical left considers Morocco a belligerent and threatening actor. The debate is not limited to territorial disputes: it fits into an ideological vision where the Moroccan state is often presented as an authoritarian and repressive regime, described as a neocolonial power. This is what underpins the repeated support for the artificial Sahrawi cause, presented as an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist fight. Support for the Polisario Front thus seems embedded in the DNA of these “gauchos,” regardless of developments. Historically, several components of the Spanish left have expressed clear support for the Polisario Front, founded in 1973, which was nevertheless supported by Gaddafi, then hosted, supplied, and armed by the Algerian regime with the aim of harming Morocco’s interests. This support manifests itself in various forms: - Filing parliamentary motions in defense of the right to self-determination for this small part of the Sahara alone; - Participation in international pro-Polisario forums and associative networks that blindly support it, regardless of reports on the embezzlement of aid, rapes, and flagrant human rights abuses in Tindouf; - Pressure on the Spanish government and European institutions to recognize the political status of the Sahara, neglecting to mention that it was formerly occupied by their country, as a territory to be decolonized, in opposition to Morocco’s historical sovereignty. Even the autonomy proposal, well known in Spain, does not seem to satisfy them. However, it should be noted that this support comes in a context of strong internal contestation in Spain. Since the socialist government of Pedro Sánchez expressed its support in 2022 for the Moroccan autonomy plan, this radical position has somewhat fractured. This change reflects a pragmatic adaptation by some to the geopolitical, economic, and migratory realities that closely link the two countries. Faced with challenges related to managing migratory flows through the occupied enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as security and economic cooperation with the Kingdom of Morocco, the Spanish government has refocused its diplomacy. This has led to a gradual distancing of the left—but not the radical left—from the Polisario, thus marginalizing its influence on official policy. In this context, some voices within the radical left still try to persuade European institutions to keep pressure on Morocco, demanding that the so-called Western Sahara remain central to priorities to resolve an “unresolved colonial conflict.” Parliamentary groups and “pro-Sahrawi” NGOs continue to denounce bilateral agreements between Madrid and Rabat, refusing that the issue be sidelined in favor of a more “pragmatic” diplomacy. Spanish and European institutions, the theater of these ideological tensions, thus see the radical left forces seeking to have the question of the so-called Western Sahara recognized as a “state matter.” They denounce Moroccan control over this dossier and strongly contest the diplomatic normalization policies carried out by Madrid. This line reflects a deep political fracture, where post-colonial idealism and outdated self-determination claims clash head-on with political realism marked by the search for regional strategic balances. Support for the so-called Sahrawi cause is not without controversy. Activists, commentators, and victims have recalled that the Polisario Front was, in the past, involved in violent operations in Spanish territorial waters, causing the death of Spanish fishermen. These painful episodes resonate in Spanish public opinion and fuel a virulent critique of radical positions that support a movement with a past combining political struggle and violent actions. This memory weighs heavily in contemporary debate and is exploited by political forces opposed to these radical left positions, notably the Spanish right. The question of the Sahara, a territory that was Spanish for a time, remains an important point in relations between Spain and Morocco. However, current political, economic, and security realities push for pragmatic Spanish diplomacy, favorable to strengthened cooperation with Rabat, thus marginalizing the radical stance on both governmental and international stages. The historical legacy is here perfectly exploited for contemporary necessities in managing Ibero-Moroccan relations. Today, after consulting numerous articles and writings recounting the positions of this left of another era, I understand a little better Si Lahcen Hadad's fight on the subject, and even more so his sharp responses to the remarks of a certain Ignacio Cembrero, whom I now see only as a bland neurotic. Thank you, Si Lahcen. One question remains: why is the Moroccan left not more inclined to take a stand and strongly denounce the alienated stance of their Spanish counterparts?