Think Forward.

GenZ: The Fiscally Aware Generation 5426

Tariq, 2 y.
I am sitting at Paul's cafe at the airport en route to Nairobi via Cairo for Applied Machine Learning Days (AMLD) Africa (a wonderful conference, more on that later). **In front of me 4 young males, early 20s, they speak loudly in french as they eat the burgers and fries they bought at another restaurant.** They talk about money. "You have no idea how much money I lose to taxes", says one of them. "40 to 50%! It's a lot of money, I would make so much more without it". He sees taxes not as a net necessary good, as most have been trained to see it, but as any other cost. Interesting, that's not the type of conversations you would expect from someone that young. It's not the first time I hear this type of conversation from GenZs. Why are GenZs becoming more fiscally aware than previous generations? I think it comes down to two factors: - Inflation - The entrepreneurial culture Inflation has hit everybody, for obvious reasons. However one constant with inflation is that it hits the poorest hardest. Young people tend to have less money. But that's not enough to raise awareness about a subject that most consider beyond boring. This brings us to the next point: *The entrepreneurial culture*. As a millennial I witnessed it's burgeoning and blossoming. It started timidly with a few books and blogs, then massive blogs, then best sellers, then YouTube videos and finally podcasts. Not so long ago being an entrepreneur was considered an unwise life choice. Successful people go to work for established companies. Such was common wisdom. However, as the 2008 recession hit and people started to look for more revenue streams, they also discovered the concept that having one's business can also mean more freedom and better financial security. There is however a big difference between the Millennial Entrepreneur and the GenZ Entrepreneur. The Millennial was still uneasy with the idea of making money and as such would speak about *"making a positive impact in the world"*, the GenZ is not burden in this way. You can see the shift in YouTube ads, today it's all bout how much you will make if you buy this or that business course. So whatever online business they start, being it drop shipping or whatever, they tend do it in a money aware way. Starting an online business is a hard, the competition is fierce. Naturally, they try to invest their hard earned money wisely. When the tax bill comes, they see it as it is: an unexpected cost that does not necessarily translate to a better life quality. Nothing is free in this incarnation. Some are not even shy about relocating to fiscally advantageous locations like Dubai and making videos about it. This could be the end of the blissful fiscally unaware generations.
Tariq Daouda

Tariq Daouda

CEO, co-founder & Head Software Architect of Bluwr. Professor at the Faculty of Medical Sciences of the University Mohammed VI Polytechnic, I specialize in AI for Biomedical applications.


1500

267.0

Quimbanda 98

Tupan, 13 h.
Quimbanda is a living, urban spirit-religion that took shape in Brazil’s port cities over the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, drawing on Central-West African Bantu cosmologies, Indigenous American practices, popular Catholicism, and Kardecist spiritism. Where Umbanda is often described as the “right hand” (linha da direita) that emphasizes healing and moral elevation, Quimbanda is commonly called the “left hand” (linha da esquerda): it faces the gritty realities of desire, conflict, work, sex, money, and protection in the world as it is. Its spirits—above all Exus and Pomba Giras—are not devils in the Christian sense but powerful agents of the crossroads who negotiate paths, open and close roads, and mirror human passion with startling clarity. Historically, Quimbanda emerged alongside rapid migration, police repression, and racialized poverty. In this setting, its spirits became specialists in boundary spaces: thresholds, bars, markets, street corners, cemeteries—places where rules bend and deals are made. A gira (ceremonial circle) is noisy and social: drums mark the cadence, songs call the lines of spirits, smoke and perfume signal shifts in presence, and mediums incorporate to dance, speak, and counsel. Offerings are direct and sensorial—cachaça (distilled fresh sugarcane spirit), cigarettes, red wine, roses, roasted corn, spicy foods—because Quimbanda is about exchange: you give, you ask, you fulfill what you promised. Exu in Quimbanda is not the trickster-devil of missionary caricature, nor merely the messenger of Candomblé. He is a class of spirits with names, histories, and personalities—Exu Tranca-Ruas, Exu Sete Encruzilhadas, Exu Caveira—who work at specific “crossroads” (cruzamentos, encruzilhadas). Pomba Gira, often misunderstood through misogynistic stereotypes, is the sovereign of female desire, elegance, and cunning—Maria Padilha, Sete Saias, Cigana—teaching about autonomy, charisma, and the dangers and power of seduction. Together they deal with what is hard to sanctify in polite spaces: jealousy, breakups, court cases, job blocks, spiritual attacks, and the tangled ethics of obligation. Quimbanda’s ethic is pragmatic and accountable rather than abstractly moralistic. The spirits are not fooled by pompous speeches; they expect clarity, reciprocity, and follow-through. If a petition succeeds, you pay your offering. If you promised a mass for a soul, you schedule it. If you sought a binding or a separation, you accept the web of consequences that comes with bending social ties. Because of this directness—and because outsiders often conflate “left-hand” with “evil”—Quimbanda has long been stigmatized. In Brazil, racist and classist stereotypes have linked it to criminality and evangelical demonization has fueled persecution. Practitioners preach that Quimbanda is a sophisticated technology of negotiation with the spirit world, grounded in community, memory, and results. Lineages vary. Some houses are fiercely traditional, keeping a tight separation from Umbanda and Candomblé; others are “mixed,” with mediums who serve lines across religions. Some houses work almost entirely with Exu and Pomba Gira; others include male and female “people” of the cemetery, the sea, the forest, or the gypsy caravan—reflecting broader Brazilian spirit vocabularies. There are also differences in cosmology: a few lineages place Exu within a Bantu-inspired schema of forces (kalunga, the line between worlds; nkisi-like principles); others frame him more through Catholic and Spiritist lenses, emphasizing masses for souls, prayers, and moral counsel. What unites these forms is a shared grammar: crossroads as cosmological hub, offerings as contracts, incorporation as communication, and the conviction that spiritual power answers the problems of daily life. The sacred here is not faraway transcendence; it is the friction and flow of human bonds. In recent decades, global interest has created exported and hybrid forms of “Kimbanda/Quimbanda,” sometimes trimmed to a grimoire system for private ritual. Practitioners in Brazil often welcome exchange but worry about decontextualization—losing the songs, the humor, the streetwise etiquette that make the spirits feel at home. Many houses respond with public education: teaching that Exu is not the devil, that offerings belong in appropriate places and times, that consent and responsibility matter, and that tradition adapts without abandoning its roots. To meet Quimbanda is to meet a mirror. It does not promise virtue; it promises clarity about what you want and what it will cost. Its spirits love laughter and flamboyance, but they are exacting accountants of exchange. If Umbanda teaches the balm of light, Quimbanda teaches the courage to walk at night: to stand at the crossing, name your need, make your pact, and carry your word. If you do, the road opens—not because the world became pure, but because you learned how to move through it.