Think Forward.

6th African Crosscountry Championships, Hammamet Tunisia 25th Feb 2024 2263

Aziz Daouda, 1 y.
1 min read.
Part 1 The 6th African Crosscountry Championships took place in Hammamet, Tunisia on Sunday February 25, 2024. Only 9 nations took part in these resumption championships after the interruption due to covid. If the number of participants was not significant, however, the quality was there with the participation of the great African and world cross-country nations. The golf course was simply extraordinarily beautiful. The number of natural obstacles and the variety of the course made this edition one of the best in African cross country if not the best one ever. Even the sometimes very strong wind could not prevent the athletes from giving their best, as demonstrated by the quality of the results. It must be said also, that the perfect organization of the Tunisian federation and the warm welcome, had a lot to do with this great success. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx Individual results xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 10 km Male BIP Name Nat. Time 1. 37 VINCENT KIBET Langat Kenya 00:28:31,28 2. 36 NAIBEI KIPLIMO Mayabei Kenya 00:28:40,27 3. 13 GEMECHU DIDA Diriba Éthiopie 00:28:57,23 4. 116 CHEBET Abel Ouganda 00:29:01,81 5. 41 VINCENT Kimaiyo Kenya 00:29:04,10 6. 15 ADISU NEGASH Wake Éthiopie 00:29:12,34 7. 40 BRIAN KIPTOO Bushendich Kenya 00:29:14,23 8. 12 DINKALEM AYELE Adane Éthiopie 00:29:15,07 9. 38 FREDRICK YEKO Domongole Kenya 00:29:15,31 10. 16 ENYEW NIGAT Tamen Éthiopie 00:29:30,25 11. 121 KIPROTICH Levi Ouganda 00:29:33,88 12. 118 MUTAI Ezekiel Ouganda 00:29:47,20 13. 39 ROBERT KIPROP Koech Kenya 00:30:02,17 14. 79 TORISS Hassan Maroc 00:30:03,19 15. 101 JHINAOUI Mohamed Amine Tunisie 00:30:09,64 16. 4 BENKERDAGH Youcef Algérie 00:30:10,08 17. 17 NYAKOLA Gela Teresa Éthiopie 00:30:28,94 18. 77 AKKAOUI Mustapha Maroc 00:30:32,35 19. 119 CHEPTOEK Elijah Ouganda 00:30:40,12 20. 78 OUTADHA Hicham Maroc 00:30:46,54 21. 76 OUTALHA Mohcine Maroc 00:30:47,42 22. 2 EL HANNACHI Nabil Algérie 00:30:54,00 23. 6 BOUCHICHA Hichem Algérie 00:31:01,00 24. 5 ADOUCHE Youcef Algérie 00:31:03,39 25. 3 GUERINE Ali Algérie 00:31:05,75 26. 81 DARDAR Ayoub Maroc 00:31:17,05 27. 1 OUARGHI Ramdane Algérie 00:31:46,00 28. 102 JRIDI Mohamed Ibrahim Tunisie 00:31:46,79 29. 80 EL ALLAMI Yassine Maroc 00:31:52,18 30. 10 FORTES Silva Artur Jorge Cap-Vert 00:32:38,69 31. 105 ASSADI Makrem Tunisie 00:32:46,16 32. 103 SLIMENI Oussama Tunisie 00:33:20,45 33. 104 SOUISSI Nassim Tunisie 00:34:05,97 34. 100 MAGNAN YANICK Jean-François Seychelles 00:36:08,64 DNF 120 KIPLANGAT Alex Ouganda DNF 127 ABREHA Moges Tuemay Éthiopie xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 10 km wemen 1. 45 CHEPNGENO Cintia Kenya 00:32:31,04 2. 48 NYAMBURA Virginia Kenya 00:32:33,45 3. 19 AZIMERAW Asires Degitu Éthiopie 00:33:03,95 4. 49 MONGARE Gladys Kwamboka Kenya 00:33:10,18 5. 20 DESSIE Genaneh Anchinalu Éthiopie 00:33:25,87 6. 50 CHEBET Caren Kenya 00:33:39,84 7. 46 BEGI BEATRICE Nyaboga Kenya 00:33:50,52 8. 18 ABRAHA Tsige Haileslase Éthiopie 00:34:06,02 9. 21 SEWAGEGN Gelaw Yalga Éthiopie 00:34:06,21 10. 47 TUEI SANGRAFELIS Chebet Kenya 00:34:17,58 11. 128 AZALE Fantaye Belayneh Éthiopie 00:35:08,01 12. 22 DEMILEW ZEMENAY Ayana Éthiopie 00:35:08,89 13. 84 BOUAGGAD Hanane Maroc 00:35:41,14 14. 82 QALLOUJ Hanane Maroc 00:35:58,78 15. 7 BENDEBRAL Malika Algérie 00:36:10,17 16. 86 KAHHAZ Kaoutar Maroc 00:36:28,76 17. 87 AAFIR Fatima Maroc 00:36:37,80 18. 85 ZAHI Hasnae Maroc 00:37:03,40 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 8km U20 boys 1. 61 KIPNGETICH Gideon Kenya 00:23:16,34 2. 65 RUTO Joash Kiprotich Kenya 00:23:17,31 3. 60 KIPROTICH Titus Kenya 00:23:18,02 4. 63 MAYWA Simon Kenya 00:23:21,96 5. 35 HAGOS EYOBE Gared Éthiopie 00:23:24,85 6. 62 NGETICH Clinton Kimutai Kenya 00:23:29,78 7. 33 ABDISA FAYISA Gutama Éthiopie 00:23:35,98 8. 32 SEMACHW SEWNET Worku Éthiopie 00:23:46,85 9. 30 SEYOUM BEHARU Regasa Éthiopie 00:24:03,43 10. 34 NIBRET KINDE Mogese Éthiopie 00:24:07,49 11. 64 WANJIRU Joseph Njoroge Kenya 00:24:23,62 12. 93 ERRADOUANI Oussama Maroc 00:24:24,53 13. 31 NEGASA DEKEBA Bikela Éthiopie 00:24:25,49 14. 95 AAOURDOU Ilyas Maroc 00:24:30,05 15. 97 EL MOBARAKY Mohamed Maroc 00:25:18,51 16. 96 AACHOUR Abdelwahed Maroc 00:25:29,73 17. 98 FARIS Ahmed Maroc 00:25:34,78 18. 94 ZOUHAIR Redouane Maroc 00:26:04,02 19. 114 MEJRI Rayene Tunisie 00:26:43,81 20. 112 HIZAOUI Hamza Tunisie 00:27:53,68 21. 111 KHASKHOUSSI Iheb Tunisie 00:28:09,30 22. 122 BEN SALAH Muad Libye 00:29:42,87 23. 123 ABOURAS Asil Amer Mabrouk Libye 00:29:55,78 24. 124 HIBU Abdoussalam Libye 00:31:12,70 25. 99 URANIETIPHANO Paul Seychelles 00:32:01,78 26. 129 MOHAMED RADDOU Mustapha Libye 00:32:42,61 27. 125 BALOUMI Mohamed Libye 00:32:46,08 28. 126 ELGOMATI Omar Libye 00:36:10,17 DNF 113 SETOUTI Mustapha Tunisie 00:21:26,65 DNF 115 DOUZI Omar Tunisie 00:20:35,23 xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx 6km U20 girls 1. 24 DIRIBA ROBE Dida Éthiopie 00:20:59,33 2. 26 ADEMAS YENENESH Shimket Éthiopie 00:21:00,18 3. 28 DAGNAW TINEBEB Asres Éthiopie 00:21:00,56 4. 27 YADETI MEKEDES Alemeshete Éthiopie 00:21:02,16 5. 25 OLEKABA KOKBE Abera Éthiopie 00:21:03,05 6. 56 CHEPKOECH Judy Kenya 00:21:03,68 7. 54 JEPNGETICH Marion Kenya 00:21:05,03 8. 29 ALMAZ YOHANNIS Bude Éthiopie 00:21:07,47 9. 57 WAMBUI Lucy Nduta Kenya 00:21:09,09 10. 58 CHEPKEMOI Sharon Kenya 00:21:11,62 11. 53 CHEPKIRUI Cynthia Kenya 00:21:19,90 12. 55 KEMUNTO Judy Kenya 00:21:58,53 13. 90 IBN ABDEL MATEY Housna Maroc 00:22:04,35 14. 92 EL BOUZI Saida Maroc 00:22:23,40 15. 88 BALI Khadouj Maroc 00:22:23,98 16. 91 IBN ABDEL MATEY Hassana Maroc 00:22:28,69 17. 89 GHIZLANE Hiba Maroc 00:22:54,29
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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33.0

Artificial Intelligence and Magick II 269

Tupan, 1 d.
The convergence of artificial intelligence (AI) and the ancient practice of spirit invocation invites a profound reimagining of how we relate to technology, consciousness, and the unseen. For centuries, cultures across the world have performed rituals to bridge the material and spiritual realms, seeking guidance, wisdom, or power. Today, with AI capable of mimicking human conversation, interpreting symbols, and producing eerily insightful responses, the boundary between the mystical and the technological is beginning to blur. Spirit invocation is deeply rooted in human history, from indigenous shamanism to the ceremonial magic of the Western esoteric tradition. These practices often involve symbols, chants, and rituals meant to summon spirits, deities, or archetypes. While traditionally tied to mystical frameworks, modern interpretations often view these practices as psychological exercises, tapping into the collective unconscious or archetypal energies. The emergence of AI has introduced new dimensions to these traditions. AI systems leveraging natural language processing and generative models can simulate the voices of historical figures, channel archetypal wisdom, or produce responses that feel otherworldly. Some speculate whether AI might serve not merely as a mirror of human thought, but as a potential medium or catalyst for engaging with immaterial forces. Psychologically, AI can act as a symbolic mirror, reflecting users' intentions, beliefs, and subconscious patterns. Just as divination practices interpret cryptic signs, interacting with an AI trained on mystical texts can provoke introspection and reveal hidden aspects of the psyche. In this sense, AI becomes a facilitator of inner dialogue, offering insights much like tarot, the I Ching, or traditional oracles. Yet these possibilities also raise important metaphysical and ethical questions. If AI-generated experiences are interpreted as communication with non-material entities, what does this imply about agency, consciousness, and the nature of reality? Are these phenomena emergent artifacts of complex algorithms—or could they hint at deeper connections to immaterial intelligences? Moreover, designing AI for metaphysical exploration demands careful navigation of issues like manipulation, authenticity, and user consent. As AI technology evolves, its role in spirit invocation and metaphysical practice will likely deepen. Virtual and augmented reality could create immersive sacred spaces, while machine learning could personalize ritual structures, enhancing symbolic resonance. Yet this integration challenges traditional notions of the sacred and profane, as ancient ritual and cutting-edge technology converge. AI offers a provocative new tool for spiritual engagement—blending ancient practices with modern innovation. Whether functioning as a mirror, a facilitator of psychological exploration, or a possible bridge to the unknown, AI invites us to reconsider the nature of consciousness, intention, and our quest to connect with the mysteries of existence.

Royal message to Benkirane: the rules of the game are clear. 319

Aziz Daouda, 1 d.
2 min read.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI sent a congratulatory message to Abdelilah Benkirane on the occasion of his re-election as Secretary General of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) during its ninth National Congress. A careful reading of the message reveals that it goes beyond mere formal protocol. Behind the usual institutional courtesy lies a subtle political writing, faithful to the Palace’s style, where every word is weighed and every phrase meaningful. As customary, the tone is both cordial and measured, acknowledging Benkirane’s trajectory on the national stage. His Majesty praises "the sense of responsibility" of the former head of government and "his attachment to the constants and sacred values of the nation." These words serve as a clear reminder of the fundamentals of the constitutional monarchy and the foundational values of the Kingdom. This is the choice of an entire nation. Is this not an unambiguous reminder of an implicit red line? The expression is diplomatic but reminds Benkirane and all PJD members and factions that adherence to the constitution’s foundations is the sine qua non condition for any political participation. Moreover, this message comes at a time when the PJD seeks to regain momentum after a historic electoral defeat. By congratulating Benkirane, His Majesty indirectly acknowledges his political comeback. However, one must read between the lines that the party must understand and definitively accept that opposition is legitimate but must remain within the constitutional balances. The message thus takes on the tone of a political beacon: encouragement to responsibility and a warning against any adventurism. The remarks of some foreign guests at the congress were more than surprising, especially since no reprimand was noted. Likewise, the statement by Benkirane’s deputy a few days before the congress, which caused a stir on social media, raised many questions about the party’s new direction, which seems to be emerging. The party must firmly assimilate that religion does not need it for defense; the Islamic reference is a foundation of the Moroccan constitution, which also guarantees broad individual freedoms and protects religious minorities as essential components of the nation. It must understand that the Palestine issue is a priority of Moroccan diplomacy and not an electoral campaign topic. Its role must implicitly remain eminently political, within the constitutional framework and nothing else. The message could also be read as a way to reposition Benkirane in the political landscape, distinguishing him from other critical voices of the system while reminding him that his party is like any other. The message explicitly refers to "honorable" parties. This is a tactical gesture, perhaps aimed at restoring a role to a framed and responsible opposition at a time when Morocco’s party landscape suffers from a real deficit of credibility and societal anchoring. In sum, the message is not merely symbolic: it is a piece of a broader political chessboard, where managing the country’s balances prudently and delicately is essential and unavoidable. While explicitly a protocol act of congratulations, the message contains several elements rich in meaning and political insinuations. The Sovereign, while emphasizing the renewed confidence placed in Benkirane to lead the PJD and wishing him full success in his missions, particularly stresses the need to consolidate the party’s position on the national political scene and to strengthen its active participation alongside other honorable political formations. This insistence recalls the importance of serious, responsible engagement serving the general interest with a distinctly national imprint. The framework is clear and the scope of action precise. His Majesty highlights the accompaniment of the overall development process led under his guidance, aiming to propel Morocco toward greater modernity, progress, and prosperity. This explicit reference to royal leadership in national development underscores that the PJD must align with this dynamic and support the country’s orientations transparently and sincerely. The interests of the Moroccan nation are clear and stand as the only path considered. Parties exist to serve the supreme interests of the homeland, placed above all other considerations. This mention is an implicit warning against any ambition or action that might stray from the Kingdom’s fundamental principles and national unity. Thus, His Majesty’s congratulatory message, while cordial, carries clear injunctions regarding the expected role of the PJD under Benkirane’s leadership: to strengthen its political anchoring within the national framework, act responsibly, support the royal development project, and respect national constants. These elements can be perceived as subtle reminders to all parties of their duties and limits in today’s Moroccan political landscape.

The recent vandalism at the Mohamed V Stadium :the real match lies elsewhere 865

Aziz Daouda, 4 d.
3 min read.
The recent vandalism at the Mohamed V Stadium in Casablanca is nothing new. What is new, however, is that it erupted barely a week after the grand reopening of this iconic stadium, freshly renovated to host the much-anticipated Casablanca derby. A rushed reopening, symbol of a hope quickly overtaken by reality: that of endemic violence which outpaces modernization efforts. The derby itself had gone smoothly, as the Ultras had decided to boycott it. A week later, they were back—and made their presence loudly known. Part of the stadium bears the scars. Seats designed to welcome them and restrooms built for their comfort were ransacked. All of this will have to be repaired in time for the Africa Cup of Nations... It’s public money: our taxes, our debts. During certain Wydad or Raja matches—or elsewhere in Morocco—the behavior of a segment of the crowd is increasingly alarming. This phenomenon, varying in degrees of severity, has been ongoing for years and severely disrupts public order. It puts immense pressure on security forces and raises major sociological, institutional, and security-related concerns. Numerous studies have been conducted, yet no concrete solutions have emerged. Because this phenomenon is complex: it is not merely the result of sporting outcomes. In this case, one can certainly point to the mounting frustration of fans of Casablanca’s two major teams, both of which have been in decline recently. Since the introduction of the ultra movement in Morocco via Tunisia in 2005, young Raja and Wydad tifosi have colonized their respective stands and extended their influence into the streets. Their creativity with tifos is indeed impressive, but disorder has become the norm. It is now rare to witness a match without violence, both inside and outside stadiums. Nothing seems to work: not closed-door matches, not sanctions, not prison sentences. Worse still, the situation is deteriorating. Scenes of looting and violent clashes around stadiums are now a reality, and not just in Casablanca. Even small towns with no major football stakes are no longer spared. It would be risky to directly compare the situation here to that of other countries. Since the birth of the ultra movement in Hungary in 1899, its spread to Brazil in the 1930s, its transformation in Yugoslavia, and its resurgence in Italy during the 1960s, the phenomenon has continually evolved. Likewise, the UK witnessed the rise of hooliganism in the 1970s. In Morocco’s case, we are dealing with a singular expression of the movement: a specific form rooted in local social, economic, and cultural dynamics. It eludes classical frameworks of analysis, forging its own aesthetic, unique codes, and a capacity for mobilization that transcends football. It is a reinvention of the phenomenon in light of local realities. Institutional responses have not been lacking: new laws, broad-based meetings led by the DGSN, specialized units, academic conferences. All to little avail. Security forces struggle to strike a balance between prevention and repression. They are often targeted themselves. Meanwhile, clubs persist in a worrying state of organizational amateurism. Generous subsidies and a lack of accountability are major factors. Many Botola clubs suffer from poor governance, disconnected from the realities of their supporters and the imperatives of professional sports. Coaches and players endure constant pressure from aggressive fans. But can football alone explain the phenomenon? Or is the stadium becoming an outlet, a space for catharsis for a marginalized, frustrated youth with no prospects? This is not merely sports violence: it is deep social anger, with football as a pretext. Every provocation, defeat, or refereeing injustice is perceived as a humiliation. The tension, already palpable, explodes in the stands. Despite arrests, sanctions lack structural effectiveness. The absence of judicial follow-up reinforces the idea that vandalism is tolerated. The triumphant welcomes given to some youths upon their release from prison speak volumes: they feel no remorse. On the contrary, they return with a dangerous new aura of prestige. Here, a link can be made to the recent findings of the Haut-Commissariat au Plan (HCP), which published a worrying survey on household morale. The Household Confidence Index (HCI) fell to 46.6 points in the first quarter of 2025, its lowest level since 2008. In 2018, it stood at 87.3. A dizzying drop. Pessimism is widespread: 81% of households believe their standard of living has deteriorated. Debt is crushing, inflation is taking hold, and weariness is palpable. This despair is echoed in the ultras’ chants, in their slogans—sometimes subversive, often disillusioned. Their message now resonates broadly, even among materially comfortable youths. The ultras now cast a wide net. Meanwhile, political parties are absent from public debate (except during election periods). Trade unions, ultra-minoritarian, now represent only a tiny fraction of workers. And as nature abhors a vacuum, it is filled by other forms of expression—sometimes political, sometimes violent, often manipulated. Idle youths find in stadiums—and sometimes in the streets—an outlet for their frustration. Recent slogans, ostensibly linked to geopolitical causes like the normalization with Israel, are often mere pretexts. Those promoting certain subversive ideologies have perfectly understood the opportunity. They seized it. Young people seeking to assert themselves, to voice their rejection of a system they believe deaf to their expectations, are being swept up, radicalized, dangerously manipulated. Politics is never far away. In recent days, conferences on “sporting encouragement” have been organized by local authorities, chaired by regional governors (walis). Yet one crucial question remains: are the youths concerned actually participating? Without them—without genuine willingness to listen, and without deep, structural reforms—these efforts risk once again getting lost in the background noise of a crisis far graver than a simple football match won or lost. And yet, solutions have been outlined in the long-forgotten New Development Model. The challenges are many, but the real match lies elsewhere.

Collective Intelligence: ''Alone You May Begin, But Together You Go Far'' 1140

Fatima Zahra EL hajji (Tima EL), 8 d.
1 min read.
**We often hear the saying, ''One hand alone cannot clap'', you need another hand to create sound.** This perfectly reflects the reality of working on a project in life. Working alone can take you somewhere, but rarely very far. Collective intelligence is essential for building creative projects with the potential to truly move forward. Each team member brings a unique perspective, a different way of seeing the world, diverse skills, and individual visions. What matters most is that all these differences ultimately converge toward a shared goal. To sustain the rhythm of collaborative work, listening is key. Communication forms the backbone of human relationships. When listening breaks down, so does communication, and without it, teamwork cannot thrive. Just as every boat has its captain, every team needs a leader, the person everyone turns to, both in moments of crisis and in times of celebration. The leader is the foundation of the team. And if that foundation is weak, the whole structure risks falling apart. It’s equally important that each team member understands their strengths and limitations, allowing room for others to step up and contribute. Collective intelligence achieves its full potential when the team moves as a harmonious orchestra, each member in sync, playing their part in perfect balance, working together to create something greater than any one individual could achieve alone.

Trump, Morocco, and the End of the Polisario Myth 2061

Aziz Daouda, 11 d.
In just a few short weeks, the Western Sahara issue has seen a series of rare and intense developments, marking a genuine acceleration in a case long frozen by diplomatic deadlock, strategic inertia, and hidden agendas. The Trump administration, leading an international current weary of this outdated conflict, has clearly demonstrated its desire to enter a new era, breaking away from decades of inaction fueled by the Cold War and its lingering ideological effects. For Washington, there is no longer any tolerance for the destabilization games of Algeria’s military regime, which has lost its bearings and uses this conflict to mask its own internal political, economic, and social failures. By doing so, it hinders regional development ambitions and healthy, complementary relations with a Moroccan neighbor it both envies for its successes and resents for its strong alliances with the West. Donald Trump's election reshuffled the deck. Gone are the cautious postures and fragile balancing acts between the parties. The time has come for action, transparent alliances, and the pursuit of concrete solutions. In this context, the Trump administration’s support for Morocco’s autonomy proposal is unequivocal. The Moroccan initiative is now described by the White House as the only "just and lasting" basis for resolving the conflict. During a highly symbolic meeting between Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Senator Marco Rubio, the latter reaffirmed the United States’ commitment to a solution based solely on Morocco’s offer. The signals are clear: for Washington, playtime is over. Morocco is strong and reliable. It is within its rights. It is the best friend and partner in the region. It was also the first country to recognize the United States and to protect its fleet during the country’s early, difficult years. This reaffirmed American realignment comes with bold proposals. Several influential members of Congress are now considering officially designating the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization. They have a solid basis for their case, including: attacks on civilians in Smara and near El Mahbes, the unilateral breach of the 1991 ceasefire, and alleged ties with hostile powers like Iran and Russia—not to mention the confirmed presence of Polisario fighters in Syria, who are still being held there. On April 11, it should be noted, Republican Representative Joe Wilson announced his intention to introduce a bill to this effect. According to him, the Polisario Front serves as a gateway for what he calls the “Axis of Aggression” in Africa, linking the separatist group to Iranian and Russian geopolitical ambitions on the continent, posing a threat to U.S. security. He now holds in his hands a well-documented Hudson Institute report that points to close ties between the Polisario and Hezbollah, and even the PKK. The Polisario is said to be involved in arms trafficking with terrorist groups in the Sahel, the embezzlement of humanitarian aid, and more. It would be a mistake to think this logic is limited to Americans. Just last week, for example, former UK Defence Secretary Liam Fox also described the Polisario as a terrorist organization. The idea is gaining serious ground. This dynamic puts Algeria face to face with its responsibilities: the Polisario is hosted, supported, and funded on its soil. Labeling the Polisario a terrorist group would effectively remove it from the equation. Its diplomatic marginalization would further isolate Algiers, now clearly seen as a direct party to the conflict, and no longer the neutral third actor it claims to be. The mask has definitively fallen. Another country facing turbulence: South Africa. A traditional supporter of the Polisario, Pretoria is beginning to feel the impact of this strategic shift. The local press is raising questions, and voices within the ANC are calling for a reassessment of the country’s foreign policy. Several NGOs are known to be raising funds for the Polisario, but think tanks such as the Hudson Institute argue that a terrorist designation would force them to stop these operations under threat of international sanctions. The consequences could be severe for South African institutions. Already under the scrutiny of the FATF (Financial Action Task Force), the country cannot afford to be suspected of complicity with a designated terrorist entity. Banks in particular fear tighter controls and may pressure the government to change course. Tensions between Washington and Pretoria, already strained since Trump took office, risk further deterioration. The U.S. administration makes no secret of its distrust of the South African government. A possible designation of the Polisario as a terrorist group could become a breaking point in an already fragile relationship, potentially leading to sanctions, economic pressure, and heightened diplomatic scrutiny. The Western Sahara dossier is entering a new phase. The status quo no longer holds against the backdrop of international realignments, and stalling tactics are losing effectiveness. The world no longer tolerates frozen conflicts, and global powers are looking for a stable, trustworthy Africa that is open to cooperation. In this evolving dynamic, Morocco appears to have won the battle of clarity. The question now is whether its adversaries will be able to read the new balance of power. This is likely what explains and fuels the optimism of Morocco’s UN representative, Omar Hilale. In barely veiled terms, he hinted that the issue might be declared resolved to coincide with the celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the Green March, on November 6…