Think Forward.

CAN 2025 : retour d’une mémoire africaine oubliée... Lumumba des gradins : la star symbolique ... 1769

Indépendamment de l’issue de la Coupe d’Afrique des Nations 2025, quel que soit le vainqueur, le meilleur buteur ou le gardien, le meilleur joueur, une certitude s’impose : la véritable star symbolique de cette compétition est congolaise. Non par un talent footballistique hors normes, mais par un rappel historique puissant et politique : la réincarnation, par le geste et l’attitude, de Patrice Émery Lumumba. Dans un tournoi dominé par les chiffres, trophées et records, un événement a surgi, déstabilisant les grilles de lecture classiques. Il ne s’agit ni d’un but décisif ni d’une parade spectaculaire, mais d’un acte symbolique reliant le football africain contemporain à une page tragique de l’histoire continentale. Au cœur de cette scène : Michel Kuka Mboladinga, supporter de la RD Congo, surnommé « Lumumba » dans les tribunes du stade Moulay El Hassan. Vêtu avec soin, coiffure et lunettes étudiées, il a suivi les rencontres de son pays, debout, immobile, main droite levée vers le ciel, regard fixe devant lui, une silhouette quasi statuaire. Ce rituel silencieux, répété match après match, a transcendé le folklore des gradins pour incarner dignité, constance et résistance. La CAF elle-même l’a salué: son président a rencontré Michel Kuka, consacrant la portée de ce « Lumumba » des tribunes. Au départ, peu y ont vu clair, y compris certains commentateurs sportifs. Certains parlaient d’une célébration originale, d’autres d’une provocation ou d’une excentricité virale. Ce malentendu révèle une réalité profonde : pour la jeunesse d'aujourd'hui, la mémoire politique du XXᵉ siècle s’efface derrière le flux médiatique. Patrice Lumumba, absent de l’imaginaire collectif, survit chez les historiens et militants ; pour beaucoup, son nom reste abstrait. Assassiné le 17 janvier 1961, après avoir été le premier Premier ministre du Congo indépendant (30 juin 1960), Lumumba incarne la lutte anticoloniale. Sa disparition, dans le contexte de la Guerre froide et des convoitises sur les richesses congolaises, a privé l’Afrique d’une voix souveraine. Le 17 janvier 1961 il est arrêté; son corps mutilé et dissous pour effacer jusqu’à sa trace physique. Marginalisé depuis par les récits dominants et manuels réécrits, en fait il effrayait les occidentaux et autres puissances coloniales, craignant son intransigeance. Le discours qu'il prononça devant le Roi des belges avait signé son arrêt de mort. Rappeler Lumumba à la CAN 2025, au Maroc, prend un relief particulier. En août 1960, peu après l’indépendance congolaise, il s’y rendit comme Premier ministre, saluant le Royaume et ses efforts de soutien aux indépendances africaines, sous feu Mohammed V. Le Maroc d'alors est l'hôte des mouvements de libération africains, et milite avec quelques partenaires engagés pour l’unité continentale, contre les ingérences et pour une souveraineté authentique. En incarnant Lumumba, Michel Kuka a transformé le football en espace de mémoire et de transmission. Le stade est devenu agora : un corps dressé, un silence assumé, une main levée ont fait resurgir l’histoire. Ce geste impose un rappel brutal : l’Afrique a ses martyrs, penseurs et leaders inachevés. Parfois, un simple supporter suffit à raviver une mémoire enfouie. Dans ce contexte, le geste de Mohammed Amoura, joueur algérien, mérite mention hélas. Lors d’une célébration après la qualification de son équipe aux quart de finale, il a imité la posture de Kuka puis s'est laissé tombé d'un geste moqueur et déplacé, provoquant critiques et plus sur les réseaux. Tourner en dérision Lumumba, même par ignorance, offense sa mémoire et l’idéal d’une Afrique insoumise. La bassesse est à son comble, l'indigence morale à son paroxysme. Le continent est aujourd'hui scandalisé. Cela trahit un vide éducatif criant : le sport ici hélas par ce geste ignoble, tolère la légèreté là où il devrait porter une conscience historique minimale et des valeurs de respect. Un joueur de football se doit d'avoir un minimum d'éducation ou s'abstenir de manifester quand il ne maitrise pas les codes ou n'est pas habité par les valeurs du sport et du fair-play. Le comble est que dans la quasi totalité des chaines algériennes l'attitude de ce pauvre joueur de ballon est glorifié et rapportée accompagnée de railleries et de moqueries de mauvais gout. L'incarnation véritable des médias d'un autre monde. On ne peut exiger du football africain qu’il soit fondateur d'unité, qu'il soit éducatif et élever le niveau des gens, tout en laissant railler les symboles de l’émancipation africaine. Cette schizophrénie révèle manifestement et images à l'appui, l'affaissement culturel et de civisme de tout un peuple. Une presse de caniveaux ne peut élever un peuple bien au contraire. Elle l'enfonce dans la petitesse, la médiocrité et accélère sa déchéance. Le jouer de ballon s'est excusé sous la pression mais cela ne suffira point. Le mal est fait. La CAN 2025 au Royaume du Maroc, restera sans doute gravée pour sa qualité et pour ses exploits sportifs. Mais grâce à un supporter congolais lucide et un public marocain respectueux et éduqué, elle offre une leçon de mémoire : Lumumba irrompe au présent, rappelant qu’on ne se projette pas sans assumer son passé. Dans un continent post-1961, ce geste était vital. Les héros ne meurent que si on cesse de les incarner, dans des stades comme ailleurs. Sur la terre marocaine où Lumumba défendit en 1960 une Afrique libre, son ombre renaît, portée par un supporter. Stade plein, caméras braquées, millions de regards : sa mémoire guide encore les consciences.
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Kingdom of Morocco: towards the recovery of a suspended, not lost, greatness. 64

From the geopolitical rupture of the 18th century to the strategic recomposition of the 21st: the Kingdom of Morocco is waking up, finding itself, and asserting its place. Morocco’s history defies simplistic narratives of internal rise and decline; it reveals a deep continuity, interrupted only by imposed global shifts. The end of the 18th century did not mark a civilizational collapse, but rather a systemic marginalization caused by a missed turn toward industrialization and modernity, a project rejected by religious elites and a largely conservative society, exacerbated by internal struggles between dominant traditionalists and minority modernists. This impacted and slowed the country's evolution. This "fall" remains relative, stemming from global change rather than purely internal decline. Without tracing the history further back, under Moulay Ismaïl and his successors, Morocco radiated as a structuring power, controlling vital trans-Saharan routes, exercising influence in the Sahel, and capturing a significant share of trade toward Europe. Its embassies were everywhere, but the rise of industrial Europe disrupted this balance. Maritime dominance, the bypassing of Saharan caravans, and colonial pressure redrew the world on a scale the Kingdom could not control, did not foresee, or suffered helplessly. But Morocco did not decline; the world-system simply evolved without it. To weaken it durably, in an attempt to paralyze and handicap it forever, Morocco was sliced and divided between two colonial powers. It did not lose the last part of its historical, legitimate territory until the 1950s. Unlike the Ottoman or Persian empires, eaten away by internal weaknesses, Morocco remained coherent, ready to reinsert itself as soon as the balances shifted. Immediately upon its independence, it did not take long to begin a real struggle to reclaim its historical place, which was naturally its own. As an important sign of greatness, it was on its territory that the Allies sealed the pact for the final fight against the Nazis, in the presence of Sultan Mohamed Benyoussef and Moulay Elhassan, who thus met all the great figures of the time. The Franco-Spanish protectorate (1912-1956) disjointed the country’s traditional African networks and oriented the economy toward dependence. Yet, the Alaouite monarchy survived, the State remained structured, and the Sharifian legitimacy remained intact. This resilience, rare among colonized nations, preserved a unique historical continuity. The relationship between the people and the ruling dynasty is foolproof, forming the foundation of an inevitable reconquest. Today, an unprecedented convergence of internal and external factors is closing this parenthesis. Morocco is reactivating its imperial vocation in the geopolitical sense, not through domination, but through strategic cooperation. Since the enthronement of His Majesty Mohammed VI in 1999, the Kingdom has reversed the trend on three major fronts: - Return to Africa: Reviving ancestral roots, Morocco invests massively in West Africa (banks, telecoms, agriculture) and consolidates a religious diplomacy, positioning itself as a bridge to the continent. This ancestral role, held under the Alaouites, is reborn in a modern form based on cooperation and complementarity for shared development. - Diplomatic victories: The growing recognition of sovereignty over the Southern provinces by the United States (2020), Spain (2022), France (2024), nearly all Arab countries, and the majority of African and European nations, along with the opening of consulates in Laâyoune and Dakhla, have transformed a defensive posture into an offensive one. "The Sahara is the prism through which Morocco views its international environment," declared the sovereign on August 20, 2022. - Geostrategic centrality: Partnerships with the United States (major non-NATO ally status since 2004), European security cooperation, and African anchoring make it an Africa-Atlantic-Mediterranean pivot. Tanger Med, the 16th global logistics hub in 2025, is proof; Dakhla Atlantic, operational by 2027, will open the other Atlantic facade. The desire to recover one's fundamentals is not an illusion. The Kingdom possesses all the assets to assume what it is and what it intends to become, as it has for centuries, if not millennia. The country's internal foundations, historical and modern, are solid. It is the oldest nation-state in the world. Monarchical stability, institutional continuity, and flagship projects (FIFA World Cup, TGV, solar energy, efficient industrial ecosystem, high-ranking motorway network, and port infrastructure) forge a true base for development. This credible and accelerated renaissance relies on three converging dynamics: - Shift toward Africa: The continent's explosive demography (2.5 billion inhabitants by 2050), natural resources, and emerging markets confirm and explain Morocco's choice, where it is already a leader with 1,200 investment projects. - Crisis of rivals: Sahelian instability and Algerian ideological failures (gas dependence, diplomatic isolation) isolate competitors, while Morocco offers a credible, stable, and pragmatic alternative. - Historical continuity: The kingdom is not "becoming" a power; it is becoming, once again, a political center, commercial hub, and investment catalyst, as it has always been in the past. This is a total historical alignment, supported by a clear vision and resources mobilized toward the development of the region and, consequently, the continent of the future that is Africa. Speaking of "lost greatness" is a mistake; it was slowed by global mutations, frozen by colonization, and contained by externally imposed regional balances. Today, the international context, internal stability, and external strategy are aligning for the first time since at least the 1800s. Morocco is not returning to the stage of history; it is simply emerging from a moment when history was written without it. It now intends to reclaim its natural place with a perspective of co-development for the benefit of Africans wherever they are.

A Secretary-General at the Mercy of the Powers: Between Displayed Transparency and Real Veto... 79

As the 2027 deadline looms, the race to succeed António Guterres is firmly entrenched in the global diplomatic agenda. Behind a modernized staging, with public hearings and strong rhetoric around transparency, unfolds a competition ruthlessly dictated by power dynamics among major powers. This apparent openness poorly masks a structural truth. The Secretary-General position remains a geopolitical trophy, where democratic lightness gives way to strategic calculations by veto-holders. Officially, the Secretary-General is elected by the General Assembly, on the recommendation of the Security Council, in a two-step procedure outlined in the UN Charter. In practice, the permanent members of the Security Council, United States, China, Russia, France, and United Kingdom, share the final decision, often relying on an implicit geographic rotation rather than a strictly meritocratic contest. Four candidacies have emerged in recent weeks, embodying a deliberately calculated diversity. Michelle Bachelet, former High Commissioner for Human Rights, represents a progressive Latin American profile, strongly identified with human rights struggles. Rafael Grossi, Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), is presented as the nuclear expert par excellence, adept at managing tensions between major powers. Rebeca Grynspan, Deputy Secretary-General of the UNDP, is a Central American voice on sustainable development and inequality reduction. Macky Sall, former President of Senegal, is a champion of regional governance and continental diplomacy in Africa. These profiles blend political experience, technocracy, and multilateralism, reflecting a sought-after geographic balance: Latin America and Africa at the forefront, within a rotation logic to appease Global South claims. Yet, it is the candidates' acceptability to major powers, far more than their expertise, that will ultimately matter. The flagship innovation of the 2026–2027 process lies in public hearings before the General Assembly, inspired by criticisms from previous selections. During Guterres's selection, these debates had already revealed their limits, notably with Russia's veto against certain Eastern European candidacies deemed too close to NATO. Today, the hearings allow candidates to present their visions on climate, conflicts, UN reform, and human rights protection, in an unprecedented exercise of accountability. This transparency remains largely cosmetic. It primarily engages public opinion and smaller states, but in no way undermines the decision-making power of the Security Council's five permanent members. The hearings cannot replace the indispensable recommendation vote. Behind the scenes, the Security Council remains the sole effective arbiter of the process. The candidacies carry a deeply geopolitical dimension. The 2016 example, where Bulgarian Irina Bokova was sidelined by Russia for geostrategic reasons, illustrates this. A candidate's personality matters less than their relationship with Moscow, Washington, Beijing, Paris, or London. Each contender is thus scrutinized not only for their competencies. Rafael Grossi will be judged on his ability to manage nuclear tensions without ruffling Moscow, while Macky Sall must reassure Paris, Beijing, and Washington alike on his neutrality in the Sino-American rivalry. Candidates' speeches on UN reform, strengthening multilateralism, or better crisis management make headlines, and then fade. Bachelet emphasizes human rights defense, Grynspan fights against inequalities and for sustainable development, Sall pushes for a stronger African voice in international bodies. These are carefully calibrated rhetorical positions designed to seduce. Yet, the Secretary-General wields only moral and diplomatic power. He is not the head of the UN, but the head of its administration, tasked with implementing members' decisions. Guterres's repeated calls for Security Council reform have repeatedly hit a wall of opposition from veto-holders, despite the urgency of crises. Renewal clashes with a structure frozen by the 1945 Charter. Multilateralism, battered by Donald Trump or Vladimir Putin's discourses, limits the Secretary-General to a facilitator role, not a reformer. The designation of the next Secretary-General must, in theory, balance explosive political variables: **Geographic rotation:** After an Asian (Ban Ki-moon) and a European (Guterres), logic dictates a Latin American or African candidate to respond to G77 claims. **Gender question:** A woman for the first time? Michelle Bachelet embodies this possibility, reigniting debate on parity and women's representation at the highest levels of UN diplomacy. **Global power dynamics:** Sino-American rivalry structures the game. Beijing has every interest in neutral profiles like Grossi, while Moscow will seek to block any candidate too close to NATO. **Regional games:** Africa, via the African Union, claims greater weight in global governance. Macky Sall positions himself as the symbol of this push, amid strong Chinese (Belt and Road) and American (Prosper Africa) competition. In practice, reality is more ambiguous. To date, Sall lacks clear African Union support or a mandate from his own country, Senegal, weakening his candidacy from the start. In this setup, the ideal candidate is not necessarily the most visionary, but the one who crystallizes minimal consensus among actors with divergent interests. The next Secretary-General will be less the product of a transformative program than of a diplomatic compromise. Their room for maneuver will depend less on their agenda than on their ability to skillfully navigate a fragmented international environment, as Guterres did with the Covid-19 pandemic or the Ukraine conflict. More than ever, the position reflects a precarious mediator function, tasked with maintaining a fragile balance among powers, rather than strong global leadership. The upcoming election should thus be read not as the emergence of a world authority, but as the designation of a constrained referee, essential to the survival of multilateralism on life support. In this arena, transparency is but a veil. Major powers decide; others applaud. The Secretary-General will remain, for a long time yet, the one who governs the world system... without truly leading it.

April 6: The Moroccan Idea That Conquered the World... 656

April 6 is now etched into the global calendar as the International Day of Sport for Development and Peace. A celebration championed by the United Nations, echoed across all continents, and enthusiastically embraced by millions of athletes, institutions, and enthusiasts. Yet behind this worldwide recognition lies an origin that often goes unnoticed. It’s a Moroccan idea, that of Hamid Kamal Lahlou. The irony is striking. While the world fervently celebrates this day, Morocco—the birthplace of the initiative—sometimes seems to lag behind, as if hesitating to fully claim its paternity. Yes, there have been scattered initiatives and events here and there. But they fall far short of what we might have hoped for. We won’t list the few organized manifestations, so as not to ruffle feathers by omitting any. In any case, there are no major events from the sports authorities, such as the ministry, the National Olympic Committee, or the major Royal Moroccan Sports Federations. Is this simply an oversight, or a more subtle form of distancing? The question deserves to be asked, especially when you know the personality of its originator. Kamal Lahlou is not a consensual figure. Journalist, sports leader, communicator, he has established himself over decades as a singular voice in Morocco’s media and sports landscape. His career is dense: former handball player, originally a physical education teacher and inspector, committed actor in the development of national sports, he has held important responsibilities, notably within the Moroccan National Olympic Committee and the Association of African National Olympic Committees. He remains president of the Royal Moroccan Weightlifting Federation and vice-president of the Mohammed VI Sports Champions Foundation. But beyond titles and roles, it’s his words that stand out and his stance that impresses. Direct, clear, often critical, Lahlou disturbs as much as he inspires. He practices neither doublespeak nor complacency. In an environment where restraint is sometimes elevated to an implicit rule, his frankness cuts through. He points out shortcomings, challenges decision-makers, and defends a demanding vision of sport as a lever for development and national influence. This positioning has earned him as many admirers as detractors and doubtless even more denigrators. Some praise his courage and consistency, others reproach him for a tone deemed too incisive. Still others find nothing to fault him for, yet behind his back, lavish him with gratuitous reprimands. But all agree on one point: Kamal Lahlou is an incontournable figure, impossible to ignore. His patriotism admits no ambiguity. Behind every statement, every critique, emerges a clear ambition: to see the Kingdom take the place it deserves on the international sports scene. The April 6 Day fits precisely into this logic. By proposing to dedicate a date to sport as a vector for peace and development, Lahlou sought not personal legitimation, but recognition of the fundamental role sport can play in modern societies. He thus transcribed, in his own way, the royal vision of sport and the role the country can play on a universal scale in service of peace. So why this relative discretion in Morocco around this day? Is it the price to pay for free speech? The backlash of rivalries that have no place? An implicit way to marginalize a figure deemed too independent? A means to silence an ambitious voice? Or simply a deficit of collective memory? Whatever the answers, or the answer, one reality remains. April 6 is an idea born in Morocco, carried by a Moroccan, and adopted by the entire world. At a time when the country seeks to strengthen its soft power and highlight its successes, it might be time to reconcile origin and celebration. For recognizing this initiative to Kamal Lahlou is not just about honoring a man. Does he really need it? It’s rather about embracing a part of contemporary national and global sports history, and reminding that beyond infrastructure and performances, ideas too can change the world. And if it’s the Kingdom of Morocco at the origin, that’s even better.

Mediterranean: The Great Erasure of the Amazigh in Eurocentric Historical Narrative... 1121

The history of relations between the two shores of the Mediterranean is deeply biased. Behind the lazy opposition between a supposedly dynamic North and a South relegated to the margins lies a more serious omission: **the systematic erasure of the determining role of the Amazighs (Berbers, Moors) in the formation of Mediterranean Europe**. This erasure is neither neutral nor accidental; it stems from a genuine ideological construct. Long before the colonial era, Amazigh populations structured most of North African space and held a central place in the political, military, commercial, and cultural dynamics of the Mediterranean, forming essential pillars of its history. They ensured an almost continuous link between sub-Saharan Africa and the northern Mediterranean. From Al-Andalus to medieval Sicily, their imprint is deep and enduring. A symbol of this centrality, the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in the 8th century was led by Tariq ibn Ziyad (as named in the sources) at the head of a predominantly Amazigh army. Chronicles emphasize its largely Berber composition. This reality is systematically downplayed in favor of an Arab-centered narrative that invisibilizes the predominant Amazigh component. Without the Amazighs, there simply would have been no lasting Muslim implantation in Western Europe and the subsequent impacts. Reducing Al-Andalus to a mere outgrowth of the "Arab world" is a grave falsification by oversimplification. The dynasties that drove its golden age, foremost the Almoravids and Almohads, were of Amazigh origin. Emerging from Saharan and Atlas Berber confederations, they refounded the political balances of North Africa and Al-Andalus, building a Hispano-Moorish civilization that remains vibrant today. This fundamentally Amazigh civilization marked urban and monumental architecture, still visible in Seville, Marrakech, Fez, or Cordoba. It structured religious and legal thought with reformist Malikism among the Almoravids, doctrinal rigor among the Almohads for Muslims, and Maimonides' thought for Jews. It also durably impacted the political and military organization of the western Mediterranean. Southern Spain and Portugal still bear visible and toponymic traces of this Amazigh presence today. Ignoring them mutilates a deeply shared history. To refresh this memory, what better than a little tour of Spain's Extremadura. This influence did not stop at the Andalusian shores. In Sicily and southern Italy in general, particularly Palermo, interactions between North African worlds and European spaces were constant during Islamic and then Norman periods, via military contingents, trade networks, and knowledge transfers. These circulations included a significant Amazigh component, often retroactively dissolved into the vague formula of "Arab influence." Couscous is still present there, accompanied by orange blossom almond sweets. By speaking indistinctly of "Arabs," dominant narratives erase the real plurality of actors and obliterate the African depth of these exchanges. This erasure stems from several cumulative biases. First, **Eurocentrism** and the inability to admit that African populations were co-founders of Mediterranean Europe. Second, **historiographical Arabocentrism** and the tendency to homogenize the Muslim world by invisibilizing its non-Arab components, primarily the Amazighs. Finally, **colonial legacy**, with the need to smooth and hierarchize narratives to legitimize a supposed European civilizational superiority. The result is clear: the Amazighs are relegated to a secondary, folkloric, or local role, even though they were structuring actors of the western Mediterranean. Their impact is unequivocally one of the most important in the region's history. Correcting this bias does not boil down to adding a "Berber" chapter to already-written history books. The narration itself must be reconfigured. It involves reinscribing the Amazighs at the heart of the Mediterranean narrative. Southern Europe is not solely the heir to Rome and Christianity. It is also, in part, the product of North African contributions, particularly Amazigh ones, visible in its political structures, urban landscapes, culinary and clothing arts, certain names, and imaginaries. Isn't the name Maurice an example of indelible impact? The western Mediterranean must be conceived as a space of co-construction, not as a theater of unilateral diffusion from North to South. Recognizing this is not a reflex of identity politics or any ideological claim, but a minimal requirement of scientific rigor. Mediterranean history has been flattened to serve power logics, at the cost of extreme simplification of trajectories and actors. The Amazighs are among the great erased, if not the only ones excluded. Fully reintegrating them into the narrative is not "rewriting" history in the sense of distorting it: it is **repairing** it, by restoring to the Mediterranean its African depth and true complexity. This approach is essential to ease relations in the region and build a solid future for its populations, whether in political, economic, or simply human terms. For centuries, this unbalanced narrative has permeated academic, media, and political discourses. Yet the Mediterranean has always been a sea of circulation, not domination; a space of permanent interactions, not a border between hierarchized worlds. From Antiquity and likely before, it has been a zone of mutual fertilization between African, Levantine, and European civilizations. Archaeology demonstrates this powerfully. Phoenicians, Romans, Carthaginians, Egyptians, Numidians, and of course Amazighs structured its commercial, cultural, and scientific exchanges. The idea of an autonomous Europe, the sole source of modernity, is merely a late reconstruction. Not so long ago on a geological scale, the strait between Morocco and Spain was barely more than one kilometer wide... It falls to historians, teachers, and school systems on both shores to correct this, with a view to a common future founded on an equally shared past.