Think Forward.

Les régimes militaires : promesses révolutionnaires, désillusions nationales certaines... 1333

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
Depuis les indépendances du milieu du XXᵉ siècle, une large partie du monde en développement a été traversée par la tentation militaire. En Afrique, en Amérique latine ou en Asie, les armées, souvent les seules institutions *organisées, hiérarchisées et disciplinées*, à la suite du départ des colonisateurs, ont pris le pouvoir au nom de la stabilité, de la justice sociale ou de la révolution. Pourtant, l’histoire révèle que, derrière les slogans pompeux de « démocratique », «populaire » ou « révolutionnaire », ces régimes ont rarement laissé place à autre chose que la répression, la corruption, la stagnation et bien plus encore. Les lendemains d’indépendance ont vu certaines armées se positionner en sauveuses autoproclamées. Toutes n'ont laissé derrière elles que le KO, le sous-développement et la misère. Dans les années 1960 et 1970, l’Afrique nouvellement indépendante connaît une flambée de coups d’État militaires. Entre 1958 et 1980, plus de 60 putschs militaires sont recensés sur le continent. Certains leaders charismatiques des indépendances se sont vus dépossédés du pouvoir de la pire des façons. Au Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, pionnier du panafricanisme, est renversé en 1966 par un coup d’État militaire. En 1968, Moussa Traoré dépose Modibo Keïta au Mali, mettant fin à un projet socialiste naissant. Ould Dadda de Mauritanie ne connaitra pas un meilleur sort. Plus tôt, c'était Patrice Lumumba qui subissait les pires atrocités. Le roi Farouk est poussé à la porte de l'Égypte. Kaddafi dépose le vieux Senoussi. Benbella subissait le dictat de Boumedienne. En Amérique latine, la même mécanique se répète : l’armée prétend « sauver la nation » du chaos. Au Brésil, le coup d’État de 1964 installe une dictature pour 21 ans sous le prétexte de combattre le communisme. Au Chili, le général Augusto Pinochet renverse en 1973 le président démocratiquement élu Salvador Allende, inaugurant un régime de terreur responsable de plusieurs milliers de morts et disparus. En Asie, la Birmanie illustre une domination militaire persistante. Depuis le coup d’État de 1962 du général Ne Win jusqu’à la junte née du putsch de février 2021, l’armée contrôle le pays, étouffant toute opposition et maintenant une pauvreté structurelle. Nombre de ces régimes militaires se sont enveloppés dans un vernis idéologique. Ils se sont dits « révolutionnaires », comme le régime de Thomas Sankara au Burkina Faso (1983-1987), ou « démocratiques et populaires », à l’image des régimes du Congo-Brazzaville ou de l’Éthiopie de Mengistu Haile Mariam (1974-1991). Mais cette promesse de transformation sociale a presque toujours débouché sur la confiscation du pouvoir. Les libertés civiles furent suspendues, les opposants emprisonnés ou éliminés, tandis que les économies nationales sombrèrent dans la gabegie et la prédation. La rhétorique des régimes « populaires, démocratiques et révolutionnaires » s'avère tout aussi mensongère qu'improductive, pour ne pas dire plus. Le Nigeria, avec ses six coups d’État entre 1966 et 1999, est emblématique de cette spirale. Les régimes successifs de Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Mohammed et Sani Abacha ont dilapidé les revenus pétroliers d’un des pays les plus riches d’Afrique. À la mort d’Abacha en 1998, le pays était exsangue : corruption généralisée, dette abyssale, répression politique. Malgré l'évidence, certains pays continuent à endurer ce genre de régime, avec une recrudescence ces derniers temps en Afrique occidentale et au Sahel. Il est difficile de porter un jugement sur ces régimes naissants. Attendons. Le temps nous dira. Ils promettent tous de remettre le pouvoir aux civiles après une période de transition. Souvent ils y gouttent au plaisir de la vie et s'y plaisent... Aujourd’hui, les États encore dominés par une junte militaire sont moins nombreux qu'avant en Afrique. L’Algérie demeure tout de même un exemple notable, vestige des régimes installés dans les années soixante. L’armée reste ici le véritable centre de pouvoir depuis l’indépendance en 1962. Officiellement dirigée par des civils, la réalité est différente, notamment depuis le coup de force de janvier 1992, qui interrompit un processus électoral et plongea le pays dans une guerre civile meurtrière. Près de 200 000 personnes y perdirent la vie, selon Amnesty International. Trente ans plus tard, malgré les apparences institutionnelles, la présidence d’Abdelmadjid Tebboune (depuis 2019) reste sous étroite influence militaire. Il est toujours flanqué du général chef des armées. Le mouvement du Hirak, né en 2019, avait dénoncé ce système opaque décrit comme un « pouvoir militaire sans uniforme ». Aujourd'hui, la situation ayant conduit au Hirak ne s'est pas améliorée : l’économie, dépendante du pétrole, s’enlise, tandis que la jeunesse s'exile massivement. Les illusions sont encore une fois perdues. Le dinar dégringole alors que le pays dépend de l'importation pour ses besoins primaires. Les régimes se prétendant « du peuple » ont souvent retourné leurs armes contre ce même peuple. Des pays riches en ressources comme le Nigeria, le Congo, le Soudan, la Libye, l'Algérie ou la Birmanie, pour ne citer que quelques exemples, sont devenus des laboratoires de la désillusion. Les massacres, abus et dilapidation des richesses laissent toujours des cicatrices profondes. La tendance mondiale, marquée par la disparition des régimes militaires, n'est pas pour plaire à tout le monde, notamment aux armées dans certaines régions, quitte à plonger le pays dans le KO. Le cas du Soudan donne des signaux très alarmants. C'est alors qu'une leçon s’impose : aucune dictature en uniforme n’a réussi à bâtir durablement la prospérité ou la paix, nul part. L’histoire des régimes militaires est celle d’une promesse trahie. Derrière le discours du redressement national, de la défense des intérêts du pays, ces pouvoirs ont produit la peur, l’appauvrissement et le désenchantement. L’armée, censée protéger la nation, l’a souvent tenue en otage. Là où elle persiste encore à s'accaparer le pouvoir, elle incarne surtout les dernières résistances d’un modèle condamné par l’histoire. À bon entendeur, salut !
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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African Football’s Leading Force: The Moroccan Model Amidst Regional Headwinds 297

Imad Khater, 24 h.
The curtain fell on AFCON 2025, leaving a trail of striking contrasts. While the event confirmed the Kingdom’s supremacy as a world-class logistical hub, the tensions witnessed during the final on January 18, 2026, in Rabat, served as a stark reminder of the contingencies still weighing on continental football. Between the seamlessness of the infrastructure and the archaic nature of certain disciplinary attitudes, a fundamental question emerges: how will the transition from CAF’s regulatory framework to that of FIFA in 2030 reshape the management of these organic crises? This shift represents more than a mere scaling up; it is a true paradigmatic rupture where technocratic neutrality will serve to sanctify Moroccan excellence. I. Moroccan Excellence: A Technological Showcase for Africa The massive investment deployed by the Kingdom—ranging from the deep modernization of sports complexes to the systemic integration of VAR—presented the world with the image of a modern, rigorous, and visionary Morocco. This material success, lauded by international observers, aimed to establish an African benchmark. However, this pursuit of perfection encountered a persistent psychological phenomenon: the "host country complex." In this configuration, organizational mastery is sometimes perceived by competitors not as shared progress, but as a lever of dominance, mechanically fueling theories of favoritism. The events of the final illustrate this at its peak. The disallowed goal for Ismaïla Sarr and the late-match penalty became, through the lens of regional suspicion, instruments of controversy rather than technically grounded officiating decisions. Yet, data from DM Sport reveals the opposite: Morocco was among the most penalized teams in the tournament. This discrepancy highlights a major flaw: technology is insufficient to validate a result unless it is protected by a jurisdictional authority perceived as exogenous. II. Solidary Leadership and the Diplomacy of Resentment It would be erroneous, however, to view this quest for excellence as a desire for isolation. On the contrary, Morocco maintains deep and unwavering historical ties with the majority of its sister nations across the continent. Faithful to its African roots, the Kingdom continues to actively promote continental football within CAF, offering its infrastructure and expertise to federations seeking professionalization. This "open-hand" policy ensures that Moroccan success translates into success for all of Africa. Nevertheless, such leadership breeds friction. A "diplomacy of resentment" has emerged from certain foreign media spheres—particularly in specific Arab and African countries—aiming to tarnish the prestige of the Moroccan organization. By framing Morocco as a favored "ogre," these narratives attempt to transform factual superiority into moral injustice. This media harassment specifically targets the emergence of a governance model that now aligns with the most demanding global standards. III. The Advent of "Cold Justice": Legal Sanctification The transition to FIFA’s aegis in 2030 will signal the end of the geographical proximity that fosters such smear campaigns. Unlike the continental framework, the globalization of officiating bodies will dismantle zonal rivalries. Where CAF must often navigate between diplomatic compromise and sporting imperatives, FIFA deploys a "cold justice"—purely procedural in nature. The chaos observed in Rabat would meet a surgical response in 2030. Article 10 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code is unequivocal: any refusal to resume play results in an automatic forfeit and severe sanctions. In 2030, the rule of law will act as a protective cleaver for the host, rendering victimhood narratives obsolete. IV. Technology and the "2030 Bloc": Toward an Indisputable Truth The 2030 edition, spearheaded by the Morocco-Spain-Portugal trio, will benefit from total judgment automation (Shadow VAR, semi-automated offside) and absolute transparency. The FIFA Hosting Agreement will prevail as a superior norm, guaranteeing impartiality. This legal framework will serve as a shield, preventing disciplinary incidents from being politically instrumentalized against the Kingdom. AFCON 2025 was a successful demonstration of organizational strength for Morocco, confirming its role as the driving force of African football. However, it also revealed that excellence remains vulnerable to peripheral noise. In 2030, the definitive anchoring in FIFA law will allow the Kingdom to transform its organizational prowess into a lasting institutional legacy. Sport, finally shielded from geopolitical dross, will align with the strategic vision of a Morocco turned toward the universal, making the rule of law the bedrock of its global legitimacy.

Light Pollution and the End of the Construction of Imagination – Part 1 375

Julius Melien, 1 d.
One of the memories I carry most fondly is when my interest in everything related to outer space first awakened. I clearly remember that in 1980 I saw a TV report about a lunar eclipse that we would be able to observe. The images shown on the news program impacted me so deeply that I could hardly sleep that night. The sight of the lunar craters, caught in that characteristic interplay of light and shadow, became etched in my mind. The next day, I questioned a teacher who was a friend of my family almost to the point of exhausting him, asking so many questions about the subject. Next year, I also saw TV advertisements announcing the theatrical release of "The Empire Strikes Back". In a way, my imagination was launched in a manner analogous to the catapult effect that spacecraft and space probes use when they swing around planets. There wasn’t a single clear night when I didn’t spend hours looking up at the sky, at the immensity of the universe. At that time, the night sky was truly dark, since light pollution caused by city lights did not yet have as significant an effect as it does today. In 1982, Carl Sagan’s series "Cosmos" also premiered on television, and even its soundtrack struck me deeply. Then, in 1984, with the debut of several animated series, two of them being "Groizer X" and "Star Blazers", the American version of "Space Battleship Yamato", I experienced yet another “gravitational catapult” effect, further fueling my imagination. In 1986, the passage of Halley’s Comet took over newspapers, magazines, TV programs, and even my school science books. That was it! This was the definitive confirmation of my passion for the space. At that time, however, I still lived in the realm of fantasy, driven solely by what my imagination brought me. I would look at the sky on clear nights and think that traveling through space was like it was in the movies, challenging, full of adventures and dangers, yet seeming simple and even comfortable. After all, in science fiction films, many aspects of physics were disregarded, using a kind of poetic license. But I grew up. I became a scientist. My gaze acquired a new perspective, yet without ever losing the magic of imagination from the beginning of this story. What came next? In the second part of this story, I will conclude… Clear skies to all, and Ad astra!

Trump’s “Council of Peace”: Strategic Pragmatism or Alarm Signal for the International Order? 1129

Aziz Daouda, 4 d.
The invitation extended by U.S. President Donald Trump to His Majesty King Mohammed VI to join the new “Council of Peace” marks a significant turning point in contemporary international relations practice. It stems neither from protocol nor symbolism, but fits into an assumed reconfiguration of global conflict management mechanisms. The Sovereign's acceptance of this invitation, while the Algerian president was not invited and Africa remains largely underrepresented, if not ignored, highlights a selective logic based not on geography or ideology, but on political utility as perceived by the USA as a global actor. In the official communiqué announcing the Sovereign's acceptance, Morocco's diplomatic fundamentals regarding the Palestinian issue were explicitly reiterated, particularly the two-state solution with states living side by side. The trust-based relations with the concerned Arab parties, especially Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank on one side, and Israel on the other, perfectly foreshadow the role the Kingdom will play in establishing peace and rebuilding the region. Isn't this a direct way to consecrate a results-oriented diplomacy in the face of the long-ailing multilateralism that has been faltering for quite some time? For decades, major international institutions, starting with the UN, have struggled to resolve protracted conflicts. The Security Council is paralyzed by the veto right, peace processes are stalled, UN missions lack a clear political horizon: the symptoms of a saturated system are evident. Donald Trump's envisioned Council of Peace, by contrast, follows a logic of rupture. It seeks neither to produce international law nor to impose universal norms, but to create an informal framework for direct negotiation among influential actors, including those the UN system struggles to integrate operationally. In this context, Morocco is undoubtedly a stability actor and a discreet, credible, and effective mediator. The presence of the King of Morocco in this body reflects international recognition of a diplomatic model founded on stability, continuity, and pragmatism. Morocco has established itself as an actor capable of dialoguing with partners of divergent interests while maintaining a clear strategic line, and everyone knows that it is His Majesty himself who initiated this vision and leads this distinguished diplomacy. This explains the particular nature of the invitation addressed to the Sovereign. Conversely, the exclusion of certain states reveals the limits of a diplomacy based on permanent conflictuality and blind ideological posturing. In a Trumpian logic, effectiveness trumps representativeness. Pragmatism prevails over sterility and outdated ideological blindness. The question then becomes: in this context, is the UN being marginalized or pushed toward reform? This Council does not signal the immediate end of the UN, but it exposes its existential crisis. If a parallel body achieves tangible results quickly, as claimed on certain African dossiers, among others, then the question of the UN system's functional legitimacy will arise acutely. President Trump's initiative can thus be seen as a trigger: either for a progressive weakening of the UN, which he has little fondness for, or for a profound reform of its decision-making mechanisms, particularly the Security Council. And since President Trump is already midway through his term and cannot run again, things will move very quickly. The context is also highly particular, with a transatlantic fracture revealing a malaise that has been simmering since Trump's first term, he no longer accepts defending a hostile Europe that is increasingly dependent on American budgets for its defense. The refusal of European countries, including France, to join this new body translates a growing strategic divergence between Europe and the United States. While Washington prioritizes power dynamics and direct negotiation, Europe remains attached to a normative multilateralism, sometimes disconnected from ground realities. Its diplomatic hypocrisy and double standards on many issues are laid bare here. Its position and quagmire in Ukraine testify to the anachronistic state of its strategy. The invitation to Vladimir Putin accentuates this fracture, especially in the context of the Ukraine conflict and geopolitical tensions in the Arctic. Europe no longer knows on what ground to engage with President Trump. How to interpret President Macron's statement at Davos, where he said he did not accept the law of the strongest without naming it? Who is the strongest, then, when the one he alludes to is precisely the initiator of the new Council? Isn't this truly a sharing of power? Why refuse to be part of it! And then Trump responds to Macron by declining an invitation to a G7 meeting... For now, Donald Trump's Council of Peace is neither a complete institutional alternative to the UN nor a mere conjunctural initiative. It is the symptom of a world impatient with the ineffectiveness of traditional frameworks. In this context, the role that the King of Morocco will play illustrates the rise of actors capable of articulating pragmatism, stability, and international credibility. More than an architectural change, this initiative reveals a profound transformation of the implicit rules of global governance. And since the Council's seat is not yet known, why not envision it being established in Morocco? The special invitation addressed to His Majesty King Mohammed VI is a good omen and could even be understood in this light. Morocco would thus become the nerve center of Peace in the world.

The First Kill and the Conquest of Outer Space 1525

Julius Melien, 7 d.
When I watched "2001: A Space Odyssey" for the first time, directed by Stanley Kubrick, I must have been around 12 to 14 years old. Obviously, I understood absolutely nothing. I watched it driven purely by my affinity for science fiction, more specifically for the theme of space. However, when I watched it again almost 20 years later, already graduated as a biologist, I arrived at an understanding of the first act that I believe few people have had. At least that was my perception, since none of the people I spoke to about it saw the connection that I am about to present. There is a striking scene in the film that I call “The Cut”: the abrupt transition from the first to the second act, in which an ancestral primate of humankind, holding a bone, throws it into the air, and the camera follows the bone as it rises until the director cuts to a space station in a future time. The message I perceived was that, at the moment these hominids began to consume meat, since before that they gathered seeds, ate roots and vegetables alongside herbivorous animals, there was a significant change that, in my view, represented an evolutionary leap. When an individual noticed the skeleton of an animal, there was a long, robust bone, probably a femur. He picked up this bone and began to manipulate it until he discovered that it could be used as a weapon. Wisely, the director alternates scenes of this individual testing the new weapon with scenes of him killing an animal that lived among them, followed immediately by scenes of them feeding on the meat of that slaughtered animal. We know that, among all sources of protein, meat has the highest protein content in the diet, and it is very likely that this increase in protein intake in the diet of our ancestors enabled an increase in brain mass and, consequently, an increase in cranial volume. This can be observed by comparing skulls of other closely related primates, such as chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans, and even fossil skulls that have been found. This difference is evident, allowing us to conclude that this was what propelled us evolutionarily in relation to our relatives within the primate order. It is clear in the scenes that, in addition to using the bone as a tool to kill prey, it was also used as a weapon to attack other groups or to defend against them, since behavior related to dispute and conquest has always been part of our construction as a biological species. And what is the relationship between all of this and the famous “cut” at the end of the film’s first act? It is that, at the moment our ancestors began to feed on meat, a process of brain enlargement began, which led to an increase in intelligence, an essential condition that would later make possible the conquest of outer space, as shown in the abrupt cut from the scene of the bone being thrown into the air to a space station in orbit. Well, this was my free interpretation of that important moment in the film. For this reason, I invite everyone to take a careful look at the messages that are conveyed, whether in films, songs, or works of art in general. The author has the need to communicate something through their art.

AFCON 2025: When Morocco Believes in Itself and in Africa.. 1523

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3.2 min read.
In 1961, John F.Kennedy issued an immortal challenge to Americans: "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." This call to individual responsibility helped forge a collective mindset rooted in civic engagement and self-transcendence. Contemporary America still bears the imprint of this philosophy in many ways. Decades later, Barack Obama rallied crowds with "Yes we can," a cry of unity and collective determination, while Donald Trump popularized "Make America Great Again," a slogan of national rebirth. These formulas are more than mere words: they crystallize moments when a people rediscover themselves, mobilize, and project toward the future. A kind of regeneration for a power afraid of falling, a way to revitalize a nation prone to forgetting itself or resting on its laurels? Morocco has also known this grammar of national mobilization. The late Hassan II forcefully reminded in one of his speeches: "We will only achieve this goal by translating nationalism into citizenship and by moving national consciousness from mere love for the homeland to effective engagement in building a Morocco that is a source of pride for all Moroccans." A founding vision: loving Morocco is not enough; it must be built. In the same spirit, His Majesty King Mohammed VI stated, on the occasion of the 2019 Throne Day, that "Morocco belongs to all Moroccans because it is our common home," calling on each to contribute to its construction, its development, as well as to the preservation of its unity, security, and stability. More recently, on the 2024 Throne Day, the Sovereign again emphasized the need to "pool the efforts of all Moroccans" and appealed to their patriotism as well as to their sense of individual and collective responsibility. A message that resonates, in Moroccan style, like a national "Yes we can," aimed at overcoming socio-economic challenges and consolidating achievements. **AFCON 2025: A Revealer of National Confidence.** It is in this context that Morocco experienced a major turning point with the organization of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations. Well before kickoff, the AFCON was already acting as a powerful revealer: a revealer of the level of development achieved by the Kingdom, but also of the renewed confidence of Moroccans in their collective capacities. The international competition hosted by Morocco demonstrated unparalleled capacity: modern stadiums meeting the most demanding standards, extensive highway networks, efficient rail hubs, increasingly clean and organized cities, civility widely praised by visitors. Casablanca, Rabat, Tangier, Marrakech, or Agadir as examples only, embody this Morocco that advances, invests, and projects toward a bright future. These progresses are not the fruit of chance. They result from a strategic vision driven by His Majesty King Mohammed VI and translated into structuring investments: more than 2,000 km of highways built since the early 2000s, the Tanger Med port complex becoming a global reference in transshipment, or an ambitious energy policy aiming for over 52% renewable energies in the national mix by 2030. Thus, AFCON 2025 crowns a long-term process, not just a one-off flash. **Resilience, Solidarity, and International Credibility.** Even before the sporting event, the Al Haouz earthquake in September 2023 had already highlighted the resilience of the Moroccan nation. Faced with a major human tragedy, spontaneous solidarity—mass collections, citizen volunteering, mobilization of institutions, and the state's rapid intervention under royal impetus—demonstrated the strength of the national bond. The ongoing reconstruction has reinforced the conviction that Morocco knows how to face adversity. At the same time, macroeconomic indicators attest to an overall positive trajectory: gradual improvement in GDP per capita over the medium term, rise of sectors like automotive, aeronautics, and green energies, affirmation of the Kingdom as a central diplomatic actor in Africa. This international credibility, sometimes a source of regional tensions or criticisms, above all confirms that Morocco has crossed a strategic threshold. **A Success That Calls for More Engagement.** But this success is not an end in itself. It calls for more individual and collective efforts, more mutual trust between citizens, businesses, and institutions. More than ever, the question posed by Kennedy remains relevant: "What am I doing for my country?" Every Moroccan, at their level, is called upon. This dynamic rests on a common denominator: solidarity, extended by work, innovation, and responsibility. It translates into local initiatives, the rise of tech hubs in Casablanca, Rabat, or Tangier, investment in human capital, and adherence to the New Development Model, which aims for a more inclusive, more productive Morocco, better positioned in the global economy. **An Assumed African Ambition.** AFCON 2025 must also be understood as a moment of African fraternity. Morocco has affirmed its continental vocation there: to pull upward, share experience, strengthen South-South partnerships and economic interdependencies. Security, climate, social, and economic challenges are common; responses must be too. Morocco's destiny is inseparable from that of Africa, and Africa's depends on Morocco as well. A prosperous Morocco is an excellent locomotive for the rest of the continent, especially in the region. Sterile criticisms and entrenched or passing jealousies never withstand the seriousness of work, the constancy of effort, and the clarity of vision for long. Only the countries that advance, invest, and unite endure. **A Clear Mission.** The mission is now crystal clear: persevere, aim higher, stronger, and more united, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI. Not by copying imported slogans, but by innovating, assuming our singularity, and confidently occupying the place that is naturally Morocco's on the global chessboard. Yes, "Yes we can," Moroccan style. Let us build together a stronger Morocco and a more confident Africa, not through denigration or sterile comparison, but through work, complementarity, and collective engagement. The world advances and waits for no one. Morocco has understood this. It is now up to each to choose: join this movement or stay on the sidelines of History. There will always be football cups.

Morocco Facing the Red Poppy Syndrome: When Success Becomes a Target... 1515

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.5 min read.
We often speak of the "red poppy syndrome," or *Tall Poppy Syndrome* in English. This is a sociological and cultural theory according to which, in certain groups or societies, those who outperform others, succeed too much, or stand out excessively are criticized, belittled, or "cut down" to preserve a semblance of equality within the group. In short, success disturbs and becomes detrimental to those who lack it. Efforts are then made in all directions to at least denigrate and gossip about those who excel. The metaphor comes precisely from the idea that, in a field of poppies, those that grow taller than the others are cut down to keep the field uniform. The red poppy syndrome thus refers to this well-known mechanism by which success that is too visible calls not for emulation, but for the will to bring it down by any means necessary. On the African regional scale, Morocco today provides the clearest illustration. Not because it proclaims itself a model, but because its achievements impose themselves, provoking tensions, jealousies, and obstructionist strategies. In essence, a Morocco that disturbs because it succeeds. In recent years, the Kingdom has relentlessly accumulated transformative successes: active African diplomacy, high-quality infrastructure, especially world-class sports facilities, recognized organizational credibility, and sports results that are no longer exceptions but the norm. This dynamic, far from rallying others around the country, has awakened in certain regional actors an obsession with systematic contestation, without scruple or limit. The hosting of the Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco should have been celebrated as a moment of continental unity and collective African success. Instead, for its detractors, it turned into a battlefield for sabotage aimed less at the event itself than at the host country. The neighborhood is not unrelated to this evident strategy of indirect sabotage that anyone can verify. In this context, it would be naive not to see the role played by Algeria, locked in a rivalry with Morocco that has become almost doctrinal. Unable to compete on the field of performance, Algiers has long shifted the battle to the terrain of discreditation, suspicion, and peripheral agitation. Failing to prevent the awarding or holding of the competition, the strategy consisted of polluting its narrative environment: questioning fairness, sowing doubt about refereeing, insinuating collusions, manufacturing suspicion where facts resist. A classic method: when you can't cut down the poppy, you try to tarnish its color. And since it always finds support among some, ideologized media relays have perfectly taken up the baton. This enterprise would not have had the same reach without the active involvement of certain ideologically aligned French journalists, often from circles marked by long-standing hostility toward Morocco and its monarchy. Throughout the competition, a segment of this so-called "progressive" press poured out venom in the form of insinuations, kangaroo courts, and barely veiled accusations against the Royal Moroccan Football Federation and its leaders, if not the Moroccan state itself. Investigative journalism here gave way to disguised activism, where suspicion substitutes for proof and Moroccan success becomes, by principle, suspect. This treatment was neither neutral nor innocent: it was part of a delegitimization strategy, carefully maintained. By ricochet, certain African complicities emerged, and recycled frustrations became uninhibited. Even more concerning, attitudes from some African officials or leaders have fueled this toxic climate. Untimely statements, outrageous contestations, misplaced victimhood postures: so many elements that gave the impression that sports frustrations were recycled into political accusations, in disregard of sports ethics. Whether conscious instrumentalization or mere opportunism, the result is the same: an attempt to weaken Morocco by voices supposed to embody the spirit of African fraternity. But despite everything, the maneuver failed and is turning against its instigators. For reality is stubborn. The Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco was a resounding organizational, popular, financial, media, economic, and sporting success. African fans, delegations, and honest observers saw and experienced it. Suspicion campaigns did not mask the essential: Morocco delivered what it promised. In the end, this episode reveals a simple and disturbing truth: the problem is not that Morocco wins, organizes, and advances. The problem, for some, is that it does so too well, too visibly, too sustainably while they fail to do so. And in an African field of poppies, those who relentlessly try to cut down the one that stands out often end up revealing their own inability to grow. The beautiful poppy will continue to grow... especially since it has been well watered by abundant rain. Thank God. As for the Cups, there will be plenty more opportunities to lift them...

The Rabat Aporia: Anatomy of a Procedural Collapse – The 2025 AFCON Final Fiasco 1580

Imad Khater, 7 d.
- Society - Sports -
2.6 min read.
The final chapter of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, pitting Morocco against Senegal in the heart of the capital, will not merely be remembered as a high-octane athletic duel. Instead, it has evolved into a definitive case study of institutional gridlock. Caught in the friction between IFAB’s Laws of the Game and the labyrinthine CAF Disciplinary Code, the incident of January 18th at the Moulay Abdellah Stadium transcends a simple disciplinary spat. It exposes a legal "gray zone" where procedure faltered alongside authority, revealing a seismic rift where subjective interpretation overrode the strictures of normative alignment. I. The Materiality of Facts: The Engineering of "Passive Resistance" Contrary to the inflammatory narratives that spread in the heat of the moment, the Senegalese squad never executed an irreversible physical withdrawal from the field of play. While there were visible inclinations toward the touchline—acting as a symbolic defiance of the officiating crew—the players remained within the technical perimeter. This effectively neutralized the immediate trigger of Article 82 of the CAF regulations. Legally, this distinction is paramount: we are not dealing with a forfeiture by abandonment, but rather a state of tactical paralysis. This maneuver appears to stem from a sophisticated instrumentalization of the rulebook, designed to occupy a space that freezes administrative sanctions. By exploiting the ambiguity between vehement protest and outright insubordination, the bench utilized the boundary lines as a strategic lever, sidestepping irreversible penalties in favor of a more pliable disciplinary framework. II. Procedural Flaws and the "Suspect Celerity" of Officiating The match’s conclusion witnessed a manifest erosion of the official’s sovereignty, underscored by two critical departures from international standards. The crux of the dispute—and the inherent weakness of any future sanction—lies in the officiating body’s management of the temporal dimension. Both IFAB directives and the CAF Disciplinary Code mandate a stringent protocol of diligence before any declaration of forfeiture: Encroachment of Technical Zones: Under Law 12, the intrusion of staff members onto the pitch should have triggered a wave of dismissals. This inertia cannot be dismissed as a mere lapse in judgment; it represents a fundamental breach of the match’s legal security. The Overlooked Notice Period: An official is required to grant a legal window for reflection—typically five to ten minutes—to allow the captain to restore order. In Rabat, this timeframe was either ignored or, at the very least, improperly formalized. By failing to explicitly notify the captain—the sole sui generis interlocutor on the pitch—that the formal "default clock" had started, the referee created a state of manifest legal insecurity. The procedural error here is twofold. By failing to formally summon the players to resume within the allotted time, the referee denied the opposing federation the chance to comply with the rules. One cannot hand down a sentence as final as a forfeiture (a 3-0 loss) without scrupulously following the "procedural roadmap" of the crisis. This indecisive haste transforms the incident into a processual failure. The chaos in Rabat was not solely the work of defiant players, but of an officiating team that failed to enforce the temporal framework dictated by international norms. The Enigma of Law 14: The decisive penalty, marred by a blatant early movement by the goalkeeper, imperatively required a VAR-led retake. Referee Jean-Jacques Ndala’s decision to blow the final whistle with such intriguing speed suggests "situational officiating." By bypassing technological verification, the official seemingly prioritized short-term security concerns over the integrity of the result. III. From Organizational Sanctions to the Imperative of Federal Recourse The erratic resumption of play just before the final whistle confirmed the impotence of the current organizational regime. Unable to formalize an organic and definitive abandonment, CAF is forced to retreat to Articles 146 and 147 of its Disciplinary Code. However, while these tools allow for the punishment of "unsportsmanlike conduct" through federal fines, they are merely bandages on an open wound, incapable of restoring the compromised sporting equity. Faced with what must be termed a denial of sporting justice, the Royal Moroccan Football Federation (FRMF) cannot remain a passive observer. It must exercise its legal right of appeal to move the dispute from the emotional sphere to a structured administrative procedure. The imperative here is normative: to demand a rigorous investigation into the procedural integrity of those final moments, transforming a legitimate sense of grievance into a sovereign and irrefutable legal action. CAF now finds itself before a mirror: to demand absolute discipline, it must first guarantee the infallibility of its officials. Such precedents must be handled with a rigor that leaves no room for arbitrariness, enshrining the excellence and normative alignment we expect. The 2025 final serves as a catalyst. Without a deep overhaul to codify "coordinated disobedience," technical compliance will remain a hostage to the balance of power on the pitch.

Chaos Magick 1816

Tupan, 8 d.
Chaos Magick is a modern magical tradition that emerged in the late twentieth century, emphasizing practical results, flexibility, and experimentation over fixed belief systems or inherited dogma. Rather than adhering to a single cosmology or spiritual authority, Chaos Magick treats belief itself as a tool—something to be adopted, modified, or discarded according to its effectiveness. The movement is most strongly associated with Peter J. Carroll and Ray Sherwin, whose writings in the 1970s and 1980s helped formalize its principles. Drawing inspiration from earlier occult systems—such as ceremonial magic, shamanism, Eastern mysticism, and even science fiction—Chaos Magick deliberately rejects the idea that any single symbolic framework is objectively true. At the core of Chaos Magick is the principle that gnosis, or a focused altered state of consciousness, is essential for magical work. Gnosis can be achieved through intense concentration, meditation, ecstatic practices, ritualized movement, sensory overload, or deep silence. In this state, the conscious mind is bypassed, allowing intent to be impressed more directly upon the subconscious. One of the best-known techniques in Chaos Magick is sigilization. A sigil is created by transforming a clear intention into an abstract symbol, which is then charged during a gnosis state and subsequently forgotten. The forgetting is considered crucial, as it prevents conscious interference and allows the intention to operate at a deeper psychological or symbolic level. Unlike traditional magical systems, Chaos Magick places little emphasis on moral absolutes, hierarchies of spirits, or prescribed rituals. Practitioners may freely borrow gods, demons, angels, archetypes, or fictional entities, using them as temporary symbolic lenses rather than literal beings—although individual interpretations vary widely. What matters is not belief in an external authority, but whether the practice produces meaningful change. Chaos Magick is also strongly influenced by postmodern philosophy, psychology, and systems theory. It embraces uncertainty, contradiction, and paradox, viewing reality as fluid and participatory rather than fixed. This makes it particularly appealing to practitioners who are skeptical of tradition yet still interested in ritual, symbolism, and altered states of consciousness. Chaos Magick is a pragmatic and experimental approach to magic that prioritizes results over belief, adaptability over tradition, and personal experience over doctrine. It represents a distinctly modern form of occult practice—one that mirrors contemporary views of reality as dynamic, subjective, and shaped by perception and intent.

AFCON: The urgent need for a code of ethics to restore the spirit of African football 1984

Aziz Daouda, 9 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.8 min read.
The very recent Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, intended as a celebration of African football in all its diversity and fervor, has left a bitter taste, profound bitterness, immeasurable disappointment, immense pain, and injuries. *What a shame to reward a country that gave everything to celebrate Africa in this way. What a disgrace to incite crowds to commit physical aggressions and to may leave a family orphaned.* Beyond sporting performances, several behaviors observed throughout the competition have sparked incomprehension, indignation, and sometimes shame. Verbal outbursts, provocative attitudes, repeated questioning of refereeing, and irresponsible statements from those meant to embody the very values of sport have tarnished the image of the AFCON. In press conferences, organized by the CAF to glorify the sport, and outside them, some have uttered unbelievable remarks, born of their overactive imaginations and petty foolish calculations. The peak of these excesses was reached during the final, with the unworthy behavior of a coach, now widely relayed and commented on by media and social networks. Whatever tensions are inherent to a match of this level, nothing can justify attitudes contrary to the values of sport, respect, and fair play. This is not merely a matter of emotion or rivalry, but of responsibility toward a youth and a continent in the making. The AFCON in Morocco was not just any competition. It was a showcase for African football, watched by the entire world and followed by millions of young people seeking role models. Coaches, players, officials, and leaders are not mere actors: they are references, symbols, and ambassadors. Faced with this damaging reality, it is imperative for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to take a decisive step forward. Sporadic sanctions, often seen as late or inconsistent, are no longer enough. It is time to establish a binding, clear, and universal code of ethics that every AFCON participant must sign before the competition begins, starting from the qualifying rounds. A moral and legal commitment, a sine qua non condition for participation. Such a code would not aim to curb passion or freedom of expression, but to set clear boundaries between competition and excess, between legitimate contestation and public irresponsibility. The said AFCON Code of Ethics would rest on eight clear, precise, and binding pillars. **1. The fundamental principles of the code would be:** - Respect for football's values: fair play, integrity, dignity, and mutual respect - Respect for the image and reputation of African football - Individual and collective responsibility of every participant **2. Behavior on the field and in the technical area would be strictly regulated:** - Prohibition of any aggressive, provocative, or insulting behavior - Absolute respect for referees and officials, regardless of decisions - Prohibition of gestures, words, or attitudes inciting violence or hatred **3. Off-field behavior is part of the whole:** - Respect for opponents, supporters, media, and institutions - Prohibition of any form of discrimination: racial, national, religious, or otherwise - Exemplary behavior in public places, hotels, stadiums, and mixed zones **4. Communication and public statements must above all respect the rules:** - Obligation of restraint and responsibility in media declarations - Prohibition of questioning the integrity of refereeing without established proof, except before the relevant bodies and not through any other channel - Prohibition of inciting violence or hostile contestation through gesture or word **5. The responsibility of coaches and leaders is fundamental:** - Reinforced obligation of exemplarity due to their authority role - Direct responsibility for the behavior of the technical staff - Commitment to defuse tensions rather than fuel them **6. Social networks and digital communication are part of the game and the competition:** - Application of the code of ethics to social media posts - Personal responsibility for published or relayed messages - Prohibition of defamatory, hateful, or provocative statements **7. Sanctions must be exemplary and without complacency:** - Progressive and clearly defined sanctions: warning, fine, suspension, permanent exclusion - Immediate and transparent application of sanctions - Possibility of aggravated sanctions in case of recidivism or serious acts **8. Formal commitment is a prerequisite for participation in any competition:** - Mandatory signature of the code by all players, coaches, leaders, and officials in an individual document accompanying the lists of players and officials entered in African competitions - Signature of the code is a prerequisite for any AFCON accreditation - Mandatory written acknowledgment of sanctions in case of violation The purpose of the code is obviously to establish exemplarity to protect the future of African football and its competitions. Introducing a code of ethics into AFCON participation procedures is not an admission of weakness, but a sign of maturity. African football has reached a level of visibility and competitiveness thanks to this AFCON in Morocco. The level achieved demands high standards and guarantees. *We cannot tolerate an overheated individual causing an entire edifice to collapse and lives to be threatened, or even lost. Passion can no longer serve as an alibi for excess, victory can never justify the loss of values, and fervor cannot absolve excessive behavior.* The AFCON must remain a celebration, not a theater of excesses. By establishing a clear ethical framework, the CAF would send a strong message: African football must advance, structure itself, and respect itself. Football must unite rather than provoke hatred, hostility, repulsion, crises between nations, or even fuel diplomatic chill... Not to mention more.