Think Forward.

History

Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa 173

Tupan, 10 h.
Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486–1535) was a German polymath, physician, soldier, and occult philosopher whose writings laid the intellectual foundations for much of the Western esoteric tradition. He is best known for his magnum opus, *De Occulta Philosophia Libri Tres* (Three Books of Occult Philosophy), a comprehensive synthesis of magic, Kabbalah, Neoplatonism, Hermeticism, and Christian mysticism. In Agrippa, the currents of the Renaissance—scientific curiosity, classical revival, and spiritual yearning—converged in a deep and somewhat controversial body of work. Born in Cologne in 1486, Agrippa was educated in classical literature, theology, and law, but he also immersed himself in the esoteric arts—alchemy, astrology, angelology, and ceremonial magic. He traveled widely across Europe, engaging with scholars, nobility, and religious authorities. He often served as a physician and lecturer, while simultaneously pursuing his deeper passion for the hidden structure of reality that he believed could be revealed through magickal philosophy. Agrippa was a direct student and correspondent of Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), the abbot of Sponheim and a key figure in early modern magical and cryptographic studies. Trithemius, known for his own influential work *Steganographia*, served as a mentor who inspired Agrippa’s lifelong pursuit of hidden knowledge and spiritual science. He also encouraged Agrippa to refine his ideas on occult philosophy into a systematic form, which would later become *De Occulta Philosophia*. In *De Occulta Philosophia*, Agrippa organizes magick into three interconnected worlds: 1) The Elemental world, governed by natural philosophy and the powers of the four elements (earth, water, air, fire). 2) The Celestial world, influenced by the movements of the stars and planets—i.e., astrology. 3) The Intellectual or Divine world, ruled by angelic hierarchies, divine archetypes, and the mysteries of the Kabbalah. For Agrippa, true magick was not superstition but a sacred science, a means by which the human soul could ascend through the created order toward union with the divine. He viewed the magician not as a manipulator of forces for selfish ends, but as a philosopher-priest who, through study, virtue, and divine illumination, could harmonize with the cosmos and act as a mediator between heaven and earth. Yet Agrippa’s life was marked by tension and contradiction. He often ran into problems with church authorities, accused of heresy or subversion. In his later years, he published *De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientiarum* (On the Uncertainty and Vanity of the Sciences), a scathing critique of dogmatic knowledge, including his own magickal writings—though many scholars interpret this as rhetorical irony or spiritual disillusionment rather than renunciation. Agrippa died in 1535, likely in Grenoble. Though seen by some as a charlatan and heretic, his influence endures until today. His Occult Philosophy became a cornerstone of Renaissance magic, shaping later figures like John Dee, Giordano Bruno, and Eliphas Levi. Even modern Hermetic and ceremonial traditions—such as the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn—owe much to Agrippa’s system of correspondences and metaphysical cosmology. Nowadays, Agrippa is recognized not merely as a magician, but as a pioneer of symbolic thought, a bridge between medieval mysticism and modern esotericism. His work continues to guide and inspire those who seek the hidden harmonies of the universe—through reason, reverence, and the transformative power of the imagination.

Green March, Algerian Plots, and International Diplomacy: The Sahara at the Heart of Contemporary History 1370

Aziz Daouda, 9 d.
The Moroccan Sahara, which became a Spanish colony in 1884, was liberated following the Green March, an unprecedented peaceful mobilization initiated by King Hassan II. The Kingdom had grown weary of the fruitless démarches undertaken at the UN before the Fourth Committee since its independence. Once the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice was obtained, recognizing the existence, at the time of colonization, of legal ties of allegiance between the Sultan of Morocco and the tribes living in the Sahara territory, Morocco took action. From November 6 to 9, 1975, 350,000 volunteers, armed only with the Quran and the national flag, marched toward the Sahara, symbolizing the popular will to reintegrate this territory, historically an integral part of Morocco’s sovereignty, just as the part attached by France to postcolonial Algeria. Several citizens from various nations took part in this epic. Since Kadhafi and Boumediene viewed this liberation, which reinforced Hassan II’s stature in Africa and worldwide, with hostility, they sponsored the Polisario, a movement claiming to liberate a supposed Sahrawi people. Quickly, the Polisario was heavily armed and supported by the pro-Soviet and communist regimes of the time, in the name of peoples’ liberation. The term “Spanish Sahara” disappeared, and even “Moroccan Sahara” vanished from discourse. Through clever propaganda, the duo imposed a new terminology: “Western Sahara.” In reality, Algeria sought to remove from the border dispute with the Kingdom the part of the Sahara it occupies. It must be recalled that during colonization, some areas of the Sahara were administratively attached to French Algeria. These originally Moroccan territories, called by France the “Southern Territories,” were not part of the three traditional Algerian departments: Algiers, Oran, and Constantine, but were under military administration. They were gradually taken from the Sharifian Empire’s territory. From 1902, these "Southern Territories" grouped several Saharan regions under French military control. This special arrangement lasted until 1957, when departmentalization was extended, but the Sahara remained under distinct management. These areas, administered within French Algeria, included all the regions now forming part of the Algerian Sahara. Morocco, refusing to negotiate border issues with France, had an agreement with the Algerian government-in-exile for the restitution of these zones after independence. Those who took power in Algiers at liberation dismissed the agreement outright. Thus, from 1975 onwards, a war, logistically supported by Kadhafi, Boumediene, Cuba, and others, was waged against Morocco, which was caught off guard by the enemy's army size. The UN then intervened, claiming to maintain peace in the region. True peace was only achieved in 1991 when Morocco reversed the power balance and captured thousands of Algerian soldiers and officers, including the well-known Said Chengriha. They were released thanks to mediation by Egypt, led by Hosni Mubarak, himself a former prisoner of the Moroccan army in 1963, sent by President Anwar Sadat, and above all due to Hassan II’s generosity, who never wanted to humiliate his defeated neighbor. The UN then created the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), with Morocco providing a demilitarized zone for its operation. Several envoys of the Secretary-General succeeded each other with the mission of bridging positions. All failed because in this matter, there is mostly bad faith, jealousy, intent to harm, and financial interests. In short, an artificial conflict. All resigned and went on to enjoy peaceful retirements. Since France abandoned Algeria to its fate, North Africa has never been peaceful. There was the Sand War against Morocco, led by Algeria and a coalition of Arab military regimes, and also the Algerian military invasion from the east where part of the Tunisian Sahara was taken. Hassan II told De Gaulle at the time that Algeria would become Africa’s cancer. This country was built on the blood of its martyrs, but their sacrifice was usurped by a military junta that endures and revels in perpetuating conflicts, notably regarding Morocco’s southern territories and, recently, with Mali. The last UN mediator, Staffan De Mistura, perhaps facing a deadlock, reportedly proposed an anachronistic solution: partition of the territory between Morocco and the Polisario. An idea that ignores the political, legal, and diplomatic reality, now largely consolidated in favor of Morocco. One wonders on which foot he got up that day. He could not have ignored that Morocco will never accept partition nor the establishment of a country under Algeria’s influence on its southern flank. Already forced to recognize Mauritania, Morocco will not make the same mistake again. Staffan De Mistura’s idea is totally out of step with international consensus. Three permanent members of the Security Council, the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, Spain, the former occupying power, as well as nearly 120 other countries, have officially recognized Moroccan sovereignty over "Western Sahara." Some have even established consulates there. This support is no accident but the result of a coherent diplomatic strategy, recognition of the Kingdom’s right to defend its territorial integrity, and successful efforts to integrate these provinces in a perspective of development and regional stability. Boutros Massad, special advisor to President Trump, unequivocally reminded Mr. Staffan De Mistura that only the Moroccan solution is acceptable. Proposing a partition amounts to circumventing this consensus by giving credit to a “mercenary” movement composed largely of foreigners and supported exclusively by Algeria. Rather than fostering peace, this approach perpetuates the status quo and risks a direct conflict between Morocco and Algeria, weakening the UN’s legitimacy as guarantor of respect for international law. Morocco has presented a credible alternative to this artificial conflict. Initiated in 2007, this project offers inhabitants wide political, administrative, and economic autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. This is already the case: almost all administrative and representative responsibilities are in their hands. The Polisario today faces a decisive turning point: accept this plan and hope to play a role, yet to be clarified, or reject the offer and risk isolation and disappearance without political gain. As for Algeria, it has already lost everything: billions of dollars and a losing cause. Its leaders will have to answer to the Algerian people.

Gematria 1788

Tupan, 13 d.
Gematria is a system of alphanumeric substitution in which each letter of the Hebrew alphabet is assigned a numerical value. This allows words and phrases to be translated into numbers, and those numbers can then be compared, analyzed, and interpreted to reveal hidden meanings, symbolic relationships, or mystical insights. Gematria is a central technique in Kabbalistic thought, where it serves as a tool for uncovering the deeper structure of sacred texts, especially the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh). The term "gematria" is believed to derive from the Greek word geometria, or possibly from a conflation of gramma (letter) and metron (measure), reflecting the art of measuring letters through numerical equivalence. Although most closely associated with Jewish mysticism, gematria has parallels in other traditions, such as Greek isopsephy and Arabic abjad numerology. In the Hebrew system, the 22 letters of the alphabet are assigned values, and with them, any Hebrew word can be reduced to a numerical sum. The word for "life" (chai, חַי), for example, is composed of Chet (8) and Yod (10), totaling 18. This is why the number 18 holds special significance in Jewish tradition. Gematria becomes especially powerful when words or phrases share the same numerical value. For example, the words Elohim (אֱלֹהִים) and HaTevah (הַטֶּבַע, "the nature") both sum to 86, suggesting a mystical identity between God and the natural world. Such equivalences are not considered accidental; rather, they are believed to reveal the hidden architecture of divine creation encoded in scripture. There are several forms of gematria: Standard Gematria: Using the basic letter-to-number values. Mispar Gadol: Adds the value of final forms (so-called "final letters") as their own distinct higher values. Atbash and Albam: Ciphers that replace letters based on alphabetic inversion or shifting, creating additional layers of interpretation. Ordinal Gematria: Assigns numerical values by sequence (Aleph = 1, Bet = 2, etc., up to Tav = 22). Kabbalists use gematria not merely for intellectual exercise but as a form of theurgical meditation. By contemplating the numerical relationships between divine names, commandments, and sacred texts, they seek to elevate their consciousness, reveal veiled meanings, and harmonize with the divine structure of the universe. In modern esotericism and Hermetic traditions, gematria has been adopted into systems of Western occultism, especially within Hermetic Kabbalah, the Golden Dawn, and Thelema. Practitioners often compare Hebrew, Greek, and English gematria to examine words and magical formulae, aiming to unlock multidimensional significance in magical texts and ritual language. Gematria is both a science of sacred number and a spiritual art. It unifies language and number, matter and spirit, exegesis and revelation. Through its perspective, letters cease to be mere symbols—they become vessels of divine energy, revealing a universe where nothing is random, waiting to be uncovered.

Sacred Geometry 2437

Tupan, 20 d.
Sacred geometry is the study of universal patterns, proportions, and forms that shape the structure of the cosmos. Based in both mystical philosophy and natural law, it proposes that certain geometric principles—such as the circle, the triangle, the square, and the spiral—are not mere abstractions of the human mind, but archetypal patterns embedded in the very fabric of existence. From the crystalline structure of minerals to the arrangement of galaxies, from the spiraling of galaxies to the loops of a seashell, sacred geometry reveals the fundamental harmony that unites all levels of being, from the microcosm to the macrocosm. Historically, sacred geometry has been used in nearly every advanced civilization. In ancient Egypt, temples were constructed in accordance with geometrical harmonies to mirror the cosmic order and to serve as portals between the earthly and the divine. In Greece, Pythagoras and his initiates viewed numbers and forms as the essence of all reality, with the tetractys—a triangular arrangement of ten points—symbolizing the unfolding of the universe from unity into multiplicity. Platonic solids, which are the only five regular polyhedra that exist in three-dimensional space, were seen as the geometric building blocks of the classical elements: earth (cube), air (octahedron), water (icosahedron), fire (tetrahedron), and ether or spirit (dodecahedron). The circle is the most fundamental and infinite of all shapes, representing unity, eternity, and the divine source. From it arises the Vesica Piscis, formed by the intersection of two circles, symbolizing the intersection of spirit and matter, or heaven and earth. This sacred figure originates other key patterns such as the Seed of Life, Flower of Life, and Tree of Life, each a progressively complex map of creation and emanation. These patterns are found carved into sacred sites around the world, not as decoration, but as invocations of cosmic harmony encoded in symbol. At a more esoteric level, sacred geometry is not only the structure of physical matter but also the architecture of consciousness. Every line and angle becomes a glyph of spiritual truth. In the Kabbalistic Tree of Life, for example, the Sephiroth are arranged in a precise geometric pattern that mirrors the process of divine emanation from the Infinite (Ein Sof) into the manifested world. In Islamic architecture, intricate geometric mosaics reflect the infinite within the finite, pointing to the divine through abstraction and mathematical beauty. In Eastern mandalas, sacred geometry functions as both map and mirror—a diagram of the universe and a guide to inner stillness. The mystical power of sacred geometry resides in its ability to bridge the material and the metaphysical. Geometry is not only a tool for measuring space but a sacred science that unveils the divine intelligence at work in all things. To contemplate these forms is to enter a state of resonance with the universal order. When one meditates upon the proportions of a golden spiral or the interlocking symmetry of a mandala, the soul begins to remember its own original harmony. Sacred geometry is not a human invention, but a revelation—a language through which the cosmos speaks to itself. It is the alphabet of creation, the blueprint of form, and the silent song of order hidden in the chaos of appearances. Whether found in cathedrals or pinecones, in the fractal of a fern or the plan of a pyramid, these shapes serve as portals to remembrance. They whisper that behind all things lies a unified design, and to perceive it is to glimpse the mind of the divine.

Le Monde and Morocco: Deconstructing a Biased View of a Revered Monarchy... 2592

Aziz Daouda, 21 d.
The newspaper Le Monde, founded on the recommendation of General De Gaulle in the context of the Second World War in 1944, is internationally renowned for its investigative journalism and analytical capability. However, it often displays a biased approach when it focuses on the Kingdom of Morocco. The article published on August 24, 2025, titled "In Morocco, an atmosphere of end of reign for Mohammed VI," symptomatically illustrates this tendency, which deserves a response by also recalling the conflictual relationship the newspaper has had with the Kingdom almost since its inception. The impression is that it is probably the fact that Morocco is a Kingdom that bothers or disturbs the paper. The relationship to monarchy, particularly from the French left, is not unrelated to this ideological stance. For a long time, Le Monde's editorial coverage of Morocco has avoided neutrality. Since the time of Hassan II, the paper frequently adopted a critical tone, sometimes unjustly severe, offering a European reading framework that often reduced the complex Moroccan political reality to a caricature. Between interpretations disconnected from reality and unfounded insinuations, the treatment of the country has often been limited to a black-and-white vision, marginalizing the concrete nuances of its evolutions and its centuries-old history. It must be reminded that the Kingdom, as a nation-state, existed long before what is today called France. It therefore has its own codes and its own evolution and worldview. The newspaper's stance, inherited from a postcolonial reading marked by a basic socialism fixed on the image of an immutable authoritarian power and a society on the brink of upheaval. Journalists seem to relive by proxy the years before 1789. Conflations and romanticized interpretations are the rule. Returning to the article, would the King of Morocco be a misunderstood sovereign? Is the Kingdom, for its part, so little known to the journalists of "Le Monde"? Would the secular Moroccan people simply be a copy of the people of medieval France? Or is it simply an ideological stance blinding the paper? The mention of an "atmosphere of end of reign" in the recent article betrays profound ignorance coupled with a dubious hypothesis. In reality, no tangible sign of decline emerges, quite the opposite. The Moroccan people show notable attachment to their monarchy perceived as an essential pillar for stability, development, and national cohesion. A simple observation of social networks would have spared the authors from such errors, for since 1999, under the impetus of King Mohammed VI, Morocco has achieved important reforms. These are advances that took France two centuries. How can one forget to mention the country’s major achievements in such a short time: - Sustained economic growth in several strategic sectors, generating jobs and sustainable prospects. - Modernization of the family code (Moudawana), a symbol of major social progress, particularly regarding women's rights. - Adoption of a transitional justice policy favoring reconciliation and healing historical wounds. - Establishment of mandatory medical coverage, expanding access to healthcare for all. - Assertive diplomacy recognized on the African continent and internationally, demonstrating a well-thought-out, forward-looking strategy. - The Kingdom is preparing to host the Football World Cup, a sign of great trust from the international community. These successes, however glaring, are overlooked by the authors because they contradict a sensationalist narrative of monarchical decline which appeals to some French circles nostalgic, under the surface, for the monarchy they killed. The article recklessly mixes rumors, outdated clichés, and baseless hypotheses, portraying power as frozen, aging, and oppressive. The author consciously ignores the multifaceted reality of a country at the crossroads of ancient traditions and sustained modernization. The depiction of a "twilight" reign reflects a condescending gaze, reminiscent of dominant stereotypes that often reduce the Arab and African world to narratives of instability and decline. Contrary to the dark picture painted by Le Monde, contemporary Morocco under Mohammed VI pursues a dynamic trajectory, marked by concrete progress and real stakes, aligned with popular expectations. Rejection is not expressed through a distancing from the monarchy, but by a demand for thoughtful, gradual reforms that respect traditions and institutions. In this context, speaking of "end of reign" stems from a mistaken reading that distorts the actual function and role of monarchy today. Here, it is essential to claim rigorous journalism based on documentary research and pluralism, finally freeing itself from postcolonial reflexes and a condescending gaze. Morocco cannot be reduced to an exotic subject of study or a testing ground for imported scenarios. More than a relic, the monarchy embodies a central lever of a nation in motion, led by lucid and committed leadership. Le Monde’s editorial past seems to weigh heavily on its analysis of current events in Morocco. By assertively stating an "atmosphere of end of reign," the article disconnects its diagnosis from the social, economic, and political realities shaping the Kingdom. The achievements show a sincere will to articulate traditions and modernity, stability and popular aspirations, in a difficult regional environment that the country has managed with discernment. By omitting these elements, favoring unfounded rumors and finished stereotypes, the text promotes an alarmist narrative that harms both truth and constructive dialogue, feeding prejudices inherited from an outdated postcolonial vision. Thus, far from a predicted decline, Morocco traces a path based on conscientious leadership, rooted in a millennia-old history and attentive to current challenges, looking towards a hopeful future. It is time for Le Monde to renew its gaze with honesty and respect, going beyond clichés and integrating the diversity of the Moroccan voice. The arrogance of an external view must never outweigh lived reality. Readers of this newspaper, as with others when it comes to Morocco, deserve balanced, non-partisan, and open information reflecting the richness and depth of a society and a Kingdom in full transformation, faithful to its institutions and its sovereign.

Ukraine and Sudan: Two Conflicts, Two Different Perspectives... 2676

Aziz Daouda, 22 d.
The entire Western world gathered in Washington a few days ago. Since his return, President Trump has been trying to save what remains of Ukraine, and the Europeans genuinely do not want this to happen behind their backs. Unable to play a decisive role, they at least want to be present. Their credibility is at stake, and above all, their image before the rest of the world. Overheated by a Europe whose reach exceeds its power—a Europe increasingly powerless—Ukraine has endured and waged a war it believed it could win with Western support. To date, it has lost 20% of its territory, and it is far from over. Instead of dealing directly with Vladimir (Putin), Volodymyr (Zelensky) thought it wiser to seek support from those who had already been insufficient since delegating their defense to NATO, and thus to the United States. The Europeans will learn this the hard way: one cannot wage war without the means to do so. That same world remains silent about what is happening in Sudan. It is considered less “interesting.” Two generals, generals in name only, have launched a militarized competition to seize power, just days after signing an agreement to share it. Since then, the situation has deteriorated. Every day, lives are lost, women are raped, and millions of people wander the desert, their only refuge. For the Western world, perhaps—I emphasize perhaps—they are just Africans, mostly believing themselves Arabs, killing each other. The war in Sudan, particularly in the Darfur region, remains one of the most tragic and deadly conflicts since its outbreak in April 2023. This war mainly pits two rival forces against each other: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” former leader of the Janjaweed militias. The latter, along with their allied Arab militias, are responsible for massive massacres, especially targeting the Massalit people and other non-Arab groups in Darfur. In essence, those who consider themselves Arab are killing and driving from their lands those they do not recognize as their own. The BBC has just released an investigation and documentary on this subject, which should stir collective conscience, if any human conscience remains willing to watch. The conflict is primarily a power struggle between the two military leaders who, it should be recalled, had signed a pact to govern the country jointly. The sudden slide into armed clashes has spread to several regions, notably Darfur, where the RSF and their allies stand accused of grave abuses. The Janjaweed, militias identifying as Arab and formerly supported by former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, are active again under the RSF banner, committing ethnic-based violence openly. Also involved are the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLA/SLM), the historic rebels of Darfur, fragmented between Minni Minnawi and Abdelwahid Mohamed al-Nur. The scale of the massacres is terrifying. According to the UN, in Al-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, between 10,000 and 15,000 Massalit civilians were killed between June and November 2023 by the RSF and allied Arab militias. More broadly, over 150,000 have died in two years throughout Darfur, with 13 million displaced—half the Sudanese population—pushed to the brink of famine. NGOs like Doctors Without Borders warn of imminent massacres in cities such as El-Fasher, heavily besieged. The violence also includes destruction of civil infrastructure, schools, and mosques. Systematic sexual violence is another tragic facet of the massacre. Following a deadly attack a few days ago, Doctors Without Borders just closed the only hospital still operating in Zalengei, the regional capital, making any medical activity impossible. This is not the first hospital to be forced to shut down. Despite overwhelming evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the international response remains mostly ineffective. Although the United States and the UN officially acknowledge the severity of the genocide, their direct interventions and sanctions remain timid. The African Union and the UN struggle to deploy forces capable of enforcing peace and upholding international law. Arab countries exert no notable pressure on Hemedti or Burhan, the latter having long wielded significant influence in Sudan. This silence is interpreted by many observers as complicity, seen as a form of institutional racism that devalues African lives, especially those of the Massalit victims of the RSF. The fact that Hemedti and his allies claim an “Arab” identity while attacking so-called “African” groups, according to some, contributes to the indifference of Arab nations, more preoccupied with their regional dynamics than human rights. International Muslim organizations have also failed to take a forceful stand, despite frequent religious instrumentalization by the warring parties. The conflict is also marked by a profound religious contradiction: murder, injustice, and war among Muslims are explicitly condemned by Islam, except in cases of self-defense or struggle against oppression. Yet, the massacres in Darfur are regularly denounced as contrary to these principles by Muslim intellectuals and religious leaders, though these condemnations have had little tangible effect on the violence. This crisis has triggered the world’s largest current humanitarian emergency, with 13 million displaced. Access to medical care, food, and shelter remains grossly insufficient. Civilians live in extreme insecurity, caught in ethnic and political struggles manipulated by power-hungry warlords. The international community, Arab countries, and Muslim actors appear to be shirking their responsibilities, allowing this tragedy to continue in alarming silence. This situation challenges not only global collective conscience but also the real capacity of international institutions to protect the most vulnerable populations from such vast violence. The situation in Darfur and greater Sudan is a stark and urgent call for attention. The hope remains that the wars in both Ukraine and Sudan will end swiftly, as in both cases it is innocent generations paying the price of violent conflict.

Greater Israel: A Threat to Peace and Stability... 2814

Aziz Daouda, 23 d.
The past few weeks have been marked by rather disturbing statements from certain Israeli leaders, reigniting the fundamental debate around the borders of the Hebrew state. Since its creation in 1948, following a UN decision, Israel has never officially and permanently defined its borders—a unique situation that undermines regional stability as well as the credibility of international law. This absence of clear demarcation has severe consequences for a climate already marked by deep mistrust, both within the region and beyond. This situation is often exploited by those who do not stop calling Israel a "cancer" in the region. Unlike the majority of states, Israel did not specify its borders in its declaration of independence. The lines recognized internationally today are those of the 1949 armistice, known as the "Green Line," but they have been constantly altered by wars and territorial expansions, notably after the Six-Day War in 1967. Since that date, Israel has occupied the West Bank, annexed East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, while Gaza Strip, occupied and then evacuated in 2005, remains subjected to strict control. Following recent developments consequent to October 7 and Israel’s disproportionate response, the current government no longer hides its intention to proceed with a new annexation. These recent declarations revive tensions, notably with references to "biblical borders." There is only one possible interpretation here: the outright annexation of the West Bank and a direct threat to neighboring countries. Statements by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Minister Smotrich, and other coalition members demonstrate a desire to maintain confusion, especially as ultranationalist voices continue to invoke the notion of "Greater Israel." This concept, based on religious texts, encompasses territories far beyond internationally recognized borders, potentially extending over the West Bank and even parts of Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt. This is all the more worrying as this position faces only ineffective or inaudible denunciations from Arab countries, weakened by repeated divisions and contradictions within Palestinian ranks, exhausted by the sabotage of initiatives on both sides, and aggravated by the barely disguised interventionism of Iran, which has succeeded in bribing a Palestinian faction that weakens the cause, undermining any possibility of peace. This faction, so radicalized, has become an objective ally of Israel and is labeled a terrorist group. Simultaneously, there is the complicit inaction of Western countries, who plead only half-heartedly against various abuses. Underlying this is an anachronistic construction, a 19th-century invention aimed at masking centuries of Christian antisemitism—whether Catholic, Orthodox, or Protestant: Judeo-Christianity. This striking conflation serves to oppose Western civilization to the rest of the world, notably the so-called Arab world. By this conflation, at least in appearance, a hatred that has persisted since the first Christian martyr Stephen, stoned by the Pharisees, is buried. A hatred that has never ceased. Faced with this imbroglio, there is nothing but the chronic impotence of the UN. The question of respect for international law and the definition of Israel’s borders should pose a major challenge to Western powers, especially the United States. Historically, the UN was at the origin of Israel’s creation with Resolution 181 of 1947, but today it proves powerless against the country’s expansion and voluntary absence of border delimitation. Resolution 242, demanding withdrawal from territories occupied in 1967, has never been implemented, just like all resolutions involving the Hebrew state. Western countries, though allies of Israel and holders of significant leverage, have so far refused to compel Israel to comply with international norms, limiting themselves to diplomatic calls for the resumption of negotiations and recognition of a Palestinian state, especially since the beginning of this summer. To this, Israeli leaders respond with categorical refusal and an intermingling of antisemitism with opposition to or criticism of a government’s politics. For the current government, there is no room for maneuver: either one accepts the Israeli diktat, even when it involves violations of international law and denial of Palestinians’ human rights, or one is antisemitic. People forget that Palestinians are Semites too... This generates deplorable tensions with unfortunate consequences for many countries, as De Gaulle might have said. If not stopped, these recent developments will undoubtedly increase the risk to global stability. Until now, popular dissent in the region has been controlled, even prohibited, but for how long? The absence of recognized borders and the normalization of using religious narratives to legitimize possession of illegitimate lands constitute a direct threat to regional and global stability. To dare evoke "Greater Israel" is to legitimize expansionist aspirations, stir fear among neighbors, and fuel instability. In his recent speeches, the Israeli Foreign Minister does not hesitate to present the possibility of a Palestinian state as an existential threat to Israel. The current government does not want a Palestinian state, which remains the only foreseeable and logical solution for Israel’s very security, while maintaining ambiguity over territorial outlines can only perpetuate the conflict and block all prospects for lasting peace. Beyond the strategic and religious considerations, it falls to the international community, particularly Western countries, to take responsibility and finally demand that Israel define its borders in accordance with international law, as is the case for every other state. Without this perspective, any political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will remain a dead letter, with the ongoing risk of global conflagration. Israeli citizens must also take their responsibility. Continuing to vote for extremists is in no way a guarantee of security but rather a threat to the future of the children on both sides, even though a life in peace is possible. Many Israelis know this and shout it with all their might, but their calls remain unheard. It is with them that peace must be built, and they are numerous within Israel itself and across the world, particularly in the United States.

Ley Lines: The Invisible Currents of Earth’s Sacred Geometry 3176

Tupan, 27 d.
The concept of ley lines suggest the existence of invisible pathways of energy that crisscross the Earth, forming a network of subtle energy, ancient alignment, and spiritual resonance. Though the term “ley line” was first coined in 1921 by the English antiquarian Alfred Watkins (1855-1935)—who noticed that many ancient sites in the British landscape aligned along straight tracks—the concept is even older, echoing geomantic traditions across cultures that recognized the Earth as a living, breathing being with its own circulatory system of sacred force. Basically, ley lines are believed to be channels of Earth's energy—similar to meridians in Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM)—which connect sites of spiritual, astronomical, and historical significance. These may include standing stones, megalithic temples, pyramids, cathedrals, burial mounds, and crossroads. In the East, these currents are known as dragon lines or "lung mei" in Chinese geomancy (feng shui), while in South America, the Inca referred to similar energetic pathways as "ceques", radiating outward from the Coricancha Temple in Cusco. From an esoteric standpoint, ley lines are neither arbitrary nor merely symbolic. They are understood to follow the electromagnetic shape of the planet—interacting with telluric currents, magnetic anomalies, and planetary grid systems. At certain points where multiple ley lines intersect, energy becomes concentrated, forming what are known as power nodes or vortex points. These nodes are believed to amplify consciousness, enhance ritual, facilitate spiritual contact, and sometimes thin the veil between the seen and unseen worlds. Places such as Stonehenge, the Giza Plateau, Machu Picchu, Glastonbury Tor, and Mount Shasta are frequently cited as residing on these potent intersections. Mystically, ley lines represent more than geological curiosity—they are conduits of planetary consciousness, arteries of Gaia herself. In Hermetic and occult traditions, the Earth is viewed as a macrocosmic body, complete with chakras, nadis, and energetic organs. Just as the human body channels prana through subtle pathways, so too does the Earth transmit vital energy through her leys. To walk these lines consciously, or to work magically upon them, is to participate in the planet’s own alchemical process—aligning human intention with terrestrial intelligence. In this context, the concept of ley lines resonates with the Gaia Theory, proposed by James Lovelock (1919–2022) and Lynn Margulis (1938–2011). This theory pictures Earth as a self-regulating, living system in which the biosphere, atmosphere, geosphere, and hydrosphere are deeply interconnected. Just as Gaia Theory suggests that the planet maintains balance through feedback loops, ley lines can be seen as subtle energetic channels through which this regulation occurs. From an esoteric perspective, these currents mirror Gaia’s own physiological processes—arteries circulating life-force and sustaining the interdependence of all beings within the planetary organism. Many practitioners of geomancy, dowsing, and ritual magick believe that ley lines can be activated or aligned through offerings, ceremonies, sound, and sacred architecture. Temples and churches built upon these lines often reflect celestial alignments, forming a harmony between heaven and earth. Some traditions hold that ancient initiates placed monuments at ley crossings not merely as markers, but as resonant structures designed to stabilize or modulate the flow of planetary energy. There is also a mythical and cosmological layer to ley line theory. In Arthurian legends, Glastonbury is not only a place on a map but a threshold to Avalon—an invisible world accessible through altered states or alignment with the land’s living current. In this way, ley lines serve as the nervous system of a planetary intelligence, a kind of spiritual cartography through which initiates navigate both terrestrial and cosmic realities. Though scientific consensus does not validate ley lines as measurable phenomena, their enduring presence in sacred geography, myth, and ritual suggests they function on a level beyond conventional empiricism. They invite the sensitive and the intuitive to perceive the Earth not as inert matter, but as a divine organism—alive, aware, and in communion with those who learn to walk her lines in reverence.

Confiscated Freedoms: El Harrach and Tindouf, Two Faces of the Same Oppression... 3917

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
It was while reading, moved, the heartbreaking letter from Algerian writer Boualem Sansal, addressed ultimately to everyone, that the idea for these few lines came to me. In this letter, written from El-Harrach prison, Sansal fiercely denounces the political repression and arbitrary incarceration imposed by the Algerian regime. This denunciation quickly made me think of the tragic situation of the population confined by the same regime for nearly fifty years in the Tindouf camps in Algeria. My thoughts wandered randomly between the zealots who are there, like my high school friend Sadati, bearers of a chimera; those who stay there without even knowing why; those who have aged there; those buried there; and those born there. It is on these last that my thoughts particularly lingered. The Tindouf camps shelter a few thousand young people born in exile, rather exposed where their parents ultimately did not choose to be, under extremely harsh conditions. For many, they are not even originally from the coveted lands nor bear any claim. They mainly depend on humanitarian aid, live in total precariousness, and see their well-being deteriorate, while those living just a few miles away enjoy abundance, comfort, and rights. They did not ask to be there and dream, like all their peers, of a better life, which truly exists on the other side. Unlike a traditional prison with visible walls, like El Harrach, the Tindouf camps are an open-air prison, a constrained space where these youths are held without trial, without hope of freedom, nor any possibility of returning to their homeland—not by their own choice, but that of their jailers. The common point between El Harrach and Tindouf: the sordid game of a military regime from another era. This prolonged situation strikingly evokes the deprivation of freedom suffered by the detainees of Tindouf and the Algerian political prisoners Boualem Sansal describes in his letter. Both embody the same silenced voice, the same hope confiscated by the whims of officers who only carry the name, and by a military caporalism that, since 1962, continuously invents enemies, uses torture, repression, and deprivation of fundamental rights to maintain its grip on one of the richest countries in the world. This regime has stifled all democratic expression, from annulling election results to the spectacular assassination, broadcast live on television, of President Mohamed Boudiaf, sending a message of terror to the whole people. Recently, it brazenly repressed the peaceful Hirak protests and imprisoned their leaders. This regime no longer hesitates to mistreat even its most loyal servants. Randomly, prime ministers, ministers, high dignitaries, businessmen, generals, and journalists, even foreigners, find themselves subjected to quick trials where only the voice of their master resounds. They end up in the same prison, the famous El Harrach. In his letter, Sansal expresses the physical and moral pain of a man imprisoned for having evoked history, dared to defend justice and dignity. His words carry the voice of all those whom the regime seeks to silence. This captive voice painfully echoes the fate of the youngsters held in Tindouf, also deprived of their most basic freedoms and condemned to endless waiting in a desert environment, hostile and hopeless. Far from being a mere analogy, this comparison reveals a universal reality: whether behind bars or in the vast inhospitable desert, deprivation of freedom, forced exile, and broken hope remain the instruments of relentless political oppression. For these youths, the "march through an endless desert" is both a physical ordeal marked by extreme poverty, scorching heat, and isolation, and a metaphor for their quest for identity, dream of regaining their freedom, and joining the motherland. Beyond denunciation, in his letter, Sansal makes a solemn appeal to France, asking it not to sacrifice its values on the altar of mercantile contingencies. The same appeal is addressed to the international community, on behalf of the young detainees of Tindouf, so that human rights principles are not sacrificed on the altar of geopolitical interests. This appeal is all the more relevant facing the situation of these youths, many of whom are not even originally from the Moroccan Sahara but are still imprisoned in a situation of exile and oblivion. Thus, behind two different walls, a prison cell and undocumented, unrecognized refugee camps, lies the same tragedy: human beings reduced to waiting, to deprivation of liberty, and to a silent struggle not to disappear. This convergence highlights the urgency of strong humanitarian and political action to end these imprisonments so that freedom of thought, of living, and of deciding one’s own destiny is never again captured by an oppressive political machine, devised and implemented by an anachronistic military staff. Thank you, sir, for awakening in me this fiber of compassion, even pity, for young people who deserve to live a better future. I take here again Boualem Sansal’s words, which I address to the youth imprisoned in Tindouf: *"Fear is a prison larger than the one where I find myself, and it is harder to break. But I know that one day, the wall will fall. Dictators always end up falling."* Youth of Tindouf, You will break the barbed wire, you will cross the checkpoints to return home by the strength of your character and the power of your will. Your country, that of your ancestors, the Kingdom of Morocco, awaits you; the future opens its arms to you; life will smile upon you for eternity, you will taste freedom there, the joy of living, of building yourself and of ensuring a happy future for your children. Your dreams will come true there and your ambitions will be realized. You will be the continuation of your ancestors in a diverse and powerful nation as it has been for centuries. You will help enrich humanity by your knowledge, your creativity, your genius. You just have to dare.

The Seven Chakras: A Metaphysical Anatomy of the Soul 4522

Tupan, 1 mon.
Throughout the ages, esoteric traditions, yogic sciences, and mystical philosophies have described the human being as more than flesh and bone—as an energetic organism with subtle centers of power, perception, and spiritual potential. Among these systems, the doctrine of the seven chakras stands as one of the most refined and symbolically rich models of inner transformation. These chakras—meaning “wheels” in Sanskrit—are vortexes of energy located along the body axis, each responsible for specific aspects of consciousness, physiology, and spiritual evolution. From the densest energies of survival to the most ethereal states of divine union, the chakras form a ladder of ascent, guiding the soul towards enlightenment. The Root Chakra (Muladhara), located at the base of the spine, is the foundation of the entire energetic system. It governs physical survival, grounding, and the instinct for self-preservation. Associated with the element earth, it links the individual to the material world and the ancestral lineage. When balanced, it grants stability, trust, and a strong connection to one's body and environment. When blocked or deficient, it manifests as fear, insecurity, or disconnection from the physical plane. Spiritually, Muladhara represents the coiled energy of potential—the kundalini—awaiting its ascent through the higher centers. The Sacral Chakra (Svadhisthana), situated just below the navel, is linked to creativity, sexuality, and emotional fluidity. Associated with the element water, it reflects the soul's capacity to feel, to relate, and to generate life—physically, artistically, or spiritually. It is the seat of desire, pleasure, and procreation, and its energy is relational, connecting the self to others through intimacy and shared experience. When in harmony, it allows the free expression of emotion and creative force. When imbalanced, it may result in emotional instability, guilt, or addictive tendencies. Svadhisthana is where passion and refinement meet. The Solar Plexus Chakra (Manipura) is the center of personal power, will, and self-definition. Aligned with the element fire, it is related to transformation, ambition, and the assertion of the individual will. It is through Manipura that one develops a clear sense of identity and the strength to act upon purpose. When balanced, this chakra radiates confidence, motivation, and integrity. An excess may produce domination or pride, while deficiency results in passivity or low self-worth. Spiritually, Manipura is the alchemical forge where ego begins to be disciplined and transmuted into conscious intention. The Heart Chakra (Anahata) is the gateway between the lower and upper chakras, and the center of unconditional love, compassion, and spiritual empathy. Associated with the element air, it expands the sense of self to include others, fostering connection, forgiveness, and inner peace. An open Anahata transcends personal desire and embraces unity, allowing one to love without attachment and to serve without self-interest. Imbalances may manifest as emotional coldness, grief, or over-dependence. Spiritually, this chakra is the sacred rose of divine love, unfolding toward the eternal. The Throat Chakra (Vishuddha) governs expression, communication, and the power of the word. Linked to the element ether (or sound), it represents the capacity to speak truth and to manifest thought into form through language. It is also the seat of inner listening and alignment between inner truth and outer expression. When open and balanced, Vishuddha enables authentic speech and artistic expression. When blocked, it may result in silence, dishonesty, or miscommunication. At the spiritual level, it is through this center that the magician, mystic, or initiate learns to wield the sacred word—the logos—as an instrument of transformation. The Third Eye Chakra (Ajna), positioned between the eyebrows, is the seat of inner vision, intuition, and higher perception. It transcends rational analysis and opens the gates to symbolic insight, dreams, and clairvoyant awareness. Associated with the light element or pure mind, it integrates the polarities of logic and imagination, allowing one to perceive patterns, archetypes, and spiritual truths. A balanced Ajna chakra produces clarity, insight, and an awakened inner compass. Imbalance may cause delusion, fantasy, or disconnection from reality. Mystically, Ajna is the eye of the soul, through which one perceives the invisible architecture of the cosmos. The Crown Chakra (Sahasrara), located at the top of the head, is the highest center of consciousness, representing union with the Divine, cosmic intelligence, and spiritual liberation. Unlike the other chakras, Sahasrara is not governed by an element but by pure consciousness—chit—itself. It is symbolized by a thousand-petaled lotus, forever unfolding into infinity. When this chakra is fully awakened, the individual transcends ego and merges with universal will, experiencing profound bliss, silence, and liberation. Imbalances may manifest as spiritual disconnection, nihilism, or excessive intellectualism. At its highest vibration, Sahasrara is not a center of power but a doorway to the return to the Source. Together, the seven chakras form a living mandala of human potential. They are not merely energetic centers but evolutionary thresholds, each inviting the soul to purify, awaken, and integrate aspects of the self on its path toward unity with the divine. When harmonized, these chakras become a ladder of light—a sacred ascent from survival to transcendence, from matter to spirit. The awakening of the chakras is thus not an end in itself, but a means of returning to wholeness, where the human becomes a conscious expression of the infinite.

A Last Chance: The King of Morocco’s Message to Algeria on the Sahara Issue... 11325

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
His Majesty the King's speech, delivered on July 28, 2025, on the occasion of the Throne Day, carries particular significance in a diplomatic context that is admittedly new but has been developing for a long time. The recent circumstances are marked by the tour of Massad Boulos, father of one of Donald Trump’s sons-in-law and special envoy of the President to the region. These circumstances are further highlighted by the remarks before the U.S. Congress of the newly appointed ambassador to Rabat, who is very close to the President. Richard Duke Buchan III did not mince words: the Sahara is Moroccan. He knows the region well, having been ambassador to Spain. This situation says a lot about the current dynamics of the conflict over the Moroccan Sahara and about Algeria’s troubled stance on this issue. In his widely followed speech, eagerly awaited and well-reported by Moroccans due to the rarity of His Majesty's words, the King of Morocco emphasizes the repeated "outstretched hand" offered by Rabat. He stresses the brotherhood between the Moroccan and Algerian peoples while underlining the constancy of his position. The goal is to exert moral and diplomatic weight, presenting an image of responsibility and openness while implicitly denouncing Algerian obstruction. This rhetoric effectively offers a way out for Algeria, which is becoming isolated on the international stage. Addressing the Algerian people, His Majesty essentially calls them to witness. By explicitly highlighting growing support for his proposal, notably recent backing by the United Kingdom and Portugal, His Majesty sends a message with a dual meaning: *- Morocco enjoys increasing support for its autonomy proposal, which legitimizes its position broadly supported by the West, the Arab world, the majority of African countries, and others; - At the same time, Algeria is becoming increasingly diplomatically isolated, as confirmed by the awkward silence regarding the Sahara issue in official statements, especially after the American special envoy’s visit.* The speech disregards the new realities and moves directly to a constructive proposal for dialogue within a fraternal framework. On the other side, the absence of any mention of Western Sahara in Algerian official statements following Boulos’s meeting with President Tebboune is particularly telling. Added to this is the recent statement by the Lebanese president, made in the presence of Tebboune and his close entourage in the heart of Algerian power. He thanked the Kingdoms of Saudi Arabia and Morocco for their involvement in resolving the political crisis in his country, without a word about the Sahara. The tone of Joseph Aoun’s voice is grating to the aligned guards. Faces are tense. This reflects either a political unwillingness or inability of Algeria to publicly address this subject under international pressure, except in the presence of marginal countries. There is also an embarrassment or divergence between the regional political reality and Algerian diplomatic communication. The fact that the American special envoy continues his tour, with a clear mission, according to Trump, "to end this artificial conflict," demonstrates international determination to promote a resolution favoring Morocco’s proposal. At least, this can be inferred from Trump’s letter to His Majesty on the occasion of the Throne Day. Are we nearing a scenario similar to the resolution of the conflict between Rwanda and the DRC? His Majesty the King’s renewed call can be seen as a last resort, a final offer of appeasement: an opportunity for Algeria to step down from its stubborn stance without losing face, relying on a credible and internationally accepted proposal. Morocco has shown both patience and firmness. The next step now depends on Algeria’s choice. Unfortunately, instead of an official response, the Algerian authorities have communicated indirectly through media channels, some of whose outrageous remarks are perplexing. They even claim that the King of Morocco eventually threw in the towel in the face of Algeria’s intransigence. The lifeline extended by the King to a languishing regime is perceived as a mere sponge by the very one who needs it. A pity. Algeria now faces its contradictions, confronted with a complex constraint. Continuing to support the Polisario means further entrenchment and a risky isolation, both regionally and internationally, with an even greater threat of political weakening internally. The country suffers from an unprecedented economic crisis, limiting, due to a lack of foreign currency, imports that are vital to the economy and the people. Recurring electricity and especially water cuts in several regions add to the difficulties. The dilapidated state of cities is perplexing. Tebboune’s reassuring talks do not lessen the bitterness of the population. Heeding Morocco’s call would allow Algeria to reposition itself politically without losing face; explicitly refusing dialogue is increasingly costly and diplomatically unsustainable. Algeria risks sinking into a crisis that benefits neither its international credibility nor regional stability, and even less its domestic stability. The involvement of the American special envoy in the region, the discretion regarding the Sahara case in Algerian communiqués, and the King of Morocco’s speech all point to the same reality: the status quo can no longer continue. The generous and wise royal appeal is indeed a last chance offered to Algeria to escape the deadlock, avoid international political embarrassment, and preserve some dignity for its leaders. By opting for dialogue, Algiers would also save face internally, with a population that has been fed a hatred of the Kingdom for five decades and sacrificed for a cause that brought only misery and disappointment. What does the population feel when it sees mercenaries occupying part of its territory, parading at its expense, pretending to lead a bogus “republic”? The international context, with major actors clearly engaged for a pragmatic resolution, reduces Algeria’s room for maneuver. Will Algeria seize this opportunity to redirect its policy, or will it continue a costly and potentially harmful strategy? In that case, there will be only one loser: Algeria. The regional and international momentum is accelerating every day in favor of the Moroccan proposal. This is the meaning , and only the meaning, that should be given to the Throne Day speech of the King of Morocco.

The Golden Dawn 11511

Tupan, 2 mon.
It is impossible to discuss about magick without mentioning The Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn. It was founded in the late 19th century and stands as one of the most influential occult societies in modern history. Emerging during a period of intense fascination with mysticism, spiritualism, and ancient wisdom, the Golden Dawn synthesized a wide range of esoteric traditions—Hermeticism, Kabbalah, alchemy, astrology, Tarot, Rosicrucianism, and Enochian magic—into a structured, initiatory system. Its teachings and rituals laid the foundation for much of today’s ceremonial magic, influencing major occult figures such as Aleister Crowley (1875-1947), Dion Fortune (1890-1946), Israel Regardie (1907-1985), and even elements of Wicca and New Age spirituality. The Order was formally established in 1888 in London by three Freemasons—William Wynn Westcott (1848-1925), Samuel Liddell MacGregor Mathers (1854-1918), and William Robert Woodman (1828-1891)—who claimed to have received authorization to form the group from mysterious German Adepts through the discovery of a cipher manuscript. This document allegedly contained the outlines of a magical order structure and provided the inspiration for the Outer Order of the Golden Dawn, which focused on ceremonial ritual, magical symbolism, and spiritual transformation through the Tree of Life in the Jewish Kabbalistic tradition. The Golden Dawn was hierarchical and initiatory, with members progressing through a series of grades based on the Qabalistic Tree of Life, each corresponding to deeper levels of metaphysical understanding. The Outer Order (or First Order) focused on theoretical knowledge—Hermetic philosophy, astrological correspondences, geomancy, and the use of symbols, especially those from Egyptian and classical sources. Students were trained in ritual magic, visualization, and the manipulation of elemental and planetary energies. The Second Order, known as the Rosae Rubeae et Aureae Crucis (RR et AC), was an inner circle reserved for initiates who had demonstrated proficiency and inner development. Here, the emphasis shifted from theory to practical and ceremonial magic, including advanced work in scrying, spirit evocation, Enochian magic, and astral projection. Members of the Second Order were tasked with performing complex rites, often involving magical tools such as wands, swords, pentacles, robes, and the use of consecrated temples. One of the Order’s most innovative features was its integration of diverse traditions into a coherent symbolic and ritual framework. For example, the Enochian system—derived from the angelic communications of John Dee and Edward Kelley in the 16th century—was systematized and used in conjunction with Kabbalistic and astrological symbolism. Tarot cards were not only used for divination but also mapped onto the Tree of Life and the Hebrew alphabet, giving them philosophical depth. The Golden Dawn also refined techniques of pathworking, where initiates would meditate upon the paths of the Tree of Life to achieve spiritual insight and astral exploration. Despite its achievements, the Golden Dawn was plagued by internal disputes and power struggles, particularly between MacGregor Mathers and other senior members such as Aleister Crowley and A.E. Waite (1857-1942). By the early 20th century, the original Order had fragmented into various offshoots. Yet these splinter groups—such as the Stella Matutina, Alpha et Omega, and later Builders of the Adytum (B.O.T.A.)—continued the legacy, adapting Golden Dawn teachings for new generations. In the 1930s, Israel Regardie, a former initiate, published many of the Golden Dawn’s rituals and teachings in *The Golden Dawn: A Complete System of Magic*, ensuring the Order’s survival and revitalization. His work preserved and democratized the system, bringing its methods to solitary practitioners and small esoteric groups around the world. Today, the Golden Dawn’s influence is nearly universal in Western esoteric and magical traditions. From Thelema to Chaos Magic, Wicca, and modern Hermeticism, echoes of its symbolism, ritual structure, and magical philosophy remain foundational. Its emphasis on disciplined self-transformation through knowledge and will continues to resonate with seekers pursuing spiritual development beyond dogma. In summary, the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn was not merely a secret society—it was a philosophical and magical renaissance, seeking to awaken the divine potential within each individual through a synthesis of ancient wisdom and modern ritual. It represents a key turning point in the Western Mystery Tradition: a bridge between the occult revival of the 19th century and the rich diversity of contemporary magical practice.

Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 11570

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position

Between Ideology and Pragmatism: The Spanish Radical Left's Controversial Stance on Moroccan Sahara... 11445

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
I confess here that it was the writings of Si Lahcen Hadad that pushed me to take a closer interest in this Spanish left, which positions itself in opposition to the Sánchez government, which is itself left-wing. Not reading Spanish, I am therefore somewhat less inclined to pay attention to the repeated ignominies of this left, sick from not being able to access power, sick from its aborted history, sick from what it actually is. So, to exist, it invented a cause. Too bad if it understands nothing about it, too bad if it harms Spain’s interests, too bad if it distorts history, ignores geography and demography, too bad if its reasoning, if it is reasoning at all, is far from logical, too bad if it lies outrageously. The important thing is to exist and to appear to the Spanish public as the defender of the causes of the most deprived... No matter if those people harmed the Spanish people; no matter if they have Spanish blood on their hands. Manifest bad faith. In Spain, therefore, a significant part of the radical left, mainly represented by formations such as Unidas Podemos, an alliance between Podemos, Izquierda Unida, and other minority groups, maintains a posture—let’s say critical, if not belligerent—towards the Kingdom of Morocco. This contradictory position is fed by a historical prism marked by colonial memory, “anti-imperialist” struggles, but also by the question of the Sahara, called the "Spanish Sahara" until 1975, as it was a former territory under Spanish domination until the Green March in 1975. This radical left considers Morocco a belligerent and threatening actor. The debate is not limited to territorial disputes: it fits into an ideological vision where the Moroccan state is often presented as an authoritarian and repressive regime, described as a neocolonial power. This is what underpins the repeated support for the artificial Sahrawi cause, presented as an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist fight. Support for the Polisario Front thus seems embedded in the DNA of these “gauchos,” regardless of developments. Historically, several components of the Spanish left have expressed clear support for the Polisario Front, founded in 1973, which was nevertheless supported by Gaddafi, then hosted, supplied, and armed by the Algerian regime with the aim of harming Morocco’s interests. This support manifests itself in various forms: - Filing parliamentary motions in defense of the right to self-determination for this small part of the Sahara alone; - Participation in international pro-Polisario forums and associative networks that blindly support it, regardless of reports on the embezzlement of aid, rapes, and flagrant human rights abuses in Tindouf; - Pressure on the Spanish government and European institutions to recognize the political status of the Sahara, neglecting to mention that it was formerly occupied by their country, as a territory to be decolonized, in opposition to Morocco’s historical sovereignty. Even the autonomy proposal, well known in Spain, does not seem to satisfy them. However, it should be noted that this support comes in a context of strong internal contestation in Spain. Since the socialist government of Pedro Sánchez expressed its support in 2022 for the Moroccan autonomy plan, this radical position has somewhat fractured. This change reflects a pragmatic adaptation by some to the geopolitical, economic, and migratory realities that closely link the two countries. Faced with challenges related to managing migratory flows through the occupied enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as security and economic cooperation with the Kingdom of Morocco, the Spanish government has refocused its diplomacy. This has led to a gradual distancing of the left—but not the radical left—from the Polisario, thus marginalizing its influence on official policy. In this context, some voices within the radical left still try to persuade European institutions to keep pressure on Morocco, demanding that the so-called Western Sahara remain central to priorities to resolve an “unresolved colonial conflict.” Parliamentary groups and “pro-Sahrawi” NGOs continue to denounce bilateral agreements between Madrid and Rabat, refusing that the issue be sidelined in favor of a more “pragmatic” diplomacy. Spanish and European institutions, the theater of these ideological tensions, thus see the radical left forces seeking to have the question of the so-called Western Sahara recognized as a “state matter.” They denounce Moroccan control over this dossier and strongly contest the diplomatic normalization policies carried out by Madrid. This line reflects a deep political fracture, where post-colonial idealism and outdated self-determination claims clash head-on with political realism marked by the search for regional strategic balances. Support for the so-called Sahrawi cause is not without controversy. Activists, commentators, and victims have recalled that the Polisario Front was, in the past, involved in violent operations in Spanish territorial waters, causing the death of Spanish fishermen. These painful episodes resonate in Spanish public opinion and fuel a virulent critique of radical positions that support a movement with a past combining political struggle and violent actions. This memory weighs heavily in contemporary debate and is exploited by political forces opposed to these radical left positions, notably the Spanish right. The question of the Sahara, a territory that was Spanish for a time, remains an important point in relations between Spain and Morocco. However, current political, economic, and security realities push for pragmatic Spanish diplomacy, favorable to strengthened cooperation with Rabat, thus marginalizing the radical stance on both governmental and international stages. The historical legacy is here perfectly exploited for contemporary necessities in managing Ibero-Moroccan relations. Today, after consulting numerous articles and writings recounting the positions of this left of another era, I understand a little better Si Lahcen Hadad's fight on the subject, and even more so his sharp responses to the remarks of a certain Ignacio Cembrero, whom I now see only as a bland neurotic. Thank you, Si Lahcen. One question remains: why is the Moroccan left not more inclined to take a stand and strongly denounce the alienated stance of their Spanish counterparts?

Theurgy 11369

Tupan, 2 mon.
Theurgy (Greek: θεουργία, theourgía, “divine work”) is the sacred art of invoking and communing with the divine through ritual acts, moral purification, and contemplative discipline. Emerging from the spiritual philosophy of late Neoplatonism, especially as formulated by Iamblichus (c. 250–325 CE), theurgy is distinguished from other forms of magic by its noble ideal - the soul’s ascension and union (ἕνωσις, henosis) with the divine source. Unlike goetia, which seeks to manipulate material outcomes, theurgy is fundamentally initiatory and redemptive. It engages the practitioner in a disciplined ascent through the metaphysical hierarchy of existence, beginning in the sensory world and leading toward the transcendent unity of the One. This ascent is made possible through divine grace and ritual participation in the cosmic order. The theurgist operates within a universe conceived as a great chain of being (σειρά, seira), extending from the indescribable source through the divine intellect (νοῦς, nous), the soul (ψυχή, psyche), and the celestial intelligences, down to the elements of the material world. Through sacred rites, one may ascend these levels of reality by re-establishing communion between the soul and its divine archetype. At the heart of theurgical practice lies the invocation of spiritual intelligences—gods, archangels, planetary powers, and cosmic intermediaries—through symbolic actions, sacred statements, and hieratical rituals. These acts are not merely symbolic or theatrical, but sacramental: they are performed to align human activity with the divine will and to reflect the eternal order of the cosmos within the temporal world. Iamblichus stressed that such union with the gods could not be attained through philosophical reasoning alone. Rather, one must engage in ritual action using sacred symbols, divine names, and purificatory rites to render the soul receptive to the divine presence. The practice of theurgy was closely tied to philosophical ethics and interior purification. The theurgist was expected to live a disciplined life, cultivating virtue, moderation, and piety. This internal preparation was as crucial as the external rite, for the soul must be made capable of bearing divine illumination. Through repeated engagement with divine acts, the practitioner refines the spiritual vehicle and becomes gradually elevated to recognize the higher realities without distortion. Historically, theurgy developed as a synthesis of Platonic metaphysics, Chaldean oracles, Egyptian temple rituals, and mystery initiations. While rooted in the classical world, its influence extended into the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Figures such as Marsilio Ficino and Giordano Bruno drew heavily on theurgical principles in their Hermetic and Neoplatonic revivals. In modern esotericism, especially within orders such as the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, theurgical ideas persist under the structure of ritual magic, planetary invocations, and Qabalistic ascent. The ultimate goal of the theurgist is apotheosis—not in the sense of personal glorification, but in the restoration of the soul to its divine pattern, beyond all individuation. As Iamblichus declares in his treatise On the Mysteries: “Theurgy unites us to the gods, not through thought, but through divine acts.” In this sense, theurgy is not merely a practice, but a sacred path—a divine remembrance enacted through the body, soul, and spirit, leading the practitioner not toward mastery of the world, but toward reintegration with the divine fullness (πλήρωμα, pleroma) from which all emanates.

Morocco, History, and Geography: The Foundations of Political Reality and Territorial Integrity... 11488

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Politics cannot be separated from history or geography. It consists of a set of actions and decisions aimed at organizing a society internally, as well as in its relations with the rest of the world. It is always situated within a context shaped by the two fundamental dimensions of history and geography, which are by no means mere backdrops but rather provide the framework within which political projects, conflicts, and developments unfold. Politics may be influenced by an ideology—born of a philosophy—or simply shaped by a given context, but such influence rarely lasts. History plays a fundamental role in understanding political phenomena. A country’s institutions, laws, and values are rooted in its collective memory, an inheritance made up of major events, breaks, or continuities with the past. Borders, for example, are often drawn following wars or treaties, the outcome of ancient or recent conflicts. They remain visible marks of past rivalries, defeats, victories, and compromises. Relations—whether of solidarity or rivalry—between nations, regions, or communities are explained in light of shared or divergent histories. The present Kingdom of Morocco cannot be understood without reference to its millennial origins, to the centuries-old Sharifian Empire, nor to the successive dynasties that shaped its relationship to religion, allegiance, and the centralization of power throughout different eras. Similarly, geography significantly influences the choices and constraints of public policies. The distribution of natural resources conditions economic development, territorial organization, and power relations. Relief, climate, and access to maritime routes determine possibilities for urbanization, agriculture, communication, and defense. Border situations impose specific diplomatic and security policies, while landlocked or insular areas require tailored strategies. Some authors even describe Morocco as an “island country” due to its geographical configuration. It is therefore inconceivable to conceive of effective or legitimate politics without taking history and geography into account. Every choice, reform, or political ambition must be based on a deep understanding of the territory and collective memory; ignoring one or the other exposes one to illusion, misunderstanding, or even failure. Regarding the Sahara, referred to as the “Western Sahara,” the geography of this region is undeniably contiguous to Morocco, physically, demographically, and historically: the Saharan populations have largely contributed to the country’s evolution. Its history was written through the successive allegiances of its tribes to the sultans of Morocco, and the Sharifian kingdom thus constitutes a nation-state established long before the contemporary era. Weakened by having missed the crucial turn of the industrial revolution, the Sharifian Empire was dissected from south to north, but also from the east. The so-called Western Sahara was annexed by Spain, which exercised colonial control there from 1884 to 1975. This situation facilitated France’s domination over territories grouped into French West Africa, part of which later became Mauritania. France also appropriated the eastern part of the Sharifian Empire, annexed de facto to its departments conquered from the Ottoman Empire and called French Algeria. The remainder was placed under French protectorate, while northern Morocco came under Spanish rule. Independence, achieved in 1956, and the gradual decolonization of Sidi Ifni and Tarfaya concerned other regions only later. On November 28, 1960, France authorized the proclamation of Mauritania’s independence—a region then claimed by Morocco, as were territories under Spanish control that Morocco considered its own. At that time, there was a Moroccan ministry called the “Ministry of Mauritanian and Saharan Affairs,” headed by Mohammed Fal Ould Oumeir, a representative of those territories. From 1963 onwards, the kingdom raised the issue of the Spanish Sahara before the Decolonization Commission. The situation became complicated when newly created Mauritania also claimed the territory, notably to pressure Morocco, which did not recognize Mauritanian independence until 1969—nine years after its proclamation. Morocco continued to claim the Spanish Sahara peacefully, preventing the Liberation Army from pursuing military actions in the region. In 1973, the creation of the Polisario Front (Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro) marked a new stage. This movement initially aimed to unite the Saharan territory with the “motherland.” But in a context of regional rivalries and ideological tensions, the Saharan question was instrumentalized by various actors. Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya played a decisive role in the rise of the separatist Polisario, supporting and arming the movement in a "revolutionary" and pan-Arabist logic, while seeking to destabilize the Moroccan monarchy. Later, Gaddafi himself admitted having made a “strategic mistake” in backing this group, which remains a destabilizing factor in the region today. In 1975, a peaceful turning point occurred: bolstered by the International Court of Justice’s opinion recognizing ties of allegiance between Saharan tribes and Moroccan sultans, the late King Hassan II launched the Green March to general surprise. This mobilization pushed Spain to withdraw from Laâyoune in favor of Morocco, which immediately reclaimed the territory. Mauritania, although having occupied adjacent zones, ultimately withdrew, leaving Morocco alone against the Polisario Front, actively supported by Algeria, which hosted, armed, financed, and elevated the movement into a “republic.” Houari Boumédiène’s Algeria exploited the situation to weaken its Moroccan neighbor, even calling the Saharan issue a “thorn in Morocco’s side,” a way of exacting revenge for the crushing defeat in 1963. This dispute has often overshadowed the deep history of ties between Morocco and these territories under Sharifian authority well before the colonial era. For Morocco, territorial integrity rests firmly on the constants of history and geography—major arguments. The rest is merely a temporary construction without foundation, destined to fade into oblivion in the near future. Moroccans know this very well… Perhaps not everyone else…

Algeria Faces Strategic Imperative to Disarm Polisario Amid Geopolitical Shifts 11156

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
*The disarmament of the Polisario now appears as the *ultimate option* Algeria might face in light of recent geopolitical and diplomatic developments. Several factors converge toward this perspective, which is no longer merely hypothetical but a strategic and political necessity. For several years, the international community, notably driven by the United States, has clearly positioned Morocco’s autonomy proposal as the only credible basis for resolving the so-called Western Sahara conflict. This shift has fundamentally changed the dynamics, marginalizing the Polisario and weakening its traditional support, especially from Algeria. Algeria, which has long provided military and political backing to the Polisario, now finds itself in a delicate position, under international pressure and confronted with realities on the ground. The movement of Polisario militias out of Algerian territory perfectly reflects Algeria’s impotence, even debacle, as separatists openly use it as a logistical rear base. Separatist incursions into the buffer zone—part of Moroccan territory, a restricted area under tight Moroccan military surveillance—significantly weaken the Polisario, which emerges defeated each time. **In an already tense regional context, the recent terrorist attack in Mali illustrates the worsening security threats. Several Malian cities have been seized by a genuine terrorist army, an unprecedented coalition of all extremist factions in the region, including about 300 fighters armed and coming from the Polisario. This alliance complicates the security landscape in West and North Africa, blurring lines between armed groups and political movements, increasing pressure on neighboring states, particularly Algeria with its porous borders. For the first time, terrorists approached the Senegalese border, a significant development. Are we on the verge of the birth of another Islamic state?** In the United States, bipartisan calls to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization implicitly target Algeria, which could be labeled a “state sponsor of terrorism.” Facing these pressures, the Algerian military junta has few options. The most likely is a calibrated backtrack: accepting Morocco’s autonomy proposal as a negotiation basis. Reluctantly, it is forced to reduce its military support for the Polisario, which will also lose backing from Iran and its proxies. In this context, disarming the Polisario is not only a military option but a political and security imperative. Maintaining armed militias, fed illusions and weapons for decades, has become a burden for Algeria, which must now consider their dissolution, halt their funding, and isolate the most belligerent elements. This implicit approach aligns with the political settlement logic based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. It would pave the way for the return of Sahrawis held in camps to their Moroccan homeland. The political end of the Polisario renders its armed existence obsolete. Disarmament thus appears as Algeria’s last card to exit the Western Sahara conflict deadlock without losing face or risking international sanctions. This choice, imposed by circumstances, could mark the end of an armed confrontation era and open the path to a painful but peaceful resolution for separatists and Algerian military leaders, who would suffer yet another defeat against Morocco. On the other hand, Algeria must finally allow a precise census of the Tindouf camp inhabitants and clearly determine their origins. It is known that Sahrawis from Moroccan Sahara are a minority, about one-third of the population. This census, repeatedly requested by the United Nations and the UNHCR, is essential to ensure transparency and the future of all. Morocco would likely not allow non-Moroccans to settle on its territory. Algeria’s persistent refusal to permit this census raises serious questions about its motives, given contradictions over the real number and origins of the camp populations, who are not only displaced from Western Sahara but also include Sahrawis from Algeria, Mauritania, and elsewhere. This opacity contributes to militarization and a situation contrary to the 1951 Refugee Convention principles, as populations are effectively detained and armed, incompatible with refugee status. Moreover, a refugee cannot be armed. Disarming the Polisario is thus a major strategic and political necessity for Algeria, facing increased international, especially American, pressure demanding not only militia disarmament but also dismantling of the Tindouf camps. Maintaining armed militias in these camps is a real burden for Algiers and an obstacle to peaceful regional relations. Population census is therefore an essential step to clearly distinguish civilian refugees from armed fighters, a prerequisite for disarmament and militia dissolution. Without this clarification, the international community cannot control the situation, prevent fraud, or guarantee regional security. In sum, Algeria must stop evading its responsibilities by finally allowing an internationally supervised census, which would open the way to more transparent and humane conflict management while facilitating Polisario disarmament, indispensable for a lasting political solution based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. This difficult but unavoidable choice is crucial to avoid diplomatic isolation, sanctions risk, and regional security deterioration. However, this option remains delicate and fraught with consequences for Algiers, which must first convince its population of the paradigm shift and find solutions for separatists whose hands are stained with blood. Disarming the Polisario, far from a mere military operation, will be a major turning point in regional dynamics and a decisive test for Algerian diplomacy. This will require great courage and perhaps new leadership.*

The Smara Attack: A Reflection of Power Struggles in Algeria... 5180

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The recent Polisario attack on Smara, in the Moroccan Sahara, takes place within a context of deep divisions within the Algerian military hierarchy, which directly influence the policy of the Algerian state. These internal tensions, marked by strategic rivalries, impact the Algiers-Polisario strategy vis-à-vis Morocco. This offensive, targeting notably a MINURSO base and the small airport of Smara, reflects the will of certain sectors of the Algerian army, supporting the Polisario, to challenge the international community and counter American diplomatic pressure, particularly the bill in Congress aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization. This move also likely reflects a disagreement within the Algiers-Polisario alliance, exacerbated by the request of the Algerian Chief of Staff, Said Chengriha, to return the Iranian weapons supplied to the Polisario, signaling a probable change of course under international pressure. The Polisario, dependent on Algerian authorities for its actions, illustrates through this attack the fractures within the Algerian military hierarchy. Several currents oppose each other: some advocate rapprochement with France, others maintain the historic relationship with Russia, while others seek to appease the United States. These divergences are amplified by regional geopolitical stakes, notably the war in Ukraine, and by Morocco’s rapprochement with Sahel countries, which exasperates certain members of the general staff. Moreover, the concentration of military, political, economic, and diplomatic powers in the hands of General Chengriha fuels tensions with the civilian presidency. President Tebboune, although formally head of state, sees his authority challenged, as demonstrated by the private meeting with Emmanuel Macron held without prior consultation of the general staff, causing a cooling of relations at the top before the ‘president’ was reprimanded. These internal conflicts directly influence the management of the Sahara dossier. The Polisario attack appears as an expression of power struggles: some officers favor an aggressive posture to preserve their influence, while others prioritize caution in the face of risks of diplomatic isolation and sanctions. The increasing integration of the military into the civilian administration, reinforced by a recent presidential decree, illustrates the general staff’s desire to control all levers of power, accentuating the politicization of the army and internal tensions. Finally, the fact that the attack did not achieve its major objectives seems deliberate, constituting a kind of “signature” with Iranian rockets. This gesture can also be seen as a sign of despair from a diplomatically isolated movement and an indicator of divisions at the military top, with some seeking to show that a change of power could open other regional options. This operation, far from unanimous, weakens Algiers’ position and strengthens the arguments of figures like Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta. Highlighting that major national decisions occur within a context of internal rivalries within the military institution, a pillar of power in Algeria, no one can believe that the decision to launch rockets against Morocco was made in a unanimous conclave.

Make Your Posts Beautiful: Bluwr Text Formatting Guide 5135

Bluwr | Contact, 3 mon.
Bluwr has a simple text formatting system that automatically transforms your writing into beautifully styled posts. Here's how to use these powerful features to make your content stand out. ==Essential Text Styling== **Bold Text** To make text bold, wrap it with two asterisks on each side. For example, if you write two asterisks, then the word "important", then two asterisks, it will appear in bold formatting. ;; asterisk asterisk important asterisk asterisk ;; *Italic Text* For italic text, use single asterisks around your words. Write one asterisk, your text, then another asterisk. ;; asterisk text asterisk ;; __Underlined Text__ Create underlined text by using two underscores before and after your text. ;; underscore underscore highlighted underscore underscore ;; ==Layout Elements== Create Visual Breaks Want to add a horizontal line to separate sections? Simply type four dashes in a row. ;; dash dash dash dash ;; Center Your Text Make text appear centered by wrapping it with two equals signs. ;; equals equals This text will be centered equals equals ;; Show Code and Examples Display code or preserve exact formatting by wrapping text with two semicolons. This is perfect for showing examples or code snippets. ;; semicolon semicolon Your code here semicolon semicolon ;; ==Lists and Organization== Bullet Points Create bullet lists by starting each line with a dash and a space. ;; dash First item dash Second item dash Third item ;; Numbered Lists Make numbered lists by starting lines with numbers and periods. ;; 1. First step 2. Second step 3. Third step ;; ==Automatic Magic== **Lead Paragraphs** Here's something special - Bluwr automatically styles the first sentence of your post as a lead paragraph. Just write naturally and your opening will be highlighted to draw readers in. **Smart Processing** All these formatting options work together seamlessly. The system processes your text in the background, so you can focus on writing great content while Bluwr handles the presentation. ==Pro Tips for Great Formatting== - **Mix different styles** for rich, engaging posts - **Don't overdo it** - let your content be the star - **Use bullet points** to break up longer paragraphs - **Try centered text** for important announcements - **Code blocks** are perfect for sharing examples or preserving specific formatting **Start experimenting** with these formatting options in your next post. They're designed to be intuitive - just type naturally and watch your words transform into beautiful, readable content that captures your readers' attention. The best part? Once you learn these simple patterns, they become second nature. Your posts will look professional and polished without any extra effort.

Gnosticism 5138

Tupan, 3 mon.
Gnosticism (from the Greek γνῶσις, gnosis, meaning “knowledge” or “insight”) refers to a diverse set of spiritual movements that emerged in the early centuries of the Common Era, primarily within the Greco-Roman world. These traditions share a central conviction: that the human soul contains a divine spark exiled in a flawed or fallen material world, and that salvation comes not through faith alone, but through direct, experiential knowledge of spiritual truths. Gnostic cosmology, at its core, shows a clear dualism between spirit and matter, light and darkness, knowledge and ignorance. The cosmos is depicted as the creation not of the highest God—Ἀγαθός Θεός (Agathos Theos, the Good God)—but of a lesser, ignorant, or even malevolent power often termed the Demiurge (Greek Δημιουργός, Demiourgos, meaning “artisan” or “builder”). This Demiurge, sometimes identified with the god of the Old Testament in certain Gnostic sects, fashions the material world as a prison or illusion, veiling the true divine realm. In Gnostic thought, the true God resides beyond the material cosmos, in the fullness of divine being known as the Pleroma (Greek Πλήρωμα). From this realm of light emanate spiritual beings or Aeons (Greek Αἰῶνες, Aiones) in harmonious pairs, representing aspects of divine mind, love, and will. A disruption in this celestial order—often symbolized by the fall or error of an Aeon such as Sophia (Greek Σοφία, Sophia, meaning “Wisdom”)—leads to the creation of the material universe and the entrapment of divine sparks within human souls. Salvation in Gnosticism is not achieved through external rites or adherence to dogma, but through gnosis itself: a deep inner awakening, in which the soul remembers its true origin and destiny. This knowledge is both intellectual and mystical, a direct experience of the hidden God and the realization of one’s divine nature. Thus, the Gnostic path involves a journey of inner revelation, often guided by a redeemer figure who descends from the Pleroma—whether portrayed as the Logos (Λόγος), the true Christ, or another messenger of light. Gnosticism often emphasizes the rejection of the material world's illusions and corruptions, while seeking purity of spirit and alignment with the divine order. Yet, the diversity of Gnostic schools means that some embraced asceticism, avoiding bodily pleasures as snares of the Demiurge, while others saw no harm in engaging with the world’s forms, recognizing them as ultimately empty of true substance. Gnostic scriptures, many of which were lost or suppressed for centuries, survive today in collections such as the Nag Hammadi library discovered in 1945. Several texts like the Gospel of Thomas and the Apocryphon of John offer rich and symbolic teachings, blending different elements into a vision of spiritual liberation. Throughout history, Gnosticism has influenced mystical and esoteric traditions, from Manichaeism and Hermeticism to modern currents of Theosophy and some aspects of psychology. At its core, Gnosticism invites the seeker to look beyond appearances, to pierce the veil of the world’s illusions, and to remember the divine origin of the soul. In this way, it calls the human being not to blind belief, but to awakening—through gnosis—to an aspect of truth hidden at the heart of existence. being.

Mauritania’s Ambiguous Stance on the Western Sahara Conflict 5179

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The Mauritanian Minister of Culture, Arts, Communication, and Relations with Parliament, Government Spokesperson El Houssein Ould Meddou, recently spoke on France 24 regarding Mauritania’s position on the so-called Western Sahara conflict. Clearly uncomfortable, to the point of appearing surprised by the journalist’s question, he seemed to stammer while affirming that Mauritania adopts a policy of neutrality, introducing a new concept: that of “positive and active neutrality” in this matter. Very clumsily, he reduced the issue to a matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara,” without specifying who exactly he meant. He got further bogged down when he claimed that his country does not limit itself to a passive stance but is sincerely committed to contributing to a fair political solution, serving regional stability and the interests of all parties involved. Again, no clarification was given on who these parties are, and whether his own country is included or not. This borders on contradiction with his earlier statements. According to the Minister, this neutrality is expressed notably by Mauritania’s willingness to play a central role in facilitating dialogue between the conflict’s actors, fostering a climate of trust and overcoming political deadlock. However, he seemed not to have carefully read the Security Council resolutions since 2007. The Minister showed more irritation when the journalist asked about the closure of Lebriga, the border post between Mauritania and Algeria. He appeared unaware of this closure, which is surprising given that the decision sparked major controversy and strong reactions from separatists against his own country and government. After some hesitation, he awkwardly stated that the recent Mauritanian decision to close the Lebriga crossing on the Algerian border was a measure taken for internal security reasons, aimed at controlling crossings and protecting national sovereignty. His attempt to recover only entrenched him further. For him, this decision has no political significance and targets no particular party but responds to a state approach to securing borders. Quite astonishing. The Mauritanian Minister thus explicitly reduced the so-called Western Sahara conflict to a simple matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara.” Did he realize at that moment the sensitive political repercussions he was causing? Indeed, this position was perceived as indirect support for the Algerian version of the conflict. Algeria quickly reacted by officially inviting the minister and bestowing many honors on him. This instant Algerian response can only be interpreted as a reward for the minister’s risky stance. He thus placed himself in a situation where he contradicted himself. The “positive neutrality” he mentioned becomes clear: it is actually alignment with the Algerian position. This situation embarrassed the Mauritanian government and presidency, which did not officially endorse the minister’s remarks. Several government members expressed discomfort with this statement, emphasizing that it does not reflect Mauritania’s official position. Moreover, within Mauritanian civil society, critical voices emerged, denouncing the apparent ignorance of the minister on sensitive issues, notably the border with Algeria. During the interview, the journalist noted that the minister seemed poorly informed on this subject, which heightened the discomfort around his statements. On the Moroccan side, the reaction to the Mauritanian government spokesperson’s remarks was very measured, even officially nonexistent. Morocco, as usual, chose not to publicly respond to this declaration, probably considering that the Mauritanian minister is only a marginal actor, not part of Mauritania’s true leadership circle. This silence can be interpreted as a strategy to avoid giving importance to these remarks, so as not to fuel unnecessary controversy or unduly embarrass Mauritania’s real leaders. It should be noted that this interview took place before recent Polisario strikes near Smara, close to MINURSO positions, which officially complained. The mercenaries operated by passing through Mauritanian territory, where they were neutralized by the Royal Armed Forces. The clumsy declaration of the so-called spokesperson created implicit diplomatic tension, revealing internal divisions in Mauritania and illustrating the regional complexities surrounding the so-called Western Sahara conflict, where every stance is scrutinized and can have significant diplomatic consequences, without hindering the inevitable and confirmed historical evolution: the progress and consolidation of the solution proposed by Morocco, reinforced by the recognition of the Moroccan sovereignty over the territories in question by nearly all key countries, among others. By his posture, the minister thus disregarded recent developments, notably the bipartisan introduction in the U.S. Congress of the “Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act,” which a political leader in his position could not have ignored. He simply sidelined his own country, which is directly impacted.

The Picatrix 5655

Tupan, 3 mon.
The Picatrix is one of the most influential and enigmatic texts in the history of Western esotericism. Originating in the Islamic world under the title Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm (“The Goal of the Wise”), the Picatrix is a comprehensive treatise on astrology and magick—the practice of harnessing celestial forces to affect material and spiritual realities. Written in Arabic in the 10th or 11th century and later translated into Latin in the 13th century, the Picatrix became a cornerstone of Renaissance occult philosophy, influencing figures such as Marsilio Ficino, Cornelius Agrippa, and Giordano Bruno. Today, it remains a vital source for students of Hermeticism, ceremonial magic, and astrological thought. The text is attributed “al-Majriti,” a name linked to the 10th-century Andalusian scholar Maslama al-Majriti, though its true authorship remains uncertain. The Picatrix is composed of four books, comprising am extensive body of magical theory and practice derived from Greek, Persian, Indian, and Arabic sources. It synthesizes astrology, natural philosophy, alchemy, talismanic magic, and cosmology into a grand vision of the universe as a living, interrelated system of energies that can be accessed and manipulated by the initiated practitioner. At its core, the Picatrix presents a worldview in which everything is connected through celestial correspondences. The stars, planets, and zodiac are not merely distant bodies, but intelligent forces (often referred to as spirits or intelligences) that shape life on Earth. By understanding the timing, nature, and hierarchies of these celestial influences, the magician can create talismans, perform rituals, and engage in spiritual ascent. These practices are meant not only to acquire worldly benefits—such as love, protection, wealth, or knowledge—but also to align the soul with the divine order of the cosmos. The Picatrix outlines: - Detailed planetary correspondences, including planetary spirits, colors, stones, herbs, animals, and incenses; - Astrological timing for magickal operations, especially elections for creating talismans and invocations; - Rituals for contacting planetary intelligences or channeling their power into material forms; - Philosophical and spiritual foundations, arguing that magick is a divine science requiring purity of soul and alignment with the One. Importantly, the Picatrix treats magick as a sacred art, not merely a mechanical or superstitious activity. Its author warns repeatedly that the true magician must be a philosopher, guided by intellect, discipline, and virtue. In this sense, the text reflects a Neoplatonic essence, where matter is seen as a shadow of spirit, and magick as a bridge between the visible and invisible worlds. The language of the Picatrix is often dense, symbolic, and encoded. It contains long lists of ritual ingredients, planetary names, and talismanic configurations. Some of its instructions are highly technical; others are deeply mystical, involving dream incubation, purification, meditative states, and ecstatic union with celestial beings. This dual nature—simultaneously scientific and mystical—has made the Picatrix a text of enduring fascination. Its influence on Renaissance occultism was immense. Translators and scholars such as Albertus Magnus, Pietro d’Abano, and Marcilio Ficino drew upon its doctrines in the development of astral magic and natural philosophy. Even today, the Picatrix is considered a masterwork of magical cosmology, representing one of the most complete works of how the stars and the soul interact. To summarize, the Picatrix is not simply a magickal grimoire—it is a profound philosophical treatise on the structure of reality and the place of humanity within it. It teaches that the macrocosm and microcosm are reflections of one another, and that the wise—through discipline, knowledge, and intention—can influence one to elevate the other. As such, it stands as a remarkable synthesis of astrology, magic, and metaphysics, offering both a roadmap for practical sorcery and a guide for spiritual ascent.

Human Rights Council: International Support for Morocco’s Sovereignty over Its Southern Provinces, a Setback for the Separatists... 5845

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
At the opening of the 59th regular session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, held in Geneva at the Palais des Nations from June 16 to July 9, 2025, the Moroccan ambassador Omar Zniber delivered a solemn statement on behalf of about forty countries, reaffirming their full and complete support for Morocco’s sovereignty over its Southern provinces. The ambassador boldly emphasized that Morocco has maintained for years a “constructive, voluntary, and profound” cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), tirelessly working to promote and respect human rights throughout its entire territory, including, of course, in the said provinces. Zniber did not hesitate to underline, on behalf of the group, that the UN Security Council has consistently praised in its resolutions the key role of the national and regional human rights commissions in Dakhla and Laâyoune, as well as the Kingdom’s transparent and efficient collaboration with the OHCHR’s special mechanisms and procedures. Furthermore, the ambassador highlighted the recent opening of multiple consulates general in Laâyoune and Dakhla, describing this dynamic as an “essential lever” to stimulate economic cooperation, investment, and local development for the benefit of the populations, thereby contributing to regional and continental development. He did not mince words in recalling that the so-called Western Sahara issue falls exclusively under the Security Council’s remit, which unequivocally recognizes the relevance and credibility of the Moroccan autonomy plan presented in 2007; a plan that the Security Council acknowledges as a serious and pragmatic solution to the artificial dispute, a legacy of bygone times. On behalf of the same group, the ambassador expressed unconditional support for UN efforts aimed at reviving the political process within the framework of the Geneva roundtables and in accordance with Security Council resolutions, notably resolution 2756 of October 31, 2024. This resolution, it should be recalled, advocates a realistic, pragmatic, and durable political solution based on compromise. Finally, Ambassador Zniber stressed that resolving this dispute will “undeniably respond to the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the region in terms of integration and development,” a vision that Morocco strives to realize through sincere and continuous efforts. This timely intervention comes as the World Human Rights Council and the United Nations Security Council have recently addressed the so-called Western Sahara issue in a context marked by the nervousness and incoherence of separatists and their sponsor. The Security Council had extended the mandate of MINURSO until October 31, 2025, emphasizing the importance of continuing negotiations under UN auspices. Resolution 2756 was adopted, it must be noted, by 12 votes in favor, 2 abstentions, and no votes against. The Security Council insists on a “realistic, pragmatic, durable, and mutually acceptable” political solution based on compromise. The text supports the action of the Secretary-General and his personal envoy to facilitate negotiations. It also encourages cooperation with the OHCHR to improve the human rights situation, while completely disregarding and rejecting the amendments proposed by Algeria aimed at expanding MINURSO’s mandate to “record human rights violations.” All recent Security Council resolutions and reports tend to recognize the Moroccan autonomy initiative as a serious and credible solution and strongly emphasize the necessity of including Algeria in the roundtables, highlighting and confirming its essential role in the dispute, which it strives to perpetuate by any means. This orientation is seen as favorable to Morocco, which enjoys growing international support, notably with the opening of numerous consulates in the two major cities of the concerned provinces and, of course, with the backing of three permanent Security Council members and more than 116 other countries. Paradoxically, so-called Sahrawi human rights defenders dared the perilous exercise of testifying before the UN Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24), alleging serious violations committed by Moroccan forces, violations of which they seem to be the only ones aware. They denounced abuses described as war crimes and crimes against humanity, nothing less. In ridiculous language excesses that the audience paid no attention to, they spoke of systemic repression, harassment, and marginalization of Sahrawi activists. Undoubtedly, they had in mind what happens in the Tindouf camps. Despite the audience’s indifference, which never took them seriously, these pseudo-defenders called for the urgent establishment of a UN mechanism to monitor and protect human rights in the region. Short of arguments and constructive proposals, Algeria makes them repeat talking points that only they seem to believe, and even then, barely. The Polisario Front, in its delirium, goes as far as to consider Morocco’s candidacy for the presidency of the UN Human Rights Council as an affront, speaking of illegality and Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. These tribulations will obviously remain without follow-up or effect, except to deceive the Algerian people into swallowing numerous bitter pills and enormous budgets wasted on a cause from which they do not benefit; colossal sums sunk into a lost cause since 1976. The Polisario and the so-called petitioners also aimed to soothe the wounded hearts of the Tindouf detainees, making them believe they live in a better world than on the other side of the border. The World Human Rights Council and the UN Security Council have actually adopted very clear texts that, while recognizing the need for a political solution, lean in favor of the Moroccan position, notably by recognizing its autonomy initiative and maintaining a negotiation framework including Algeria. These decisions and resolutions have all remained insensitive to the pleas of the separatists, ironically supported by Algeria, of course, and by countries all flagged by the World Human Rights Council for serious violations committed against their own nationals, which is not the case for the Kingdom, including, of course, in its Southern provinces, hence the ease with which Moroccan diplomats intervene before these bodies, it must be recalled.

Mauritania Facing Security, Diplomatic, and Geopolitical Recomposition Challenges in the Sahel.. 5863

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
After four years of intervention, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner officially announced its withdrawal from Mali in June 2025. It had been active in the region since 2021. This departure occurs in a context marked by a resurgence of jihadist attacks weakening Malian and regional stability. Wagner’s departure does not signify a Russian disengagement, as its missions are being taken over by a new paramilitary organization, the Africa Corps, directly controlled by the Russian Ministry of Defense. This group, born after the failed coup attempt by former Wagner leaders in 2023, continues Russia’s strategy of influence in Africa, notably in what is declared to be the training of Malian forces to face the rising terrorist threats. This transition illustrates the complexity of the security context in the Sahel, where Wagner’s relative failure to stabilize Mali and contain Tuareg and jihadist armed groups forces Moscow to readjust its methods while maintaining its strategic influence. This new situation raises serious questions about the real capacity to contain terrorism in the region, especially at Mali’s border with Mauritania. Meanwhile, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement, is increasingly associated with terrorist activities. In Spain, a militant affiliated with the Polisario was arrested for preparing terrorist acts against Morocco, with evidence of incitement to jihadism and acquisition of explosive materials. This radicalization fits into a dynamic where the Polisario cooperates more closely with Islamist groups, notably benefiting from the support of Iran and its proxies including Hezbollah. Well-documented longstanding links exist between the Polisario and terrorist groups in the Sahel, such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, whose founders were former Polisario fighters. This collusion manifests through logistical support, arms transfers, and increased militarization, including the use of suicide drones supplied by Iran. These facts reinforce the perception of the Polisario not only as a separatist actor but also as a vector of instability and terrorism in the region. At the same time, Morocco has recorded numerous diplomatic breakthroughs and growing international pressure to formalize Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara provinces. In 2024, Morocco achieved several major victories in the international recognition of its sovereignty over its southern provinces. More than 116 countries, including powers like France, now support the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only viable solution to the conflict. This position was recently shared by the United Kingdom following the United States. Influential African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire and, more recently, Ghana have done the same. The fresh stance of Zuma’s party in South Africa further confirms this evolution. Morocco’s diplomatic progress relies on skilled international relations management and active engagement in regional security, notably in the Sahel. The Kingdom’s tact is evident as it avoids embarrassing its southern neighbor Mauritania, which has long recognized the so-called RASD puppet entity. It is also important to recall the U.S. intention to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization, a measure supported by analyses documenting its links with Hezbollah, the PKK, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Cuba, Venezuela, and other states unfriendly to the U.S. This classification aims to reveal the true nature of the Polisario. In this context, Mauritania finds itself in turmoil. Things have moved too fast. The comfort it once enjoyed is gone. The conjunction of these developments forces the country’s authorities to rethink their political positioning. Faced with the recurring fragility caused by the Polisario, which hinders its development and threatens its stability, and observing Algeria’s inability to move beyond Boumediene’s legacy to ensure effective security, Mauritania is inevitably pushed toward rapprochement with Morocco. Morocco is perceived as the only actor capable of guaranteeing lasting security in the region, especially against rising terrorist threats and current geopolitical challenges. Some Mauritanian publications already address this question very directly. This shows that Mauritanian decision-makers are indeed embracing this paradigm shift. Recent movements by the Mauritanian army align with this trend, especially as some Polisario cadres no longer hesitate to threaten Mauritania, which they label as a traitor. This tension further complicates Mauritania’s capacity to secure its borders, a young country whose resources remain very limited given the vastness of its borders, notably with Mali and Algeria. In this environment, Algeria, a blind and staunch supporter of the Polisario, today appears more trapped in rhetoric without real capacity for action, which weakens its regional position. Mauritania seems to have understood this for some time, though perhaps not openly. Conversely, Morocco, strengthened by its diplomatic successes and proven commitment to counterterrorism, appears as an indispensable partner for Mauritania in its quest for stability and prosperity. It would therefore not be surprising to see Mauritania in the very near future withdraw its recognition of the so-called RASD puppet entity or at least move away from what it has so far called a positive neutrality. In fact, Mauritania has already distanced itself somewhat from the separatists, which does not please Algeria, which is losing influence. The withdrawal of Wagner from Mali, the radicalization of the Polisario which seems overwhelmed, Morocco’s diplomatic successes, and the likely imminent designation of the Polisario as a terrorist organization by the U.S. clearly redraw the geopolitical map of the Sahel and the Maghreb. Mauritania is probably preparing for this and even taking the lead. In this shifting context, it is pushed toward a natural strategic realignment with Morocco, the only actor capable of offering a credible security alternative against terrorist threats and development challenges. This repositioning marks a major step in the reshaping of regional alliances, with profound implications for the future stability of the Sahel and the reconfiguration of North Africa.

His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity 5763

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
2.6 min read.
Long before the major transformations of the 1920s, Morocco experienced significant attempts at modernization under the reign of Hassan I (1873-1894). A visionary Sultan, Hassan I undertook reforms of the administration, strengthened the army, and developed infrastructure, notably roads and communications. His efforts encountered a conservative internal context, marked by resistance from the fouqahas (Islamic scholars) and elites attached to traditional structures. He also faced increasing pressure from European powers seeking to establish themselves in Morocco. These dual obstacles limited the scope of the reforms but nevertheless laid the foundations for gradual modernization. Before him, Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, an enlightened 18th-century Sultan, had already played a major role in opening Morocco to the world. He notably founded and developed the port of Essaouira (then Mogador) in 1765, conceived as a strategic commercial hub to control foreign trade. Thanks to its geographic position and infrastructure, Essaouira quickly became an essential crossroads for exchanges between Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Mediterranean, thereby strengthening the kingdom’s economic and diplomatic ties. Other sovereigns continued this dynamic. Moulay Abdelaziz (1894-1908) pursued certain military and administrative reforms despite increasing instability. Under the French protectorate, Moulay Youssef (1912-1927) had to navigate colonial domination while trying to preserve some Moroccan sovereignty. Ascending the throne in 1927 at only 19 years old, Mohammed V became a symbol of Moroccan resistance against the French protectorate. Rejecting colonial domination, he supported the nationalist movement, notably during his historic speech in Tangier in 1947, where he called for Moroccan unity and independence. Exiled from 1953 to 1955, his triumphant return marked the beginning of the end of the protectorate. In 1956, he proclaimed independence and laid the foundations of a sovereign Morocco. He then engaged in building a modern state by reforming institutions, unifying the territory, developing education, and initiating economic modernization, creating the Royal Armed Forces and other security bodies while affirming national cultural identity. Son of Mohammed V, Hassan II (1961-1999) consolidated the Moroccan state by establishing a constitutional monarchy and developing essential infrastructure. He skillfully combined tradition and modernity, strengthening national sovereignty while opening the country to foreign investment and international exchanges. Under his reign, Morocco made major advances in economic, social, and cultural fields, laying the groundwork for sustainable modernization and preparing the terrain for current transformations. Hassan II is remembered for gradually recovering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom in a difficult, even hostile, internal and international context. Under Mohammed VI, Morocco is undergoing a profound transformation, comparable in scale to that of the 1920s but within a sovereign and globalized context. His reign, marked by a clear vision and firm will, combines respect for traditions with openness to modernity. The country is investing massively in transport infrastructure: roads, high-speed trains, airports, and public and private facilities throughout the territory. Integration with Western economies has strengthened, making Morocco a preferred destination for foreign direct investment, attracting billions of dollars annually. Flagship projects, especially in preparation for the 2030 World Cup, are stimulating the development of sports, tourism, and cultural infrastructure, affirming the country’s international influence. At the same time, social and economic modernization is underway, with initiatives to improve education, health, innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Morocco within a global and modern dynamic. The country has simply tripled its GDP in less than twenty years. All this reflects continuity and renewal. Morocco is, in fact, in perpetual reinvention. The parallel between the major transformations of the 1920s and the era of Mohammed VI reveals a Morocco capable of constant reinvention. While the metamorphosis of the 1920s was dictated by a colonial context, today’s transformation is the fruit of a sovereign ambition, focused on balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development. It embodies the will of a sovereign with a multilateral vision. No domain is left aside or forgotten. The great projects of yesterday and today testify to an even stronger and more determined energy for transformation, with different goals: to move from a Morocco under tutelage, dependent and powerless in the face of circumstances, to a major player on the international stage, capable of attracting and cooperating with the world and building its future with confidence. Today, Morocco fits into a long tradition of historical metamorphoses. Each era has shaped a dynamic country, attempting modernity and ambitions, sometimes successful, sometimes aborted. Yet it has remained faithful to its millennial history and cultural heritage. Today it is rising, modernizing, and asserting itself as an emerging country on which one can rely. The Kingdom of Mohammed VI is thus ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century with boldness and determination, armed this time with institutions, clear and powerful visions and strategies. The royal will thus guides the country toward genuine development benefiting all, an indispensable geostrategic position, sustainable economic breakthroughs, a reliable political system, and truly irreversible progress.

The Greek Magical Papyri 5611

Tupan, 3 mon.
The Greek Magical Papyri (Latin: Papyri Graecae Magicae, abbreviated PGM) represent one of the most important and enigmatic bodies of esoteric literature from the ancient world. Comprising a collection of spells, rituals, hymns, and invocations compiled between the 2nd century BCE and the 5th century CE, these papyri offer an extraordinary glimpse into the syncretic spiritual practices of Greco-Roman Egypt. Preserved mainly on fragile scrolls and manuscripts written in Greek (with occasional Coptic, Demotic, and even Hebrew terms), the PGM bridge the realms of religion, folk magic, and mystery traditions. They are not only historical artifacts but also bear witness to a time when the boundaries between magic, religion, and science were fluid and deeply interconnected. The texts were discovered primarily in Egypt, particularly in the city of Thebes, and made their way to European collections during the 19th century. They were finally compiled and published in the early 20th century, most notably by Karl Preisendanz, and later translated into English by scholars such as Hans Dieter Betz. The rituals recorded in the PGM range from practical spells—such as those for healing, protection, love, and curse-breaking—to theurgic operations intended to invoke divine beings and achieve ecstatic union with the cosmos. One of the most distinctive features of the Greek Magical Papyri is their religious syncretism. The practitioner calls upon gods and spirits from various traditions: Greek deities like Hermes, Hekate, and Apollo appear alongside Egyptian gods such as Thoth and Isis, and even Jewish and Gnostic elements—like references to Iao (YHWH) or archons—are present. This reflects the religious pluralism of Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, where practitioners saw divine power not as confined to one pantheon, but as accessible through many forms, names, and languages. In this sense, the papyri reflect a universalist approach to the sacred, a distinctive characteristic of late antiquity’s mystery cults and Hermeticism. The goals of the rituals varied widely. Some texts focus on personal gain—attracting lovers, gaining favor from rulers, or acquiring wealth. Others describe elaborate invocations of daemons or spirits, often accompanied by complex visualizations, sacred names (called voces magicae), and symbolic gestures. One famous category of these rituals is the “Headless Rite”, an invocation of a cosmic spirit that transcends the gods themselves. The magician declares mastery over heaven and earth and seeks personal transformation and empowerment through divine contact. This ritual later influenced Western ceremonial magic, especially in the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and Thelemic traditions. The PGM also contain magical alphabets, sigils, amulets, and magical words—often long, untranslatable sequences of syllables intended to carry vibrational power. These expressions may represent remnants of older oral traditions or attempts to imitate divine or non-human speech. The importance of divine names—often in long, hybrid strings—is central, reflecting the ancient belief that knowing the true name of a deity conferred control or communion with that entity. Rather than being fringe documents, the Greek Magical Papyri reveal that magic was integrated into daily life and spiritual aspiration in antiquity. Priests, philosophers, and laypersons alike sought access to divine power through these rites. Far from the later Christian demonization of magic, the practitioners of these texts viewed themselves as mystai—seekers of truth and harmony with the cosmos. In modern times, the PGM have become an essential source for scholars of religion, anthropology, and occultism. They offer direct insight into ancient ritual techniques, influencing contemporary esoteric traditions such as Hermeticism, Neopaganism, and Chaos Magic. Moreover, they have helped to reconstruct ancient mystery practices that had otherwise been lost to time. In conclusion, the Greek Magical Papyri stand as a testament to the richness, complexity, and spiritual depth of ancient magical traditions. They are not merely spells or superstitions, but part of a larger sacred worldview in which humanity, the gods, and the cosmos were intimately connected. In these texts, we hear the voices of ancient magicians calling out to the stars—not just for power, but for divine communion and wisdom.

The Polisario Front Confronted with Increasing Accusations: Moving Towards Being Designated as a Terrorist Organization 6190

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
For several years now, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement supported and armed, as everyone knows, by Algeria, which has provided it with an entire territory in the Tindouf area, has been at the center of a growing international controversy. In the United States, Japan, and Europe, voices are rising to have this group officially classified as a terrorist organization. This shift is based on tangible evidence of its links with actors qualified as terrorists, its involvement in violent actions, but also on a network of international alliances that go beyond the regional framework. While Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah are often cited as the main supporters of the Polisario, as well as South Africa, Cuba has also played a historic and decisive role in the military and logistical training of separatist fighters. As early as 1977, under the impetus of Fidel Castro and at the request of Algeria, a tripartite military agreement was signed between Cuba, Algeria, and the Polisario, paving the way for intensive cooperation. This agreement allowed the sending of many separatist fighters to Cuba to receive specialized military training. Dedicated military schools were created on the island, where Polisario recruits were trained in guerrilla tactics, special operations, and military logistics. A Cuban delegation even went to Tindouf in 1988 to study Moroccan defenses and help develop strategies to breach the defense wall erected by the Kingdom. Cuba also provided naval logistical support, notably in the waters near the Canary Islands, where Cuban ships were involved in operations to facilitate Polisario infiltrations. Between 1975 and 1991, Cuba delivered to the Polisario a significant arsenal including assault rifles, mortars, rocket launchers, and ammunition, thus strengthening its military capabilities. Even after the 1991 ceasefire, Cuba maintained its support, continuing to train warriors especially in special operations. The last known class trained in Cuba dates back to 2003. More recently, six-month training courses have been given to groups of about forty separatists, focused on special forces tactics. Moreover, for a long period, damning testimonies report the kidnapping of children from the Tindouf camps, sometimes as young as 9 years old, to send them to Cuba on a "youth island" under high military surveillance. They undergo intensive military training mixed with strong political indoctrination. These children, isolated from their families, are trained to become soldiers in the service of the Polisario, under conditions denounced as inhumane by witnesses and former detainees. Some recent signals suggest a possible repositioning of Havana. Indeed, at the 2019 Non-Aligned Movement summit, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel omitted any reference to the Polisario, marking a break with the tradition of support displayed by Fidel and Raúl Castro. This evolution could reflect a diplomatic realignment, notably after the resumption of diplomatic relations between Morocco and Cuba in 2017, relations broken for nearly 37 years due to Cuban support for the Polisario. However, to date, the aforementioned tripartite agreement has not yet been repealed. Cuba's role is part of a larger network of Polisario alliances. Algeria, the main political and military supporter, continues to arm and shelter the movement. Iran, through Hezbollah, provides military and logistical support, notably also training fighters and delivering sophisticated weapons. This is well documented. There are also hundreds of Polisario mercenaries captured in Syria, where they operated alongside Assad's army, reinforcing the image of a group involved in international terrorist conflicts. On the ground, the Polisario is also accused of violence against civilians in southern Morocco. The missiles launched against the city of Smara bear witness to this, in addition to the blockage of the strategic Guerguerat passage. The sequestration of Sahrawi populations in the Tindouf camps, where it refuses, with Algerian support, any official census, is another proof of the true nature of the movement. Faced with these elements, several American, European, and Asian political leaders advocate for the Polisario Front to be quickly listed as a terrorist organization. American Congressman Joe Wilson has proposed a bill to this effect, denouncing the use of the Polisario by Algeria and its accomplices to destabilize the Kingdom of Morocco, a long-standing strategic ally of the United States in the region. This eminent designation would deal a major blow to Algeria, which seems tireless in supporting the Polisario for nearly 50 years, while it simply costs the country development. It would further strengthen Morocco's position on the international stage, notably after the American recognition in 2020 of Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces, that of Spain, France, the recent one of the United Kingdom, and many other African and Latin American countries. The historical, military, and educational support of Cuba, combined with the role played by Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah, places the Polisario in a network of actors with manifest destabilizing and terrorist activities. The rise in calls for its classification as a terrorist organization fits into a logic of regional and international security, requiring a coordinated response to restore stability in North Africa, the Sahel, and beyond. This page must be quickly turned for the good of the populations of the entire region

A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East 6080

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable. Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last. The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism. In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors. At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters. Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world." The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers. Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position. Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm. The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion. Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.

John Bolton and His Controversial Op-Ed Against Morocco: Hostility with Troubled Roots... 6413

Aziz Daouda, 4 mon.
John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor under Donald Trump, has just published an op-ed in the Washington Times, notably favorable to the Polisario thesis and thus to the Algerian position. The text recycles arguments Bolton has already put forward in the past. He notably defends the outdated idea of a self-determination referendum and accuses Morocco of obstructing the implementation of UN resolutions. It should be recalled once again that the referendum proposal, which Morocco had put forward in Nairobi, has been obsolete and abandoned by the Security Council since 2007; as for accusing Morocco of hindering the process, this is simply false in light of the UN resolutions over the past 20 years. Bolton lies, and he knows it. He is accustomed to it. How can one not think that this is clearly an attempt by this forgotten figure of history to regain relevance, a will to manipulate public opinion, but above all an intention to harm by pleasing the enemies of the Kingdom. This position strangely fits, without surprising, into the continuity of the official rhetoric of the Algerian military junta, the main supporter of the Polisario. It is a blatant alignment and rapprochement that raises questions about Bolton’s integrity. Let us just recall that Bolton was abruptly dismissed by Donald Trump in 2019, officially for strategic disagreements, but according to some observers, also due to questionable connections. Regarding the matter concerning the Kingdom, Bolton regularly frequents Algiers and collaborates with well-paid Algerian lobbyists such as David Keene, former NRA president, engaged in defending the Algerian cause in the United States. This closeness fuels suspicions of a relay role for Algerian interests, aiming to influence American policy. Nothing to be proud of for the jubilant military junta. It is used to contradiction and blunt communication turning the slightest detail into a victory. Bolton no longer counts and has no impact. In his rhetoric, Algiers pretends to ignore that the same Bolton supports the use of force against Iran, Algeria’s strategic ally. Iran, which the Algerian president will soon visit... It is also this same Bolton who pushed for the transfer of the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem... A strange supporter of the Palestinians to take one of their enemies as a reference. Bolton’s article fits into a morbid continuity. He shamelessly and unashamedly tries to discredit Moroccan policy and its growing influence on the international stage while defending separatism. He ignores the terrorist nature of the Polisario, opposing an entire faction of Republicans with Joe Wilson as spokesperson. The latter is logically pushing for a vote very soon in the U.S. Congress on a law designating the Polisario as a terrorist organization. Paradoxically, Bolton’s desperate offensive comes at a time when Morocco is achieving major diplomatic successes. The Kingdom has recently further strengthened its ties with several African countries, Kenya being the latest example. Thanks to its autonomy plan for the Sahara, widely recognized and supported by the international community, Morocco is reaping success after success. The vote on the latest Security Council resolution on the issue shows that even countries that once voted out of ideological principle against anything favorable to Morocco no longer do so, quite the opposite. Moreover, the closure of the Polisario Front’s office in Damascus illustrates Morocco’s growing influence in the Middle East. Thus, unanimity is almost reached in favor of Morocco at the Arab League today, with the obvious exception of Algeria alone, perfectly isolated, even neutralized and weakened in everyone’s eyes. At heart, Bolton’s op-ed seems intended to soothe the wounds of Algiers and the separatists, who are losing ground to Morocco’s assertion. The autonomy plan proposed by Rabat is increasingly endorsed on the international stage, while the Polisario sees its influence diminish. It is becoming inaudible and has no other escape than to cling to a few fringe extremist demonstrations here and there. This stance therefore appears as a last gasp from a retreating camp. Lacking any real leverage to influence American or global policy, Algiers and the separatists quench their thirst by drinking the words of marginal figures without substance. To better understand this posture, it must be recalled that John Bolton is a controversial figure in American politics, known for his ultra-conservative positions and aggressive foreign policy approach, often described as neoconservative. His dismissal in 2019 was marked by major disagreements with the Trump administration, but also by suspicions of dubious connections with certain foreign circles. Bolton is suspected of involvement in several controversial international operations, including organizing coups d’état, reinforcing the image of a man with brutal methods and strongly marked convictions. In sum, John Bolton’s recent op-ed in the Washington Times illustrates a persistent hostility towards the Kingdom by a fading figure; a pontiff driven by an outdated political vision. The signatory’s stance is disconnected from current geopolitical developments. It once again shows that Algiers, through its parrot media, is ready to cling to any nonsense, provided it fits its outdated narrative. Above all, it highlights the irreversible decline of the Polisario and Morocco’s growing success on the international stage.

Kenya Inaugurates Its Embassy in Rabat: A Major Diplomatic Turning Point Favoring Morocco on Western Sahara 6064

Aziz Daouda, 4 mon.
The official inauguration of Kenya’s embassy in Rabat, conducted by Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Kenyan Foreign Minister Musalia Mudavadi, marks a historic milestone in bilateral relations between the two countries. This ceremony, coinciding with the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Kenya in East Africa and Morocco in the far west of the continent, symbolizes a significant strengthening of political, economic, and cultural exchanges in pursuit of continental continuity. Most importantly, it signifies Kenya’s strategic repositioning on the sensitive issue of the Moroccan Sahara. For the first time, Kenya has opened an embassy in Morocco, demonstrating Nairobi’s firm commitment to consolidating its relations with Rabat. Even more crucially, Kenya has officially recognized Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as “the only sustainable approach” to resolving the Western Sahara dispute. This represents a radical shift in Kenyan policy, as until recently, Kenya maintained relations with the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), supported by Algeria, which is increasingly losing ground internationally. Under President William Ruto’s leadership, this diplomatic shift began taking shape in March 2024 with the appointment of Jessica Muthoni Gakinya as Kenya’s first ambassador to Morocco. Since then, several memorandums of understanding have been signed covering key areas such as housing, urban development, youth, trade, and diplomatic training, significantly strengthening cooperation between the two nations. Kenya’s repositioning on the Sahara issue aligns with a broader global trend of growing support for Morocco’s stance, while the Polisario Front loses international recognition. Over fifty countries have withdrawn recognition of the SADR since the Cold War’s end, and no African country has recognized it since 2011. Recent developments include Syria’s official closure of the Polisario office in Damascus, signaling a strategic distancing from the Algerian-Iranian axis and a clear rejection of support for Sahrawi separatists. This is a major setback for Algeria on the Arab world stage. In Latin America, key countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Panama have also withdrawn recognition of the SADR, adopting neutral or pro-Moroccan sovereignty positions consistent with UN resolutions. This shift is notable given the region’s past role as a haven for separatist propaganda. In Europe, nearly all countries, including France, Spain, Germany, and many EU members, now explicitly support Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as a serious basis for a lasting political solution. Algeria, increasingly powerless, is losing influence and reputation worldwide due to its persistent backing of the Polisario. Despite this international momentum favoring Morocco, Algeria continues to support the Polisario, exemplified by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s recent reception of the “new Sahrawi ambassador” Khatri Adouh. While Bourita and Mudavadi forged strong friendship ties, the Algerian-hosted ambassador boasted of supposed “diplomatic victories” for the separatists, ignoring Polisario’s growing isolation. Algeria and its proxy even disregard UN Security Council Resolution 2756 adopted in October 2024, which explicitly recognizes Algeria as a party to the dispute and calls for respect of the ceasefire and a durable political solution, endorsing Morocco’s initiative led by King Mohammed VI. Morocco is capitalizing on this favorable context by multiplying bilateral agreements, notably with strategic African countries like Kenya. The signing of five memorandums of understanding during Mudavadi’s visit reflects a shared vision of enhanced cooperation based on historical, cultural, and economic ties. Africa is thus showing a new face marked by pragmatism and mutual interests. The opening of the Kenyan embassy in Rabat and Nairobi’s official support for Morocco’s territorial integrity represent a major diplomatic victory for the Kingdom. Algeria can no longer ignore this development without risking even greater isolation on the continent and globally. Adding to Algeria’s woes, Ivory Coast recently reiterated its position sidelining the separatist movement and its sponsor. Morocco is consolidating its diplomatic leadership and advancing toward a peaceful and lasting resolution of the artificial Western Sahara conflict. In contrast, the Polisario is increasingly isolated, supported only by a stubborn Algeria and perhaps, for now, South Africa, whose economy and business ties with Morocco are growing. The international community is converging toward greater recognition of Moroccan sovereignty and its Autonomy Plan, supported by two permanent UN Security Council members and many regional economic powers. This irreversible momentum heralds a new era in African diplomacy, with the African Union likely to expel the SADR in the near future, removing a burdensome member that meets no criteria for international organization membership except Algeria’s excessive sponsorship, itself in notable decline. Omar Hilal, Morocco’s representative to the UN, does not hesitate to remind his Algerian counterparts of this anachronistic and untenable situation at every opportunity, making the international community a witness to this increasingly ridiculous stalemate that cannot last.

Neoplatonism 6072

Tupan, 4 mon.
Neoplatonism is a philosophical and spiritual tradition that arose in the 3rd century CE, deeply rooted in the teachings of Plato but expanded into a comprehensive metaphysical system emphasizing the soul’s journey toward divine union. Far more than an academic commentary on Plato’s dialogues, Neoplatonism offered a mystical framework for understanding the cosmos, the nature of being, and the purpose of human existence. Its influence extended from the pagan late antiquity into Christian, Islamic, and Jewish thought, and it became a cornerstone of the Western esoteric tradition, profoundly shaping Hermeticism, Kabbalah, and Renaissance occult philosophy. The founder of Neoplatonism is traditionally identified as Plotinus (c. 204/5–270 CE), whose teachings were recorded and organized by his student Porphyry in the Enneads. Plotinus developed a tripartite cosmology that remains central to Neoplatonic thought: The One (or the Good): The highest principle, utterly transcendent, beyond being and intellect. It is the source of all existence, perfect, infinite, and indivisible. Nous (Divine Intellect): The first emanation from the One. It contains the realm of ideal Forms or archetypes—eternal truths that shape reality. Psyche (Soul): The World Soul and individual souls emanate from the Nous, descending into the realm of matter. This emanationist cosmology postulates that all reality flows outward from the One in a hierarchical cascade, and that all beings long to return to their source. Unlike creation ex nihilo, Neoplatonic emanation is not a one-time event but a continuous process of unfolding and return, guided by the principle of divine participation—all things contain within themselves a trace of the divine origin. The ultimate goal of the soul in Neoplatonism is henosis, or mystical union with the One. This ascent is achieved not through external rituals alone, but through philosophical contemplation, ethical purification, and inner transformation. As the soul turns away from the distractions of the material world and awakens to its true nature, it ascends through the levels of being, ultimately dissolving into divine simplicity. Plotinus’s successors, including Porphyry, Iamblichus, Proclus, and Damascius, expanded and refined the system. Iamblichus, for example, introduced a more theurgical and ritualistic approach, arguing that philosophical contemplation was insufficient on its own for divine ascent. Instead, he emphasized theurgy—a sacred science of divine operations involving prayers, invocations, and symbolic rites. These practices formed the foundation of later esoteric traditions, particularly the magical worldview of the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and Renaissance Neoplatonic magicians like Marsilio Ficino and Giordano Bruno. Neoplatonism also had a profound influence on Christian mysticism, particularly through thinkers like Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, St. Augustine, and Thomas Aquinas, who adapted Neoplatonic cosmology to Christian theology. In the Islamic world, philosophers such as Al-Farabi, Avicenna (Ibn Sina), and Suhrawardi incorporated Neoplatonic ideas into their metaphysical and mystical systems, contributing to the development of Sufi cosmology. In Jewish thought, Neoplatonism informed early Kabbalistic doctrine, particularly in its conception of divine emanations (sefirot) and the soul’s return to God. In the Renaissance, Neoplatonism was revived as part of a broader cultural rediscovery of classical antiquity. Philosophers such as Ficino and Pico della Mirandola saw it as a key to unlocking the divine potential of the human being and harmonizing philosophy with mysticism. Ficino’s translation of Plotinus and his commentaries on Plato and Dionysius laid the groundwork for a magical humanism, in which the soul, through study and virtue, could ascend the cosmic ladder and participate in the divine intellect. In modern esotericism, Neoplatonic principles continue to underpin key doctrines, including correspondence, hierarchy, and spiritual ascent. The image of the cosmos as a living, divine order—structured, intelligible, and participatory—remains central to Hermeticism, Rosicrucianism, and contemporary metaphysical systems. The idea that the microcosm reflects the macrocosm—that the human soul mirrors the cosmos and can return to its source—echoes through the ages as a core Neoplatonic insight. In conclusion, Neoplatonism is not merely a philosophical system—it is a sacred path, blending metaphysics, mysticism, and ethical discipline into a vision of cosmic unity and human divinization. By tracing all things to the ineffable One and guiding the soul’s ascent through reason, beauty, and inner purification, Neoplatonism continues to offer a profound map of spiritual realization, bridging ancient wisdom and perennial truth.

Morocco–United States and Côte d’Ivoire: The New Strategic Framework to Strengthen the Counterterrorism Fight in the Sahel 5861

Aziz Daouda, 4 mon.
On April 24, 2025, in Abidjan, the Ivorian Minister of Defense, Téné Birahima Ouattara, received the United States Ambassador to Côte d’Ivoire, Jessica Davis Ba, accompanied by General Michael Langley, the renowned AFRICOM commander. This meeting clearly fits into a major geostrategic dynamic where Côte d’Ivoire, Morocco, the United States, and the G5 Sahel countries are strengthening their cooperation to combat the transnational terrorist threat that has long destabilized the Sahel and North Africa. It is worth recalling that the pact concluded in Algeria under Bouteflika with armed groups shifted the threat southward within the country, exacerbating instability in the Sahel after a war that caused more than 250,000 Algerian deaths. In this new security architecture, Côte d’Ivoire positions itself as a key player south of the unstable zones. Washington is intensifying its military presence there with a drone base in Bouaké and a donation of 12 armored vehicles to reinforce Ivorian defense, especially in areas exposed to terrorism. This partnership also includes training for Ivorian forces and the establishment of maintenance infrastructure, illustrating cooperation expected to endure over time. Joint exercises in Bingerville, still in Côte d’Ivoire, demonstrate the growing strength of Ivorian forces in synergy with the United States, consolidating an essential link in West African security. Côte d’Ivoire, historically allied with Morocco, thus becomes a central actor in this regional cohesion. This could not happen without Rabat being informed and possibly even playing a facilitating role beforehand. Morocco asserts itself as a key actor in the counterterrorism fight in North Africa and the Sahel, coordinating its actions with the G5 Sahel, the most effective platform against various jihadist groups—essentially mere gangsters. Its intense participation in military exercises such as African Lion 2025, notably in its southern provinces, strengthens coordination with American, African, and other forces. Training in handling the mobile HIMARS artillery system, for example, testifies to the strategic depth of the Morocco–United States partnership. This new regional cohesion makes the Kingdom a major stabilizer, promoting a multilateral approach to terrorism, illicit trafficking, and hybrid conflicts. The Sahelo-Saharan region, now aligned with Morocco, faces complex threats, including the porous links between separatist movements like the Polisario Front and terrorist networks. Southern Algeria has become a lawless zone conducive to trafficking and multifaceted jihadism, threatening regional stability. Mali increasingly denounces Algerian interference and its support for terrorist groups, while Mauritania recently closed its border with Algeria near Tindouf, the Polisario’s stronghold. Algeria, at worst, if not openly encouraging, tolerates its territory as a strategic fallback zone and a supplier—particularly of fuel—vital for the survival and activities of various groups. The G5 Sahel Joint Force, even after the French withdrawal from the region, remains limited by funding and equipment deficits, highlighting the urgent need for strengthened international support. The growing military power of Côte d’Ivoire, cooperation with Morocco, and American support thus fit into a comprehensive regional strategy to contain these threats. Algeria, despite itself, is a pressured partner, hosting the Polisario Front for over 50 years. Increasingly, this group is being labeled a terrorist organization and will soon be so in the USA by law. In May 2025, the American destroyer USS Forrest Sherman’s stopover in Algiers and joint naval exercises with the country reflect the US desire to maintain a strategic Mediterranean presence, thereby involving Algiers more in counterterrorism. The memorandum of understanding signed in January 2025 between Washington and Algiers underscores this increased responsibility regarding threats on Algeria’s southern borders. The region is thus heading toward a new security architecture. The Abidjan meeting and the scale of maneuvers south of Morocco illustrate a profound transformation of security cooperation in West and North Africa. Morocco’s rise as a central actor, combined with strengthened partnerships between Côte d’Ivoire, the United States, and the G5 Sahel, shapes this new, more coherent and effective geostrategic architecture. In the same vein, one can also mention recent visits by Emirati officials in the region and the very recent visit of Marshal Haftar’s son, General Saddam Haftar, to Niger, following previous visits to Burkina Faso and even Israel some time ago. The noose is tightening around terrorist groups, now cut off from their strategic refuges. Their last resort remains the north via Algeria and Libya, where internal conflicts complicate the fight. This multilateral regional approach appears as the best response to restore stability and security in a region rapidly evolving due to recent political changes. Morocco, the first to adapt to these developments, is reaping the benefits of its non-interference strategy by forging strong economic and strategic complementarity with its partners. From Rabat to Abidjan, no zone escapes this economic and security dynamic desired by His Majesty the King. Algeria’s now shaky stance and its belligerent rhetoric toward neighbors no longer impress. The death knell has sounded for desert extremist groups, notably the Polisario and its ambiguous role for over half a century.