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Enseignement supérieur au Maroc : entre scandales de diplômes et défi de l’intégrité scientifique 2753

Aziz Daouda, 9 mon.
Le récent scandale des diplômes monnayés à l’Université Ibn Zohr d’Agadir n’est pas un simple fait divers, mais le symptôme d’une crise systémique qui mine la crédibilité de l’enseignement supérieur marocain et, plus largement, la confiance envers les institutions publiques. L’arrestation d’un enseignant de droit, soupçonné d’avoir délivré des diplômes contre rémunération, a mis en lumière l’existence d’un réseau structuré de fraude académique, révélant de graves lacunes dans les mécanismes de contrôle et d’évaluation. Ce phénomène, même s'il était isolé, a un impact profond sur la qualité et la réputation des diplômes marocains. Il porte atteinte à la qualité de la formation universitaire, remet en cause l’intégrité des procédures d’évaluation, fragilise l’autorité pédagogique des enseignants et discrédite les diplômes marocains, tant sur le plan national qu’international. Les conséquences sont multiples allant de la perte de confiance des employeurs dans la valeur des diplômes, à la diminution de la mobilité internationale des étudiants marocains et bien sur à l'affaiblissement de la réputation des universités marocaines dans les classements mondiaux. En contrepartie, les réactions ont été virulentes face à la gravité de l’affaire. L’Instance Nationale de la Probité, de la Prévention et de la Lutte contre la Corruption (INPPLC) est intervenue, lançant une action civile pour défendre l’intérêt public malgré l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire. Le scandale a également été évoqué au Parlement, soulignant l’ampleur de la crise et l’exigence d’une réponse forte pour restaurer la confiance des citoyens dans les institutions académiques et judiciaires. Ce scandale confirme ce qui se disait déjà dans les milieux étudiants à propos des inscriptions et diplômes obtenus contre argent, voire en échange de faveurs sexuelles. La situation est aujourd’hui aggravée par un problème structurel récemment révélé en matière de recherche scientifique. Ce scandale n’est ni isolé ni inédit. Il s’inscrit dans un contexte plus large de crise de l’intégrité scientifique, comme l’a révélé l’Indice d’intégrité de la recherche scientifique 2025. Cet indice, axé sur la qualité et l’éthique des publications, a tiré la sonnette d’alarme pour dix universités marocaines, épinglées pour des publications entachées d’erreurs méthodologiques ou de plagiat, et retirées des bases de données internationales. Le classement de l’intégrité scientifique 2025 dresse un état des lieux alarmant : - **Ibn Tofail de Kénitra** est en liste rouge : sur 2 154 publications, 165 ont été retirées. - **Ibn Zohr d’Agadir** figure en liste orange : sur 1 912 publications, 96 ont été retirées. - **Hassan II de Casablanca** est également en liste orange avec 202 publications retirées sur 3 668. - **Mohammed V de Rabat** est aussi en liste orange avec 253 articles retirés sur 4 544. - **Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah de Fès** figure aussi dans cette liste orange avec 191 titres retirés. - Les universités **Abdelmalek Essaadi, Sultan Moulay Slimane, Moulay Ismail, Mohammed VI Polytechnique** et **Cadi Ayyad** sont placées en liste jaune, c’est-à-dire sous surveillance. Ce classement met en évidence un risque élevé ou très élevé de non-respect des normes d’intégrité académique dans plusieurs établissements publics marocains, ce qui nuit à la réputation du pays dans la région MENA. Le Maroc se classant troisième en termes de nombre d’universités concernées, derrière l’Arabie saoudite et l’Égypte. *Il faut souligner que ce ne sont pas les murs de ces institutions qui sont mis à l’index ou causent un tort aussi scandaleux, mais bien des humains et pas n’importe lesquels. Il s'agit de ceux supposés former les élites nationales, faire avancer le pays et assurer son avenir. Disons vite: pas tous, car dans nos universités il y aussi de très grands enseignants et chercheurs, compétentes et intègres qui sont les premiers à souffrir de cette situation.* Cela signifie que même à ce niveau où la probité doit être déterminante, où seule la compétence doit primer, des pratiques inadmissibles existent probablement dans les recrutements des chercheurs, dans le contrôle de leur travail par leurs pairs, ou encore par les institutions qui les emploient. **Cette crise, qui écorne l’image du pays, exige des mesures structurelles et urgentes. Sans aller jusqu’à réclamer des sanctions immédiates, rétrogradations ou licenciements des enseignants impliqués, il est impératif de renforcer en priorité les contrôles internes, de garantir l’autonomie des cellules d’intégrité scientifique dans chaque université et de former les enseignants-chercheurs et les étudiants à l’éthique de la recherche et à la détection des fraudes, en leur rappelant qu’ils sont surveillés à l’international et que le plagiat ou la manipulation de résultats ne peuvent échapper à la vigilance des autorités compétentes.** Enfin il est impératif et urgent de mettre en place un observatoire national indépendant pour assurer un suivi transparent et pérenne des pratiques académiques. Nos universitaires doivent intégrer que la valorisation de l’intégrité dans les classements et la reconnaissance des universités est une nécessité absolue. Pour cela, ils ont le devoir de privilégier la qualité sur la quantité des publications. La multiplication des scandales en milieu universitaire n’est que la partie visible d’un malaise plus profond dans la gestion, les cursus et le fondement même de l’enseignement universitaire au Maroc. C’est ce qui engendre tant de dysfonctionnements qu’il faut attaquer de façon frontale et sans concession. Relever le défi de l’intégrité académique est aujourd’hui une condition sine qua non pour garantir la crédibilité, l’attractivité et la compétitivité de l’université marocaine à l’échelle mondiale, avec tout ce que cela peut avoir comme impact sur le devenir du pays. C’est là la véritable mission de Si Azzedine El Midaoui, ministre de l’Enseignement supérieur, de la Recherche scientifique et de l’Innovation, qui connaît bien les arcanes de l’université marocaine pour y avoir exercé à tous les niveaux.
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Oil Taxation, Aid Efficiency, and Social Justice: What Strategy for Morocco Facing Energy Shocks? 334

Aziz Daouda, 1 d.
- Politics - Business -
2.8 min read.
When the Russia-Ukraine war broke out, global energy markets were brutally disrupted. The barrel price crossed historic thresholds, triggering an immediate surge in pump prices in net importer countries like Morocco. In response, the government opted for direct aid to transporters to contain inflation and prevent pass-through to goods and services prices. However, the experience revealed its limits. Despite the subsidies, transport prices did indeed rise, pulling up the cost of all products and services in their wake. This gap between intention and reality raises a central question: how to effectively cushion an energy shock in a liberalized economy without widening inequalities or fueling rents? The decision to specifically aid transporters rested on the implicit assumption that they would act as shock absorbers, absorbing part of the increase. Yet, in a market with tight margins and fierce competition, it is economically rational for operators to pass on costs to fares, despite public support. Several factors explain this relative failure: - Lack of binding mechanisms. No strict obligation prevented pass-through to final prices. - Windfall effect. Some companies received aid without altering their pricing policy. - Targeting difficulties. Aid benefited a specific segment without ensuring a broad, lasting impact on the economy. This observation is all the more troubling since Morocco remains heavily dependent on refined product imports following the closure of the Samir refinery. Today, tensions around the Strait of Hormuz are reigniting fears of a new oil shock. This maritime corridor, through which about 20% of global oil transits, is a critical chokepoint in worldwide energy supply. Any disruption sends prices soaring and, mechanically, pump prices in Morocco. States worldwide have adopted varied strategies, with mixed results: - Price caps. Effectiveness is immediate, with tariff shields on electricity and gas, sometimes paired with fuel caps. These measures contain short-term inflation at the cost of very high budgetary expense, disincentives to energy sobriety, and windfalls for the wealthiest consumers. - Direct transfers. A social but imperfect response. Some countries issued energy checks or lump-sum aid to households. Politically popular, these tools are often criticized for their inflationary nature, lack of precise targeting, and risk of fostering dependence on one-off aid. - Tax modulation, a structural lever. Several states, like Austria, Spain, Italy, or Japan, chose to temporarily cut fuel taxes to limit pump price hikes. This approach directly affects the final price paid by all consumers, without intermediaries. It relies on principles of readability and shared effort between the state and users. In Morocco's case, a significant portion of the pump price consists of taxes—such as TIC and VAT—which heavily influence the per-liter price and give the state major leverage in price formation. Temporarily reducing these taxes would establish an explicit shock-sharing mechanism between the state and citizens, rather than concentrating aid on one sector. This option offers several advantages: - Universality: it benefits everyone, from truck drivers to salaried workers using their car for commuting. - Transparency: the reduction is immediately visible at the pump, boosting trust and the readability of public action. - Economic efficiency: it directly lowers fuel costs. - Social justice: by forgoing part of the fiscal rent on a now-essential product, the state clearly shoulders its share of the effort. Targeted and temporary reduction of oil taxation thus emerges as the most effective and democratic solution to cushion an energy quake. This path is not new in Moroccan debate, as evidenced by the widespread support via the Compensation Fund, phased out from 2015 onward. Lightening fuel costs through subsidies has already been implemented without achieving the theoretically expected results. Need we remind? Any tax reduction, if enacted, cannot be unlimited or permanent but must be strictly time-bound, calibrated to budgetary capacity, and linked to broader hydrocarbon market reform (competition, margins, strategic storage, reopening or alternative to national refining capacity). In other words, tax modulation should not be a short-term reflex but the tool of a comprehensive energy security strategy. Morocco faces a strategic choice: persist with one-off aid to transporters or embrace shock-sharing via taxation. If it chooses the latter and loses short-term revenue, it will gain in social cohesion and economic predictability, with three key lessons: - Prioritize direct mechanisms via taxation, a key pump price component, as the most effective tool for rapid, universal, and democratic action. - Avoid market distortions. Targeted aid without strict controls produces opposite effects; it fuels rents without protecting the end consumer. - Think long-term. Energy issues cannot be divorced from industrial sovereignty (refining, storage) and state budgetary resilience. Beyond conjunctural management, it is a true social contract around energy that must be rethought. In a country where the car is both a work tool, a means of access to essential services, and a vector of mobility, fuel price is a deeply political issue at the intersection of social justice and budgetary sustainability. Rather than multiplying one-off devices for a single sector, Morocco would benefit from a more systemic approach based on fiscal transparency, equity, and economic efficiency. Fuel tax modulation, as a universal and immediate lever, better meets democratic demands. It is a more credible response to current shocks and those to come.

The Strategic Prudence of Gulf Monarchies: A Vital Calculus in the Face of Iran and American Uncertainties... 334

Aziz Daouda, 1 d.
- World Politics - Business -
2.6 min read.
The Gulf monarchies: Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, or Kuwait, embody a glaring strategic vulnerability. Their shallow territorial depth and narrow demographics expose vital infrastructure: airports, ports, refineries, gas terminals, headquarters of major companies, to rapid strikes by potential enemies from the region and beyond. Iran, for instance, with its arsenal of ballistic missiles, drones, and asymmetric naval forces, coupled with the belligerent philosophy of its regime, could paralyze them in the blink of an eye. The 2019 attack on Aramco's oil facilities at Abqaiq and Khurais provides irrefutable proof: Saudi production had then plummeted by half. To the Saudis' surprise, the Americans remained evasive and barely retaliated, at least not in a clear and direct manner. For Riyadh, this silence was a telling signal: allies are no longer infallible. Signed agreements can remain dead letters at the whim of one party, depending of course on the interests of the moment and changing circumstances. A growing, though undeclared, distrust of Washington had then taken hold. Commitments, agreements, and promises only bind those who believe in them. Over the past two decades, trust in the United States among Gulf capitals has eroded a little more each day. The 2011 withdrawal from Iraq, the lack of a strong response after the 2019 attacks, and the Afghan chaos of 2021 have ingrained a lesson that those concerned have fully internalized: Washington disengages when the cost rises. This uncertainty thus encourages prudence in the face of open war with Tehran. It will likely be the case again today, as the specter of a long and destructive war occupies all minds. The risks of a prolonged conflict are more than probable. A direct confrontation would quickly degenerate into a prolonged regional conflict, akin to the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), which killed over a million people and ruined both belligerents. Today, the stakes would be worse: destruction of energy infrastructure, closure of the Strait of Hormuz, collapse of foreign investments, and capital flight from the area. Gulf leaders, haunted by these scenarios, prioritize stability and intelligently bow their heads. For a long time, they have chosen to prioritize economic development, a choice now put to a severe test. The monarchies have pivoted toward transforming their respective economies: Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030, diversification in the UAE, Qatari global investments, and other manifestations of universal scope. This requires confidence, for it must not be forgotten that these economies fundamentally rest on trust. A prolonged war would threaten tourism, megaprojects like NEOM or smart cities. For the Gulf monarchies, the doctrine is clear: regional stability trumps ideological confrontations. This shift is embodied in the China-mediated reconciliation of 2023 between Riyadh and Tehran, aimed at reducing tensions and sparing Gulf territories, which refuse to become indirect battlefields. Today, though threatened, bombed, and provoked, the Gulf monarchies intelligently demonstrate their refusal to be dragged into a conflict they did not choose. At least for now, as everything could tip at any moment. Despite discreet security cooperations, Gulf countries refuse to be drawn into a conflict for Israel's benefit. The latter enjoys military and nuclear superiority, but Iranian retaliations strike primarily, and above all, Arab bases, economic, and civilian infrastructure. The costs fall on the Arabs, not Tel Aviv. The leaders of the countries concerned have learned the lesson. They have seen what became of Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Yemen, where proxy wars between powers left states bloodless, highlighting the fatal traps that ignition inevitably brings. In these dynamics, Morocco, a strategic ally and highly regarded voice among Gulf countries, emerges as a de-escalation actor. Under King Mohammed VI's impetus, Morocco's moderating voice advocates regional stability, diplomatic solutions, and South-South cooperation to foster political reconstruction and economic exchanges. It is in this context that one must appreciate His Majesty's permanent contacts with the sultans and emirs of the region. This is indeed a lucid calculus, as Morocco is one of the rare countries in the region to have voluntarily severed all ties with the Mullahs long ago. The prudence of Gulf states transcends mere distrust of the United States. It stems from a perspicacious calculus that factors in vulnerability to Iran, uncertain American reliability, the risk of a ruinous war, and the primacy of development. Their mantra? Avoid at all costs becoming the theater of confrontations between regional powers and distant others. This is how their reserve and refusal to retaliate impulsively must be understood. Having nerves on edge is not what's needed. However, things could change if Iran does not come to its senses and leaves a region that, even ideologically hostile, will never go so far as to attack it alone. It lacks the means without potential allies and has no interest in doing so with others' help. Such a situation would be ruinous for the entire region, including Iran, an outcome no one should wish for, apparently.