Think Forward.

La cybersécurité marocaine dangereusement mise à mal par des attaques successives. 2068

Aziz Daouda, 8 mon.
Le Maroc fait face depuis avril 2025 à une série d’attaques informatiques majeures revendiquées par un collectif de hackers supposés algériens nommé «JabaRoot DZ». Ces cyberattaques ont ciblé des institutions économiques et administratives clés, notamment le ministère de l’Emploi, la Caisse nationale de la sécurité sociale (CNSS), tout récemment le ministère de la justice ainsi que des plateformes liées au cadastre et à la conservation foncière. Ce qui est claire, disons-le de suite, est que l’Algérie n’a aucunement la puissance technologique et de savoir-faire pour ce genre de besognes. Il est fort probable que ses services fassent appel à des « compétences » notamment à l’est de l’Europe pour s’attaquer aux intérêts du Royaume dans sa guerre globale à l’encontre de son «ennemi classique ». Si cette hypothèse se vérifiait, la question serait alors de savoir qui d'autres disposerait des informations piratées et pour quel usage. La première intrusion, survenue début avril 2025, a débuté par le piratage du site du ministère de l’Emploi et s’est rapidement étendue à la base de données de la CNSS. Cette attaque a conduit à la fuite de milliers de documents sensibles, exposant les informations personnelles de près de deux millions de salariés et les données administratives d’environ 500 000 entreprises marocaines. Parmi les données divulguées figuraient des bulletins de salaire détaillant noms, numéros de sécurité sociale, salaires, et parfois numéros de cartes d’identité de personnalités très importantes et de dirigeants de Royal Air Maroc, d'Attijariwafa Bank, de la Banque centrale populaire, du Fonds Mohammed VI pour l’investissement. Moins de deux mois plus tard, en juin 2025, JabaRoot DZ a revendiqué une nouvelle cyberattaque « de grande ampleur » contre l’Agence nationale de la conservation foncière, du cadastre et de la cartographie (ANCFCC). Bien que l’ANCFCC ait démenti toute intrusion directe dans ses serveurs, il a été révélé que la faille provenait d’une plateforme électronique utilisée par certains bureaux de notaires pour l’archivage des documents fonciers. Les hackers affirment avoir obtenu environ 4 téraoctets de données, comprenant des millions de titres fonciers, des documents contractuels, des copies de cartes d’identité, de passeports, ainsi que des documents bancaires et des informations concernant de hauts responsables et personnalités publiques. Cette fuite a conduit à la fermeture temporaire de la plateforme par l’ANCFCC pour des raisons de sécurité. Les hackers justifient ces attaques comme des représailles à des tentatives présumées de piratage marocain contre des institutions algériennes, notamment le compte Twitter de l’Agence de presse algérienne (APS). Ils ont également menacé de nouvelles actions en cas de futures attaques contre les intérêts algériens. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte de tensions géopolitiques entre le Maroc et l’Algérie, exacerbées par des enjeux liés au développement récents de l'affaire du Sahara et des rivalités régionales; le Maroc depuis quelques temps enregistrant victoire sur victoire à un rythme effréné. L'Algérie, dans ses médias officiels et officieux, ne se cache même plus et va jusqu'à implicitement revendiquer le piratage, ignorant le fait que se soit là une sorte de terrorisme d'état. Ces cyberattaques ont eu des conséquences graves : elles ont érodé la confiance des citoyens dans les services publics numériques, augmenté les risques d’usurpation d’identité et de fraude bancaire, et porté atteinte à la réputation des entreprises concernées. Le gouvernement marocain a qualifié ces actes de « criminels » et a annoncé des mesures pour renforcer la cybersécurité tout en ouvrant des enquêtes internes. La série d’attaques met surtout en lumière des vulnérabilités majeures dans la cybersécurité des institutions marocaines. La centralisation massive des données sensibles dans des plateformes uniques et le fait de créer des jonctions entre plusieurs intervenants et plateformes, facilitent les choses pour les citoyens et les institutions dans le cadre de la digitalisation certes mais facilite aussi l’accès massif des hackers en cas de brèche. Il est donc crucial de revoir en profondeur et sans plus tarder la stratégie nationale de protection des données. Pour mieux répartir ses données et renforcer sa sécurité, le Maroc pourrait adopter plusieurs stratégies complémentaires, en s’appuyant notamment sur la Stratégie nationale de cybersécurité 2030 et les meilleures pratiques internationales. Il devrait sans doute éviter la centralisation excessive en répartissant les données sensibles sur plusieurs systèmes sécurisés, segmenter les réseaux pour limiter les mouvements latéraux des hackers, et utiliser des techniques de transmission des données par plusieurs canaux distincts, afin de réduire les risques de vol simultané. Le Maroc se doit aussi intégrer des solutions de cybersécurité décentralisée basées sur la blockchain et l’intelligence collective, mettre en place un cloud souverain national avec hébergement local et chiffrement de bout en bout garantissant la protection des informations critiques. Le pays devrait par ailleurs, développer un cadre juridique agile et adapté, former un vivier national de professionnels qualifiés en cybersécurité via des cursus spécialisés et certifications, et mettre en place un Security Operations Center performant combinant outils de détection avancés et équipes locales capables de gérer les menaces spécifiques au contexte marocain. Une école supérieure de cybersécurité ou encadreraient des étudiants parfaitement sélectionnés, de véritables spécialistes, peut être une avancée stratégique majeure garantissant et la compétence et l’indépendance dans ce domaine. Face à la montée des cybermenaces, il est urgent que le Maroc adopte une politique de cybersécurité proactive et innovante, reposant sur une architecture technique décentralisée. Renforcer la coopération régionale et internationale n’est ici pas un luxe. L’échange d’informations critiques en temps réel est crucial; comme il est vital d'encourager la collaboration public-privé via des plateformes d’échange de renseignements sur les menaces, pour anticiper et réagir rapidement aux incidents. Aujourd’hui force est de constater que nombreux sont ceux qui prétendent maitriser la question, offrant des services qui vont très vite mettre à nu leurs limites et incompétences. Les administrations et les entreprises doivent faire très attention avant de s’engager ou d’engager les compétences dans ce domaine fort sensible. C'est une sphère qui repose sur une gouvernance agile, sur le développement des compétences humaines et la coopération active au niveau national et international. Une approche intégrée est essentielle pour bâtir un cyberespace résilient, souverain et capable de soutenir la transformation digitale ambitieuse du pays, tout en protégeant efficacement sa sécurité, ses institutions, ses citoyens et son économie.
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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The Book of Abramelin the Mage 210

Tupan, 15 h.
- History - Art - Other Worldly -
1.2 min read.
The Book of Abramelin, often called The Sacred Magic of Abramelin the Mage, is one of the most influential and demanding grimoires in Western esoteric tradition. Unlike many magical texts that focus on quick charms or spirit-binding, Abramelin presents magic as a transformational discipline—a path that reshapes the magician before granting power. Traditionally attributed to Abraham of Worms, the grimoire is framed as a series of instructions passed down to his son, Lamech. Whether historical or symbolic, this father-to-son framing emphasizes that the work is about initiation, not tricks. At the core of the Abramelin system is The Operation—a long ritual process (six, nine, or even eighteen months, depending on the manuscript) involving strict prayer schedules, moral purification, sexual abstinence, fasting, and isolation. The goal is the knowledge and conversation with the Holy Guardian Angel. Only after this sacred contact is achieved does the magician proceed to command spirits—not through coercion, but through divine authority mediated by the Angel. This structure makes Abramelin totally different from Solomonic grimoires. Spirits are not approached first. There are no shortcuts. Authority flows top-down: God → Angel → Magician → Spirits. In this sense, Abramelin is closer to a mystical ascent than to ceremonial sorcery. One of the most recognizable features of the book is its magical squares—word matrices arranged in perfect symmetry. These squares are not talismans in the casual sense; they are activated only after the successful completion of the Operation. Each square governs a specific effect—such as invisibility, finding treasure, influencing dreams, or reconciling enemies—but always within a framework of divine order. Power divorced from spiritual alignment is explicitly condemned. The Abramelin grimoire deeply influenced modern occultism, especially through Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and later figures like Aleister Crowley, who regarded knowledge of the Holy Guardian Angel as the central aim of true magic. Even contemporary systems of ceremonial magick quietly borrow its hierarchy and ethical assumptions. The Book of Abramelin is not a manual for summoning—it is a test of worthiness. It asserts that real magic begins with discipline, humility, and inner transformation. Spirits obey not because the magician knows secret names, but because the magician has first learned obedience—to the divine order itself.

Europe Has Finally Chosen Rabat for the Future... 603

Aziz Daouda, 2 d.
The European Union (EU) adopted a common position at the end of January 2026 on the Moroccan Sahara issue, explicitly supporting the Moroccan autonomy plan under its sovereignty over these provinces. The Union formally recognizes that the Moroccan solution is realistic and definitive to the artificial Sahara dispute, formerly occupied by Spain at the expense of the Sharifian Empire. This was no surprise given the already established positions of major European powers. However, this unanimous consensus of the 27 member states marks a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Sharifian Kingdom, driven by international momentum and crowned by UN Security Council Resolution 2797 in October 2025, which explicitly calls for negotiations exclusively on the basis of the autonomy plan put forward by Morocco. This position, aligned with those of many European countries expressed separately such as France, Spain, and Germany, strengthens the international legitimacy of the Moroccan plan. It opens prospects for reinforced strategic partnerships with the Union, particularly in economic matters through increased trade agreements, and in security, amid managing migratory flows and combating terrorism threats in the Sahel region. For Rabat, this recognition consolidates the effective integration of the Sahara into the Kingdom, de facto achieved since 1976. It will inexorably accelerate investments in the country's southern provinces, fostering unprecedented inclusive development in the region: road infrastructure, the Dakhla Atlantique port, renewable energy with over 1,000 MW, and modern universities. Confident in its historical and geographical rights, backed by unassailable national unity, Morocco has not waited for this support to act. For nearly 20 years, a rigorous development strategy, including the New Development Model (NDM), has transformed the regions in question, rendering any solution other than Moroccan sovereignty obsolete. Day by day, the Kingdom's arguments have gained echo and credibility, its proposal proving just and logical. Europe, just 14 km from Morocco's northern coasts, gains diplomatic coherence and benefits from North African stability embodied by the Sharifian Kingdom. The new resolution thus facilitates major trade agreements, such as the EU-Morocco fishing agreement extended in 2024 despite ludicrous challenges. Morocco, moreover, serves as the reliable pivot that stopped over 45,000 irregular crossings in 2024, according to Frontex, unlike other countries in the region. These are extremely costly operations for the Kingdom. European gains and regional momentum are therefore consolidated here. Beyond that, the new resolution spurs inclusive North African economic integration, provided Algeria returns to the long-hoped-for pragmatism and aligns with the course of history. Nothing is less certain for the moment. The context is that Morocco is emerging as a high-performing regional hub. It is now connected to West Africa and the Sahel via its highway network and the Tiznit-Dakhla expressway, the port of Tanger Med (Africa's number one), and the deep-water port of Dakhla, nearing final completion. Its trade with the region is growing, particularly with exponentially rising exports to sub-Saharan Africa. Arab unanimity in favor of the Moroccanness of the southern provinces and the African alignment that is tending to generalize, except for a few ideological exceptions or those under the influence of millions of dollars, accelerate this continental dynamic. In contrast, Algeria is increasingly isolating itself, mocked by a global consensus rejecting its far-fetched theses. Heir to a bygone military-political regime, Algiers feeds on low-intensity conflicts to legitimize the omnipotence of an army contested by an oppressed people, stifled by repression, as evidenced by the Hirak protests crushed since 2019. Any hint of change is nipped in the bud. The art of exporting crises has reached its peak there and is now running out of steam. Sahel countries: Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, are increasingly openly criticizing Algeria's actions, seen as destabilizing through support for the Polisario, among other things. It is proven that the latter maintains more than relations with terrorist organizations plundering the region. It is in this environment that the intensification of U.S. pressure for direct Morocco-Algeria dialogue fits, a dialogue always advocated without complex by Rabat. Algiers seems to struggle to digest this European debacle, compounded by the UN resolution and the fact that Morocco was invited by President Trump to join the new Peace Council as a founding member. Algerian media, usually loquacious and venomous, maintain a deafening silence or at most a statement attributed to a Sahrawi organization of dubious existence, calling on Europe to comply with a European Court decision, for lack of room to maneuver. Growing Russo-Chinese neutrality, the retreat of Iran, whose Revolutionary Guards and proxies are now classified as terrorist organizations by the United States and this same Europe, drastically weaken Algerian theses and reduce its margins for maneuver. The Polisario, the Saharan proxy artificially maintained by Algiers and covertly supported by Iran, risks eventual moral and logistical collapse. Its representatives, who recently went to the USA thinking they were negotiators, were relegated to the rank of "thugs" after undergoing a tough interrogation, particularly on their ties to Iran's Revolutionary Guards. Algiers' berets, losing influence and facing internal tensions, consequently have nothing left to hope for without aligning with the international community. Supplying gas and oil is no longer enough to weigh in or impose oneself. Price fluctuations, the broad diversification of suppliers, and embargoes envisioned against recalcitrants turn it into a vulnerability rather than an asset. Algiers will have to understand this, and quickly. The European position on the Moroccan Sahara is the final nail in the coffin of the Algerian Trojan horse, for those who can read the geopolitical fault lines.

AFCON 2025: When Realpolitik and Institutional Influence Overpower the Rule of Law 899

Imad Khater, 4 d.
The ruling issued by CAF on January 29, 2026, regarding the tumultuous conclusion of the Morocco-Senegal final, transcends mere sporting arbitration. It signals the emergence of a structural denial of justice where Realpolitik has effectively superseded codified norms. By delivering this verdict of convenience, CAF has squandered a pivotal historical opportunity. Legal recourse through the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) now stands as the sole remaining avenue to restore the primacy of law over political maneuvering. This step is essential to transform a denial of justice into a redemptive legislative precedent, capable of dismantling the impunity of those who believe they can subvert the system through "pitch-side sedition." Tactical Obstruction and the Legal Grey Zone Contrary to the radical interpretations circulated in the heat of the moment, the Senegalese squad never executed an irreversible physical withdrawal from the field. By remaining within the technical perimeter, the actors de facto neutralized the application of Article 82 of the CAF regulations. However, this technical distinction does not diminish the gravity of the events. We witnessed a strategic "hostage-taking" of the match. By instrumentalizing the pitch's grey zones, Senegal exerted overwhelming psychological and administrative pressure on the officiating crew, paralyzing the natural flow of the game. This "perimeter sedition" constitutes a major breach of sporting ethics: a manifestation of "might makes right" rather than the rule of law. By validating this conduct, CAF has effectively sanctioned the threat of withdrawal as a legitimate negotiating lever during a match. The Urgency of a Sui Generis Disciplinary Framework The current continental sporting law is trapped in an obsolete binarism: a match is either played or abandoned. In the face of such systemic obstruction, the existing legal regime resembles a "tree bearing bitter fruit." It is now imperative to establish a specific offense of obstruction. The law cannot remain silent when a team saturates the technical space to freeze the clock and coerce a favorable outcome. Future reforms must focus on intentionality: any refusal to resume play, even if the team remains on the sidelines, should result in an automatic forfeit. Without this "scientization" of sanctions, African football is condemned to permanent legal insecurity. Institutional "Entrisme" and the Shadow of Hard Power Analysis reveals a glaring asymmetry of power. While Morocco has invested in contributory "Soft Power," Senegal appears to have secured judicial "Hard Power." It is now evident that the Senegalese Federation is deeply embedded within the inner sanctums of CAF. The presence of a national figure at the helm of the Disciplinary Committee—notwithstanding any formal recusal—creates an insurmountable structural bias. This "Solomonic justice"—sacrificing a fuse (the coach) to protect the institution (the trophy)—is a calculated maneuver of Realpolitik designed to appease a federation whose institutional influence now dictates the tempo of verdicts at the expense of equity. The Referee’s Report: A Veil for Incompetence The Disciplinary Committee has retreated into willful blindness by relying exclusively on the reports of referees and officials, disregarding material, chronometric, and video evidence. The "Judge and Party" Conflict: The referee, whose loss of authority was the primary catalyst for the chaos, cannot be considered a legitimate or objective narrator of the facts. Administrative Distortion: By relying on these often laconic or biased minutes, the Commission deliberately prioritized administrative finality over the reality of the pitch. This creates a vicious cycle where officials are shielded to avoid applying the full rigor of the law against the champion. Conclusion: From Influence to Modernity For months, a complacent media narrative attempted to portray Fouzi Lekjaa as the "demiurge" of CAF. However, this verdict demonstrates that real power lies elsewhere. By prioritizing political stability over legal rigor, CAF has undermined its own credibility. Morocco, guided by the strategic vision of His Majesty the King, must now act as the champion of institutional modernity. A referral to the CAS is not merely a protest; it is a necessity to break the cycle of impunity and ensure that no entity can hijack the system through political leverage.