Legislative Elections 2026 in Morocco: A Democratic Challenge Driven by Royal Initiative
178
His Majesty King Mohammed VI has officially tasked the Ministry of the Interior with preparing the 2026 legislative elections. This decision, announced in the 26th Throne Speech, represents both a solemn directive and a particular vote of confidence in the ministry. By the end of the year, the ministry is expected to have finalized the legal and organizational framework for the election.
Following this, Mr. Abdelouafi Laftit convened the main political parties for inclusive consultations aiming to guarantee a "model," transparent, and credible election, in accordance with royal instructions. This approach reflects a clear desire to strengthen the organization of elections by removing them from the direct influence of the government, particularly its head, Mr. Aziz Akhannouch, who is also president of the RNI party. This party is seen as having significant influence over the electoral process. Entrusting this mission to the Ministry of the Interior, recognized for its role as an institutional arbiter, aims to limit direct political interference and prevent any attempt to capture the vote by certain actors in power.
During the meeting, the minister emphasized the necessity for the elections to be "exemplary" and suggested that significant effort would be made to meet democratic and institutional expectations—implying that everything will be done to strictly implement the royal will, while distancing from all political factions.
A new electoral code specific to the House of Representatives is therefore being prepared, with an adoption planned before the end of 2025. The ongoing reflections and discussions address several key areas: updating or simplifying voter lists, with reliance solely on identity cards to identify voters; the moralization and regulation of campaign financing through stronger control, possibly including caps on candidate and party spending. Better transparency and a review of electoral districts based on the latest census are also on the agenda. The issue of the number of polling stations—which exceeded 40,000 in the last election—should also be discussed, as well as the representation of approximately 6 million Moroccans living abroad.
The current voting system, based on proportional representation by lists, could also be reconsidered to address shortcomings observed in 2021, particularly the tendency to favor "kingmakers" of deputies and local clientelism, often fueled by money.
Within the political sphere, there is rather a radio silence. The impression is that political parties are either indifferent or strategically cautious. The debate and torrent of ideas are thus taking place among commentators and other writers. There is a shared feeling that things must change if political life is to regain meaning. This is what His Majesty desires.
The introduction of a two-round single-member district voting system is one frequently cited idea as a possible way to reduce the influence of money and traditional networks of power. This voting method, never experimented with in Morocco, would favor a vote focused more on individuals than on party lists, thus strengthening democracy through better citizen mobilization and greater representativeness. So far, citizens have often been surprised by unnatural alliances formed after the vote, leaving voters without control over the final configuration. The two-round system has the advantage that any negotiation or alliance between parties occurs between the two rounds, at a time when citizens can still intervene by casting a second vote.
This profound electoral reform could respond to a major challenge: citizens' disenchantment with politics, shown by high abstention rates, fueled by perceptions of insufficient renewal, party inefficiency, and therefore of elected bodies.
To succeed, reform must go hand in hand with efforts by parties to renew their approaches, attract youth seeking alternatives, and rekindle popular interest in voting.
Moroccan political parties have historically had an ambiguous relationship with voters beyond their traditional bases. They even seem to discourage mass participation in the electoral process, fearing that their often small membership, relative to the statutory electorate, would be diluted. The PJD came to power with only 1.3 million votes, about one-tenth of potential voters. Some parties hold parliamentary groups despite having obtained only around 200,000 votes or less.
Parties are sometimes seen as unrepresentative and tainted by corruption accusations. However, they have a pragmatic interest in mobilizing their core voters to retain their political weight and public funding.
The prospects for a dynamic electoral campaign today appear limited by a certain apathy among political actors, hindering the expected democratic momentum.
Regarding the two-round single-member vote, although it might structure the political landscape around two major poles and encourage clearer alliances, it alone cannot neutralize the influence of money, networks tied to local leaders, or clientelism. This system could even exacerbate artificial polarization, marginalize smaller parties, and allow hidden alliances between major parties, harming transparency and democratic legitimacy. Risks also remain concerning lower participation between rounds and the complexity of changing voter opinions, potentially opening the door to strategic manipulations. Thus, complementary reforms are essential, notably in campaign finance transparency, the moralization of the electoral process, and control over local clientelism, to guarantee fairer and more credible political competition.
The royal decision to entrust the Ministry of the Interior with election management, inclusive dialogue with parties, and the declared will to moralize the process demonstrate a strong ambition for profound reform toward a fairer, more equitable, and trustworthy election.
The voting system remains central to the debate, but the success of the 2026 legislative elections will also depend on the ability to reinvent an electoral and political system capable of mobilizing citizens and establishing trust in Moroccan democracy.
Citizens are also called upon to embrace greater honesty and responsibility.
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Ibtissam, please : Allah is Allah...
611
Recently, Ibtissam Lachgar, who calls herself an activist, wore a T-shirt of no value, except that she deliberately intended to insult millions of Moroccans and undoubtedly many believers, Muslim or not. God is the omniscient Creator, regardless of religion or rituals. Madam found it clever to display a T-shirt with a strange inscription, not at all amusing: an offense to the divinity.
No, madam, Allah is Eternal without beginning or end, beyond time. He is Almighty, and His power is infinite and absolute. He is Merciful, full of compassion and kindness towards human beings, including you.
What did you have for breakfast that morning, madam?
By this useless act, you seem to have forgotten that faith is also a fundamental right. Americans, whose modernity cannot be denied, claim it to the point of engraving it on their dollar bill. Belief in God, in Allah, is a fundamental, universal, immutable pillar. To say or imply mocking or even simply disrespectful words towards what is sacred in the collective consciousness is to hurt deep sensitivities. It is an affront to the spirituality of billions of people.
Yes, it is important to remind that everyone is free to live their life and love whom they want. However, there is one condition: not to unnecessarily offend others. Inventing an impromptu epithet for Allah goes far beyond personal debates linked to sexual orientation: it harms the deep faith of billions of people, including the 36 million Moroccans. This provocation cannot be considered a mere wit or a brave claim: it is a misstep that threatens harmony and social cohesion.
Indeed, God does not need anyone to defend Him, much less my humble self, but admit that God is everywhere, simply present in every believer outraged by your lowly stylized statement, which is not freedom of expression but a qualified insult. It is billions of believers you insult with your superfluous act.
Moroccans who strive to make their country a state of law also want social peace and cohesion to be fully preserved, within necessary limits to freedom of expression. This freedom can be neither absolute nor without red lines, and this is a genuine protection. Elsewhere, where the state is less protective, a provocation like yours would have caused far worse consequences for you.
My generation, and those that followed, have fought extensively for freedom, notably the freedom to express oneself, develop ideas, and help society evolve and emancipate within a civic framework. But madam, yes to freedom, but within respect for laws freely chosen by the majority. This is the foundation of democracy: adopting the will of the majority, even if very narrow. In 2011, it was broad enough to set supreme rules and strives to respect them at all costs.
You must understand that freedom does not mean unlimited license. Democracy is based on a constitution and laws adopted by the people themselves. These laws define what is acceptable in public space. Your supporters, Mrs. Lachgar, often foreigners or fringe elements, must understand that it is Moroccans who decide on their laws, according to their history, culture, and values. It is not up to minorities, even vocal ones, or foreigners to this secular context, to redefine the rules of coexistence in a sovereign country.
Yes, activism is vital and contributes to progress and the pushing of boundaries, but not sterile and counterproductive provocation such as you have just committed.
It is also fair to acknowledge that Morocco has tolerated peaceful advances in favor of sexual minorities. Some of your acquaintances know this well. Debates, demands, and defense of individual rights are permitted, within legal and social frameworks. But when a public figure—as you are with your MALI—takes a "step too far" with a shocking gesture against the very essence of religion, this constitutes an unnecessary provocation, all the more serious when occurring in a sensitive period. You are a declared repeat offender who has so far gotten away with it. This shows a tolerance, albeit relative, but tolerance nonetheless, towards movements as marginal as yours. Minorities have always existed and always will, but you should understand that cohesion is a heavy responsibility of the state, and it is unacceptable to play with such a sovereign prerogative with multiple facets.
Your arrest or administrative detention should not be seen solely as a sanction but rather as a protective measure. Would you have taken a few steps in public space with your T-shirt without becoming a target for a probable violent extremist, ready to resort to illegality? On the very day of your counterproductive gesture, police services uncovered yet another vehement extremist, ready according to his ideology to restore a "perfect world" where people like you have no place. It escapes you that Morocco firmly fights all forms of extremism, religious or ideological, and is an ideal target precisely because it accepts differences and diverse orientations, because it does its best to leave room and space for everyone. Freedom to think and live is precisely the opposite of extremism, whatever form it takes. Protecting social peace also means protecting those who sometimes unconsciously or knowingly contribute to destabilizing it, as you do.
You may not know, but in France, a mayor had to suspend the screening of the film "Barbie," which promotes homosexuality, under pressure from some inhabitants of his municipality. This shows that even further north, there are still hostile reactions to your orientations.
Morocco is a nation rooted in strong historical, cultural, and religious values, with certainly some hypocrisy. This is not a flaw but possibly a true asset. Individual freedom must be exercised within the framework of respect for democratically defined values and laws. Your mistake was to cross these boundaries, thus shaking one of the indisputable foundations of Moroccan identity.
It is up to everyone, Moroccans and residents, to respect the country's tranquility and allow everyone the freedom to live in peace, without provoking or dividing.
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Confiscated Freedoms: El Harrach and Tindouf, Two Faces of the Same Oppression...
851
It was while reading, moved, the heartbreaking letter from Algerian writer Boualem Sansal, addressed ultimately to everyone, that the idea for these few lines came to me. In this letter, written from El-Harrach prison, Sansal fiercely denounces the political repression and arbitrary incarceration imposed by the Algerian regime. This denunciation quickly made me think of the tragic situation of the population confined by the same regime for nearly fifty years in the Tindouf camps in Algeria.
My thoughts wandered randomly between the zealots who are there, like my high school friend Sadati, bearers of a chimera; those who stay there without even knowing why; those who have aged there; those buried there; and those born there. It is on these last that my thoughts particularly lingered.
The Tindouf camps shelter a few thousand young people born in exile, rather exposed where their parents ultimately did not choose to be, under extremely harsh conditions. For many, they are not even originally from the coveted lands nor bear any claim. They mainly depend on humanitarian aid, live in total precariousness, and see their well-being deteriorate, while those living just a few miles away enjoy abundance, comfort, and rights. They did not ask to be there and dream, like all their peers, of a better life, which truly exists on the other side.
Unlike a traditional prison with visible walls, like El Harrach, the Tindouf camps are an open-air prison, a constrained space where these youths are held without trial, without hope of freedom, nor any possibility of returning to their homeland—not by their own choice, but that of their jailers.
The common point between El Harrach and Tindouf: the sordid game of a military regime from another era.
This prolonged situation strikingly evokes the deprivation of freedom suffered by the detainees of Tindouf and the Algerian political prisoners Boualem Sansal describes in his letter. Both embody the same silenced voice, the same hope confiscated by the whims of officers who only carry the name, and by a military caporalism that, since 1962, continuously invents enemies, uses torture, repression, and deprivation of fundamental rights to maintain its grip on one of the richest countries in the world. This regime has stifled all democratic expression, from annulling election results to the spectacular assassination, broadcast live on television, of President Mohamed Boudiaf, sending a message of terror to the whole people. Recently, it brazenly repressed the peaceful Hirak protests and imprisoned their leaders. This regime no longer hesitates to mistreat even its most loyal servants. Randomly, prime ministers, ministers, high dignitaries, businessmen, generals, and journalists, even foreigners, find themselves subjected to quick trials where only the voice of their master resounds. They end up in the same prison, the famous El Harrach.
In his letter, Sansal expresses the physical and moral pain of a man imprisoned for having evoked history, dared to defend justice and dignity. His words carry the voice of all those whom the regime seeks to silence. This captive voice painfully echoes the fate of the youngsters held in Tindouf, also deprived of their most basic freedoms and condemned to endless waiting in a desert environment, hostile and hopeless.
Far from being a mere analogy, this comparison reveals a universal reality: whether behind bars or in the vast inhospitable desert, deprivation of freedom, forced exile, and broken hope remain the instruments of relentless political oppression. For these youths, the "march through an endless desert" is both a physical ordeal marked by extreme poverty, scorching heat, and isolation, and a metaphor for their quest for identity, dream of regaining their freedom, and joining the motherland.
Beyond denunciation, in his letter, Sansal makes a solemn appeal to France, asking it not to sacrifice its values on the altar of mercantile contingencies. The same appeal is addressed to the international community, on behalf of the young detainees of Tindouf, so that human rights principles are not sacrificed on the altar of geopolitical interests. This appeal is all the more relevant facing the situation of these youths, many of whom are not even originally from the Moroccan Sahara but are still imprisoned in a situation of exile and oblivion.
Thus, behind two different walls, a prison cell and undocumented, unrecognized refugee camps, lies the same tragedy: human beings reduced to waiting, to deprivation of liberty, and to a silent struggle not to disappear. This convergence highlights the urgency of strong humanitarian and political action to end these imprisonments so that freedom of thought, of living, and of deciding one’s own destiny is never again captured by an oppressive political machine, devised and implemented by an anachronistic military staff.
Thank you, sir, for awakening in me this fiber of compassion, even pity, for young people who deserve to live a better future.
I take here again Boualem Sansal’s words, which I address to the youth imprisoned in Tindouf:
*"Fear is a prison larger than the one where I find myself, and it is harder to break. But I know that one day, the wall will fall. Dictators always end up falling."*
Youth of Tindouf,
You will break the barbed wire, you will cross the checkpoints to return home by the strength of your character and the power of your will. Your country, that of your ancestors, the Kingdom of Morocco, awaits you; the future opens its arms to you; life will smile upon you for eternity, you will taste freedom there, the joy of living, of building yourself and of ensuring a happy future for your children. Your dreams will come true there and your ambitions will be realized. You will be the continuation of your ancestors in a diverse and powerful nation as it has been for centuries. You will help enrich humanity by your knowledge, your creativity, your genius.
You just have to dare.
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The Seven Chakras: A Metaphysical Anatomy of the Soul
1439
Throughout the ages, esoteric traditions, yogic sciences, and mystical philosophies have described the human being as more than flesh and bone—as an energetic organism with subtle centers of power, perception, and spiritual potential. Among these systems, the doctrine of the seven chakras stands as one of the most refined and symbolically rich models of inner transformation. These chakras—meaning “wheels” in Sanskrit—are vortexes of energy located along the body axis, each responsible for specific aspects of consciousness, physiology, and spiritual evolution. From the densest energies of survival to the most ethereal states of divine union, the chakras form a ladder of ascent, guiding the soul towards enlightenment.
The Root Chakra (Muladhara), located at the base of the spine, is the foundation of the entire energetic system. It governs physical survival, grounding, and the instinct for self-preservation. Associated with the element earth, it links the individual to the material world and the ancestral lineage. When balanced, it grants stability, trust, and a strong connection to one's body and environment. When blocked or deficient, it manifests as fear, insecurity, or disconnection from the physical plane. Spiritually, Muladhara represents the coiled energy of potential—the kundalini—awaiting its ascent through the higher centers.
The Sacral Chakra (Svadhisthana), situated just below the navel, is linked to creativity, sexuality, and emotional fluidity. Associated with the element water, it reflects the soul's capacity to feel, to relate, and to generate life—physically, artistically, or spiritually. It is the seat of desire, pleasure, and procreation, and its energy is relational, connecting the self to others through intimacy and shared experience. When in harmony, it allows the free expression of emotion and creative force. When imbalanced, it may result in emotional instability, guilt, or addictive tendencies. Svadhisthana is where passion and refinement meet.
The Solar Plexus Chakra (Manipura) is the center of personal power, will, and self-definition. Aligned with the element fire, it is related to transformation, ambition, and the assertion of the individual will. It is through Manipura that one develops a clear sense of identity and the strength to act upon purpose. When balanced, this chakra radiates confidence, motivation, and integrity. An excess may produce domination or pride, while deficiency results in passivity or low self-worth. Spiritually, Manipura is the alchemical forge where ego begins to be disciplined and transmuted into conscious intention.
The Heart Chakra (Anahata) is the gateway between the lower and upper chakras, and the center of unconditional love, compassion, and spiritual empathy. Associated with the element air, it expands the sense of self to include others, fostering connection, forgiveness, and inner peace. An open Anahata transcends personal desire and embraces unity, allowing one to love without attachment and to serve without self-interest. Imbalances may manifest as emotional coldness, grief, or over-dependence. Spiritually, this chakra is the sacred rose of divine love, unfolding toward the eternal.
The Throat Chakra (Vishuddha) governs expression, communication, and the power of the word. Linked to the element ether (or sound), it represents the capacity to speak truth and to manifest thought into form through language. It is also the seat of inner listening and alignment between inner truth and outer expression. When open and balanced, Vishuddha enables authentic speech and artistic expression. When blocked, it may result in silence, dishonesty, or miscommunication. At the spiritual level, it is through this center that the magician, mystic, or initiate learns to wield the sacred word—the logos—as an instrument of transformation.
The Third Eye Chakra (Ajna), positioned between the eyebrows, is the seat of inner vision, intuition, and higher perception. It transcends rational analysis and opens the gates to symbolic insight, dreams, and clairvoyant awareness. Associated with the light element or pure mind, it integrates the polarities of logic and imagination, allowing one to perceive patterns, archetypes, and spiritual truths. A balanced Ajna chakra produces clarity, insight, and an awakened inner compass. Imbalance may cause delusion, fantasy, or disconnection from reality. Mystically, Ajna is the eye of the soul, through which one perceives the invisible architecture of the cosmos.
The Crown Chakra (Sahasrara), located at the top of the head, is the highest center of consciousness, representing union with the Divine, cosmic intelligence, and spiritual liberation. Unlike the other chakras, Sahasrara is not governed by an element but by pure consciousness—chit—itself. It is symbolized by a thousand-petaled lotus, forever unfolding into infinity. When this chakra is fully awakened, the individual transcends ego and merges with universal will, experiencing profound bliss, silence, and liberation. Imbalances may manifest as spiritual disconnection, nihilism, or excessive intellectualism. At its highest vibration, Sahasrara is not a center of power but a doorway to the return to the Source.
Together, the seven chakras form a living mandala of human potential. They are not merely energetic centers but evolutionary thresholds, each inviting the soul to purify, awaken, and integrate aspects of the self on its path toward unity with the divine. When harmonized, these chakras become a ladder of light—a sacred ascent from survival to transcendence, from matter to spirit. The awakening of the chakras is thus not an end in itself, but a means of returning to wholeness, where the human becomes a conscious expression of the infinite.
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Genesis...
3973
I greatly enjoy looking out windows, any windows. Windows have always offered me a picture of life. A picture that constantly changes, a picture that I alone see before it disappears forever. Maybe that is where my taste for the ephemeral comes from. It is my only certainty.
What I am also sure of is that it comes from the fact that as a baby and young child, my mother would place me by the window where I would hold onto a grille. An opportunity to be both inside and outside at the same time and to let her go about her many responsibilities as a housewife. It was a traditional Moroccan grille, typical of ours. Today, I have reused that same grille design on the windows and balconies of my house.
I have in fact remained my mother’s eternal child, no doubt like we all remain so, but probably differently, otherwise, uniquely.
The window is an escape from the cramped space of the house. In fact, all houses are cramped. The house, paradoxically despite its smallness, is a space of freedom, intimacy, and security. It is also a space that distances the horizon and makes it sublime. The window allowed me to raise my head and look far. As far as this window allowed me to see.
The house cultivates the dream; the window waters it.
On the evening my mother passed away, I stood by the window. It seemed to me I heard her voice again speaking from afar to reassure me. My mother loved me very much. She did not say it, but made me feel it through the tone of her voice, her gaze, and a slight smile at the corner of her lips. A smile she had a special secret to. My mother’s smile was genetic. I clearly saw she inherited it from my grandmother—Cherifa Lalla Zhour had the same smile.
My mother was not expansive.
She extended her love to my children later, and I felt it. I was her eldest, her first female experience, her first pains, her first childbirth, the first baby cry to her ears.
I owe my mother much: the sensation of a pencil in hand, the touch of the softness of paper before writing on it, the taste for reading and the pleasure of manual work.
My mother was among the first classes of the modern school in Fès. My maternal grandfather, Si Ahmed Ben Ali, had the wisdom to send her to school against the opinion of people at the time—family, neighbors, and onlookers. She traveled a long distance from Saqaet El Abbassyine to her school. It was in Fès j’did, a neighborhood of great nationalists, intellectuals, artists, and state clerks: Bahnini, Benbouchta, Moulay Ahmed El Alaoui, Ahmed Chajai, and many others. It is the stronghold of Wydad of Fès.
I have many wonderful memories of Saqaet El Abbassyine. From time to time, I go for a walk there to recharge myself. The dilapidation of Bab Riafa, the sad passage by Lalla Ghriba to reach Saqaet El Abbassyine, the continuation by Sidi Hmama to arrive at Qobt Assouk, saddens me every time. So, to soothe my pain and sorrow, I go and sit at Bab Boujloud to enjoy a good glass of tea prepared in a traditional samovar, under the famous mulberry tree.
The magic of Fès is unmatched.
My father, on the other hand, was affection in the absolute. The exemplary man. The man who forged my pride and committed my life to serving the country. Moroccan at heart, attached to the land of his ancestors. Proud to have been an active nationalist against the protectorate. He spoke of his people’s struggle against French soldiers. He kept fresh memories of the fights of Bou Gafer and the brave battle of his people. He was happy to have served his country but also disappointed with the evolution of some things. He said that we were losing our soul with the decline of our attachment to ancestral values; remembered by all the families of old Rabat who still recall him for having treated their children and eased their pains. He passed away certain that Morocco could have done better.
He remained attached to his parents and adored them, attached to his native land that he visited every year, attached to his people to whom he offered land to expand the Sidi Daoud cemetery, his forever village, today swallowed by a soulless Ouarzazate. I am not surprised. My father is a direct descendant of Sidi Daoud, a Sufi Sheikh and great scholar who left many works including the famous *Oumahat Al Wataeq, Al Mountafaa Bih Fi Anawazil*.
My father loved Rabat and its beach. It was there he saw the sea for the first time in his life, coming from the other side of the Great Atlas, which climate change is now altering.
It was at the Rabat beach that he learned to swim.
Today, his grave overlooks that beautiful beach and ocean. His resting place is bathed in the sea air that blows continuously over the hilltop, the final abode of thousands of souls at rest, of lives both rich and less rich, and of memories forever lost. The cemetery tells a lot about the place we give to our dead, and it does not speak well of us.
So, like my brothers and sisters—Jalil, Moughni, Rajae, Atika, Abdelmoutaleb, Elhoussein, Soumaya, I am a kind of accident of nature. A father from Ouarzazate marrying a girl from Fès; that was rare. It was 1950.
The maternity hospital where my lungs filled for the first time with air and where I cried out announcing my coming to life is still there. It was Tuesday, 11:37 am, May 15, 1951. Each time I pass by, something brings me back to memories I have created from my mother's stories. I see again her pride and my father's joy at my birth.
By chance, on the way to bury my mother, and years later my father, we passed along the Almohad wall. The historic maternity hospital of Rabat is just behind. The circle was thus completed.
My mother's name was Lalla Amina Makhloufi and my father’s Ahmed Belhoucine El Ouarzazi. The civil registry attendant gave him the surname Daouda, probably because he was born in Sidi Daoud or simply because that person had been influenced by a stay in sub-Saharan Africa...
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Stray dogs and cats: a growing challenge for public health and urban peace in Morocco...
6584
The proliferation of stray dogs and cats in the streets raises major challenges for urban quality of life and even more so for public health. As their numbers increase exponentially, the consequences are multiple: noise nuisances, risk of accidents, spread of diseases, and a sense of insecurity for many citizens.
A notable aspect of this issue is the significant difference between the social perception of cats and stray dogs. Cats, often perceived as less aggressive, are generally not considered harmful. They are abundantly fed in public spaces by individuals, sometimes due to so-called religious beliefs. According to some, Muslims should show compassion towards cats, which would explain a certain social tolerance towards them. They thus benefit from some benevolence and are extremely numerous, living and multiplying in public spaces without being disturbed; on the contrary, shelters are often provided to help female cats give birth peacefully.
In contrast, stray dogs do not receive the same treatment. Many people suffer from cynophobia (fear of dogs), a quasi-cultural phenomenon. More often perceived as a threat, especially because of their ability to attack, they are generally criticized. This negative image has been reinforced following several serious incidents in recent years: violent attacks resulting in serious, even fatal injuries have marked public opinion and increased concerns.
The massive presence of these stray animals has direct repercussions on public health. The absence of veterinary control and regular sanitary interventions promotes the spread of diseases transmissible to humans. Stray dogs and cats can carry highly contagious and serious diseases. This issue is even more worrying in dense urban areas where contact between animals and humans is frequent. Children, in particular, are especially vulnerable to bites or scratches, as well as to the infections that may result.
The health risk is therefore extremely concerning, especially since many diseases can be transmitted to humans.
1. Rabies: a deadly viral disease mainly transmitted by the bite or scratch of an infected dog. It remains a major public health problem in several regions despite vaccination campaigns. Nearly 400 cases and 20 deaths are recorded each year. Four recent death cases have been widely reported.
2. Toxoplasmosis: an infection caused by the parasite Toxoplasma gondii, transmitted by contact with contaminated cat feces, notably via litter. Generally mild, it poses a serious risk for pregnant women, potentially causing fetal malformations.
3. Leptospirosis: a bacterial disease transmitted by the urine of infected dogs, which can cause serious infections in humans. Between 2005 and 2017, 372 cases were declared with a mortality rate of 17.7%. 52.2% of cases occurred in urban areas.
4. Leishmaniasis: a serious parasitic disease transmitted by stray dogs, which are reservoirs of this parasite. Nearly 2,000 cases per year.
5. External and internal parasites: fleas, ticks, intestinal worms, which can also infect other animals.
6. Cat scratch disease: caused by the bacterium Bartonella henselae. It causes fever, swollen lymph nodes, and fatigue, especially in children and immunocompromised people.
7. Ringworm: a contagious fungal infection through contact with the fur or environment of infected cats, causing distressing skin lesions.
8. Pasteurellosis: a bacterial infection transmitted by bite or scratch, caused by Pasteurella multocida, which can cause local pain and inflammation.
9. Echinococcosis: a parasitic disease related to intestinal worms developed in cats, which can severely affect the human liver and lungs.
10. Mange and other parasitic infections: transmitted by direct contact with affected stray cats.
Strict sanitary management is therefore necessary, including vaccination, sterilization, and responsible handling of this animal population in urban areas.
Beyond health risks, stray animals cause nuisances in streets and residential neighborhoods. Nocturnal barking disturbs residents' sleep, while droppings in public spaces degrade cleanliness and the image of cities.
Facing this complex situation, several approaches can be considered. It is crucial to develop awareness campaigns to encourage citizens to adopt responsible behaviors, especially regarding food given to stray animals. Special emphasis should be placed on sterilization to control reproduction.
Moreover, implementing integrated public policies combining capture, veterinary care, and relocation of stray animals appears essential. These measures must respect the cultural and religious sensitivities of the country, notably involving religious authorities in creating harmonious responses. A fundamental effort towards creating dedicated spaces—shelters and controlled feeding points—could channel animal presence and reduce conflicts with the population.
Moroccan NGOs published an open letter addressed as a last resort to His Majesty the King on August 3rd, reacting to extermination campaigns led by some local authorities:* "We have exhausted all institutional channels without finding attentive ears among the authorities concerned," *they say, describing the methods used as "cruel,*" contradicting " *the values of compassion promoted by religion and the monarchy." The problem is exacerbated, according to some, by an ineffective public policy and a lack of resources dedicated to capture, sterilization, and care. The cycle of proliferation would continue, reinforcing a difficult-to-reverse spiral. The government denies these accusations and states that it applies the method **"Trap, Neuter, Vaccinate" **(catch, sterilize, vaccinate, and release animals identified by an ear tag in their original territory). It would have allocated 230 million dirhams to this. However, few tagged animals are seen in the streets.
Clearly, this is not just an animal issue but a major public health and urban coexistence challenge that requires a pragmatic and balanced approach, respectful of traditions and sanitary and security needs.
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Multidimensional Poverty: Decoding the Oxford Index and the Situation in Morocco
7432
When poverty is mentioned, it is often thought of as insufficient income. However, poverty encompasses much broader and more complex dimensions such as access to education, health, decent housing, and other basic resources depending on societies and their cultures.
It is on this or a very similar basis that the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) was designed and unveiled in 2010 by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI) at the University of Oxford. The index was adopted during the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).
But what exactly is multidimensional poverty or the Oxford Index?
*Multidimensional poverty is the simultaneous and synchronous deprivation experienced by individuals across different essential aspects of life. The Oxford Index, or MPI, aims to measure this aspect of poverty based on 10 indicators grouped into three main dimensions: health, in terms of nutrition and child mortality; education, concerning school attendance, years of schooling, and living conditions; namely access to drinking water, electricity, sanitation facilities, quality housing, and essential assets.*
A household is considered poor according to the MPI if its members are deprived in at least 33% of these indicators. The index is calculated using a simple formula:
**MPI = H × A**
where **H** is the proportion of people who are poor and **A** is the average intensity of deprivation among these people.
This approach provides a more nuanced diagnosis than a simple monetary measure of poverty. It allows identifying the exact origin and nature of the deprivations and thus more effectively guides public action.
The introduction of the MPI in Morocco has profoundly renewed the understanding of poverty in the country. Ten years ago, this index stood at 11.9%. Thanks to significant mobilization and targeted policies, this rate has decreased to 6.8% according to the 2024 national census, representing a halving. Translated into numbers of affected people, the rate dropped from 4.5% to 2.5% of Morocco’s current 36 million population.
Despite these notable advances, poverty remains marked by strong regional and social disparities. Deprivations mainly concern education and living conditions such as access to drinking water, decent housing, and medical care. Multidimensional poverty is more concentrated in rural areas, accounting for 72% of the poor, with an alarming rate among rural children estimated at nearly 69%.
In his 26th Throne Speech, His Majesty the King acknowledged the progress made while expressing dissatisfaction and the determination to rapidly correct the situation.
Indeed, Morocco is still behind many other countries that display lower multidimensional poverty rates and have recorded faster declines in the index; some countries have therefore succeeded better. For example, Croatia already had a rate below 0.5% in 2022. China, with 12.5% in 2002, and Turkey, with an index of 8.5% in 2007, have recorded faster decreases and are now among the best-ranked countries. Several countries in Asia and Latin America have also seen significant declines thanks to innovative strategies, ambitious social policies, and sustained international support.
Morocco remains better ranked compared to many Sub-Saharan African countries. Mali had an MPI of 77.7% in 2012 and Burundi 80.8% in 2010. However, Morocco still maintains a significant gap with global leaders and even some developing countries in the Mediterranean and Asia.
To enable the Kingdom to maintain and accelerate its progress, drastic and effective measures requiring genuine political courage and boldness are needed. Several avenues should be considered simultaneously, such as:
- Optimizing investment in education by reducing school dropout, promoting equal access for girls and boys in rural areas, and improving teaching quality and attractiveness through teacher qualification and adapted curricula.
- Seriously addressing the issue of the language of instruction. Moroccans speak a language that is not reflected in schools. Darija is the Moroccan language and should be valorized to create a continuum between everyday life and learning. All education specialists and dedicated international bodies insist on the use of the mother tongue for more efficient learning, at least in the early school years, as seen in all countries successful in education.
- Redefining what illiteracy means in Morocco. Is it still appropriate to consider illiteracy as the inability to master languages that are not used in daily life? The working language and trades that sustain Moroccans and in which all exchange, communicate, and act are not taken into account. This question must be reconsidered in light of scientific evidence, without outdated or unproductive dogma or ideology.
- Accelerating medical coverage and social protection through a faster and less restrictive generalization.
- Encouraging health and education professionals to settle in remote and targeted areas through significant financial incentives and housing.
- Expanding and strengthening basic infrastructure with particular focus on drinking water, electricity, sanitation, and social housing even in rural areas. The issue posed by scattered housing should no longer be a taboo. Some recurring problems simply cannot be solved in certain regions due to the type and location of housing.
- Targeting public efforts territorially through fine planning and priority allocation of appropriate resources to the most vulnerable regions, taking into account the real needs of the populations concerned.
- Developing and refining social safety nets and resilience mechanisms to better protect populations affected by climate change.
By adopting an integrated, territorially targeted approach based on precise MPI data, Morocco can consolidate the gains already made and catch up with the best performers in the region and the world in the near future, given its stability, significant growth rate, diversified and increasingly efficient economy, and, of course, the ingenuity of its people.
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Multidimensional Poverty: Decoding the Oxford Index and the Situation in Morocco
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