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Travel Diary #2: Self drive road trip Namibie-Botswana 4301

The second leg of our journey is a self-drive road trip starting from Windhoek in Namibia and ending in Maun, Botswana. For budget reasons, it was impossible to hire the services of a driver-guide for a month. Moreover, we love the adventure and freedom that this type of travel brings. We rented a 4x4 with a rooftop tent and a trunk filled with all the camping essentials: sleeping bags, dishes, propane, and even a small fridge. Upon our arrival in Windhoek, where we would only spend one night, it's striking how well-constructed and clean the city is. Paved sidewalks and no litter along the roads, unlike in Tanzania. However, there is much more begging. Here, it’s not about someone wanting to provide a service in exchange for some change, but rather an extremely insistent form of begging. The same was true in Swakopmund, on the western coast by the sea. In several towns with frequent tourist traffic, we encountered this dichotomy between cleanliness and begging. We then left civilization, heading north along the coast. We crossed the Skeleton National Park. I didn’t think a desert landscape could be so varied. Sand dunes, arid areas with some bushes, red earth sometimes tinged with purple, and occasionally the bed of a dried river with a bit of greenery and some antelopes surviving while waiting the next rainy season. Another striking aspect of this desert is the transition to the Atlantic Ocean. The shift from desert to ocean happens very abruptly, with waves crashing directly in the desert or, further north, on the few pebbles that serve as a boundary between water and land. The northern tip of the park is called Terrace Bay. The campsite where we stop is actually a very popular spot for fishermen from neighboring countries. We chatted with one of them who had come all the way from Cape Town (South Africa), having traveled 2000 km to get here with his 4x4. The next stop on our road trip is the famous Etosha National Park. It is very different from the parks we visited in Tanzania. The dirt roads are in better condition, and the park is more suited for a self-drive visit. The small waterholes (natural or artificial) attract many animals during the dry season and are well marked on the map. However, to see certain animals like cheetahs and lions resting in the shade of trees, it's best to signal other visitors to stop and exchange information. Even the guides, identifiable by their vehicles with pop-up roofs or completely open cars, are generous with advice. A simple wave will have them stop alongside you for a chat. The park is less varied in terms of landscapes compared to the Serengeti, for example, but the sight of the many species sharing the waterholes is magnificent. Once we crossed Etosha from west to east, we arrived in Rundu in northern Namibia, the second largest city after Windhoek. The owner of the campsite where we stopped told us that there is very little work, and thus most people living on the outskirts survive on what they find and trade. We went with him to see some houses in the village. They are simply areas of land marked out with wooden sticks and a few shelters, either made of metal or a wood/clay mix. For the end of the Namibian part of the road trip, we headed northeast along the Okavango River. We stopped at a fishing campsite. A little sunrise tour on the river allowed us to chat with the owner, who was very pleasant. He taught us a lot about poaching management and the damage it causes to the river's wildlife. There are almost no fish left. According to him, less than 10% of the aquatic wildlife in this river remains. After a little rest in a room at Popa Falls, we headed to Botswana and the Okavango Delta for the last two weeks of this part of our journey. Notably, the Namibia/Botswana border at this point is at the end of a long dirt road that crosses Bwabwata National Park. Before entering the Moremi Game Reserve on the east side of the delta, we spent a night at a campsite near Maun. This town is the equivalent of Arusha in Tanzania (see dedicated article). It’s the starting point for safaris. We stocked up on supplies: fuel, water, and food for the next five days. On the way to the southern entrance of the reserve, a few kilometers after leaving Maun, we realized that driving conditions would be a bit more challenging. The paved road ended, giving way to dirt and sand. We activated the 4x4 mode after just a few meters. Once in the park, conditions changed again. Unlike Etosha, there are no large, flat gravel roads. Thanks to the paper map and the maps.me app, we managed to explore the meanders at an average speed of 20 km/h for about five hours that day. This was followed by several similar days of intense driving that required sharp concentration and a keen sense of direction. The park is very wild, and the campsites are basic. We camped by the Khwai River in the north of the park. Arriving in the early afternoon for a slightly less intense driving day, we saw about twenty elephants drinking and crossing the river. We quickly lit a fire to signal our presence. What an experience! This road trip has been a crescendo of adventure. Our tourist experience in Botswana is relatively good, but not on par with the previous two countries. The cleanliness and quality of services (campsites and guesthouses) are much lower than in Namibia and Tanzania, with significantly higher prices. I don't want to minimize the beauty of the Okavango Delta; we saw stunning landscapes and all kinds of animals: kudu, zebras, elephants, giraffes, baboons, etc. Moreover, far from complaining, I feel privileged to be able to experience this adventure with my family. However, the prices are far too high. If I could do it again, I would spend a bit more time in Namibia and Tanzania for the same budget. A very beautiful leg of the journey comes to an end, but stay tuned for more adventures in a few weeks!
Antoine

Antoine

I am the CTO and co-founder of Bluwr. I love designing and writing scalable code and infrastructure.


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Ukraine and Sudan: Two Conflicts, Two Different Perspectives... 108

The entire Western world gathered in Washington a few days ago. Since his return, President Trump has been trying to save what remains of Ukraine, and the Europeans genuinely do not want this to happen behind their backs. Unable to play a decisive role, they at least want to be present. Their credibility is at stake, and above all, their image before the rest of the world. Overheated by a Europe whose reach exceeds its power—a Europe increasingly powerless—Ukraine has endured and waged a war it believed it could win with Western support. To date, it has lost 20% of its territory, and it is far from over. Instead of dealing directly with Vladimir (Putin), Volodymyr (Zelensky) thought it wiser to seek support from those who had already been insufficient since delegating their defense to NATO, and thus to the United States. The Europeans will learn this the hard way: one cannot wage war without the means to do so. That same world remains silent about what is happening in Sudan. It is considered less “interesting.” Two generals, generals in name only, have launched a militarized competition to seize power, just days after signing an agreement to share it. Since then, the situation has deteriorated. Every day, lives are lost, women are raped, and millions of people wander the desert, their only refuge. For the Western world, perhaps—I emphasize perhaps—they are just Africans, mostly believing themselves Arabs, killing each other. The war in Sudan, particularly in the Darfur region, remains one of the most tragic and deadly conflicts since its outbreak in April 2023. This war mainly pits two rival forces against each other: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” former leader of the Janjaweed militias. The latter, along with their allied Arab militias, are responsible for massive massacres, especially targeting the Massalit people and other non-Arab groups in Darfur. In essence, those who consider themselves Arab are killing and driving from their lands those they do not recognize as their own. The BBC has just released an investigation and documentary on this subject, which should stir collective conscience, if any human conscience remains willing to watch. The conflict is primarily a power struggle between the two military leaders who, it should be recalled, had signed a pact to govern the country jointly. The sudden slide into armed clashes has spread to several regions, notably Darfur, where the RSF and their allies stand accused of grave abuses. The Janjaweed, militias identifying as Arab and formerly supported by former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, are active again under the RSF banner, committing ethnic-based violence openly. Also involved are the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLA/SLM), the historic rebels of Darfur, fragmented between Minni Minnawi and Abdelwahid Mohamed al-Nur. The scale of the massacres is terrifying. According to the UN, in Al-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, between 10,000 and 15,000 Massalit civilians were killed between June and November 2023 by the RSF and allied Arab militias. More broadly, over 150,000 have died in two years throughout Darfur, with 13 million displaced—half the Sudanese population—pushed to the brink of famine. NGOs like Doctors Without Borders warn of imminent massacres in cities such as El-Fasher, heavily besieged. The violence also includes destruction of civil infrastructure, schools, and mosques. Systematic sexual violence is another tragic facet of the massacre. Following a deadly attack a few days ago, Doctors Without Borders just closed the only hospital still operating in Zalengei, the regional capital, making any medical activity impossible. This is not the first hospital to be forced to shut down. Despite overwhelming evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the international response remains mostly ineffective. Although the United States and the UN officially acknowledge the severity of the genocide, their direct interventions and sanctions remain timid. The African Union and the UN struggle to deploy forces capable of enforcing peace and upholding international law. Arab countries exert no notable pressure on Hemedti or Burhan, the latter having long wielded significant influence in Sudan. This silence is interpreted by many observers as complicity, seen as a form of institutional racism that devalues African lives, especially those of the Massalit victims of the RSF. The fact that Hemedti and his allies claim an “Arab” identity while attacking so-called “African” groups, according to some, contributes to the indifference of Arab nations, more preoccupied with their regional dynamics than human rights. International Muslim organizations have also failed to take a forceful stand, despite frequent religious instrumentalization by the warring parties. The conflict is also marked by a profound religious contradiction: murder, injustice, and war among Muslims are explicitly condemned by Islam, except in cases of self-defense or struggle against oppression. Yet, the massacres in Darfur are regularly denounced as contrary to these principles by Muslim intellectuals and religious leaders, though these condemnations have had little tangible effect on the violence. This crisis has triggered the world’s largest current humanitarian emergency, with 13 million displaced. Access to medical care, food, and shelter remains grossly insufficient. Civilians live in extreme insecurity, caught in ethnic and political struggles manipulated by power-hungry warlords. The international community, Arab countries, and Muslim actors appear to be shirking their responsibilities, allowing this tragedy to continue in alarming silence. This situation challenges not only global collective conscience but also the real capacity of international institutions to protect the most vulnerable populations from such vast violence. The situation in Darfur and greater Sudan is a stark and urgent call for attention. The hope remains that the wars in both Ukraine and Sudan will end swiftly, as in both cases it is innocent generations paying the price of violent conflict.