Think Forward.

DROIT DU SPORT (LEX SPORTIVA) AU MAROC ÉTAT DES LIEUX, ÉVOLUTION ET PERSPECTIVES 1399

Docteurkarimadyel, 2 y.
4 min read.
Je tiens à rappeler tout d’abord que Le développement du sport pour tous et le soutien aux sportifs de haut niveau et aux équipes dans les compétitions internationales sont d'intérêt général. La pratique des activités physiques et sportives participe à la réalisation des objectifs de développement durable inscrits au Programme de développement durable à l'horizon 2030, adopté le 25 septembre 2015 par l'Assemblée générale de l'Organisation des Nations unies. Nous ne pouvons pas dire que la loi 30.09 Dahir n° 1-10-150 du 13 ramadan 1431 (24 août 2010) portant promulgation de la loi n° 30-09 relative à l'éducation physique et aux sports est dépassée aujourd’hui puisqu’il s’agit d’une loi empruntée et transposée de la loi Française N°84-610 du 16 Juillet 1984 relative à l’organisation et à la promotion des activités physiques et sportives, complétée par plusieurs textes dont le loi 98-657 du 29 Juillet 1998, jusqu’à sa codification en Code du Sport actualisé depuis et jusqu’à sa dernière version en vigueur en date du 31 Mars 2023. Nous pouvons en déduire que cette loi n’a subi aucune adaptation quant à sa structure et sa substance juridique fondamentale au contexte sportif Marocain et au principe universel de la spécificité sportive communément appelée chez les spécialistes du Droit du Sport Lex Sportiva. Par ailleurs, ce ne sont pas toutes les activités sportives de haut niveau qui génèrent d’importantes masses financières, nous ne pouvons comparer l’athlétisme de haut niveau au football professionnel à ce titre. Nous affirmons par ailleurs que le cadre légal associatif du Dahir du 15 Novembre 1958 relatif au statut des associations devient en pratique incompatible avec la professionnalisation du sport de haut niveau. C’est en pratique et en fait principalement le football professionnel qui est susceptible de générer d’importantes masses financières. À ce titre et dès lors qu’une association sportive (toutes disciplines sportives confondues) a rempli les conditions fixées par l’article 15 et suivants de la loi 30-09, elle doit se transformer en société sportive soumise aux dispositions de la loi 17-95 relative aux sociétés anonymes et en demeure associée afin d’en assurer la gestion. Le Maroc et à l’instar même d’autres pays plus avancés en la matière, a rencontré plusieurs problématiques liées à l’absence d’un cadre spécifique à la société à objet sportif au Maroc ; Une problématique fiscale liée à l’absence d’un cadre fiscal avantageux favorisant la transformation ; Une problématique comptable liée à l’absence d’un référentiel comptable fixant les traitements comptables spécifiques aux clubs de football (traitement des droits de transfert d’un joueur, traitement des frais de formation,…). Il existe également des problématiques juridiques liées au juridique de la société à créer ; Mise à niveau juridique pour respecter les obligations du droit des affaires ; Contrats des joueurs. Nous pouvons ajouter des problématiques comptables et financières : L’inventaire des biens ; L’évaluation comptable des biens (valorisation) ; Le bilan d’ouverture ; La mise en place de la comptabilité normalisée ou mise à niveau comptable ; Le traitement des actifs incorporels : droits sur les joueurs, contrats de publicité, droits et marques ; La valorisation des actifs et les méthodes d’amortissement en particulier en liaison avec les joueurs ; L’introduction de notions nouvelles : contrôle de gestion, tableaux de bord. Nous citerons enfin des problématiques fiscales : Fiscalité liée à la valorisation des biens et notamment les droits incorporels sur les joueurs lors des transferts ; Taxation éventuelle des plus-values ; Fiscalité liée à l’entité à créer, etc.. . En conséquence, l’aspect sportif dans un cadre purement de droit commercial et fiscal, ce qui crée principalement cette problématique entre la spécificité sportive et le droit positif interne quid des décrets d’application, statuts types et des règlements sportifs fédéraux qui créent une hétérogénéité totale des textes. Nous préconisons à titre au législateur l’institution de Sociétés Sportives Professionnelles en tenant compte des règles de droit commercial et de la spécificité sportive en la matière (Droits du sponsoring, de l’image, droits télé, etc..). Par ailleurs et dès lors que nous évoquons le salariat cela nous renvoie inévitablement au code du travail Marocain par le biais de l’article 14 de la loi 30-09. Nous affirmons d’abord que la fin du bénévolat et l’institution du salariat contribue bien évidemment à plus transparence et de responsabilisation légale des acteurs sportifs concernés et notamment entre employeurs (clubs, fédérations…) et employés (joueurs, entraîneurs, cadres sportifs…) au vu du lien de subordination et droits et de devoirs des parties au contrat. Mais la problématique se situe dans l’antinomie et la dichotomie entre la loi 30-09 et le code du travail en matière contractuelle. La question fondamentale en matière de contrats sportifs professionnels est : doit on appliquer le code du travail et dès lors nous nous trouvons face à l’inadéquation du contrat à durée déterminé (caractère saisonnier) d’une durée d’une année pouvant être reconduit une fois ou la réglementation internationale en matière de contrat sportif professionnel et l’occurrence en droit du football appliquant la règle de 3+2 c’est à dire 5 années. Le juge Marocain se trouve face à un dilemme, se déclarant compétent au vu du code du travail sur la forme et rejetant la demande au fond ratione materiae, en raison de la matière sportive dans le cas d’espèce, ou en se déclarant incompétent. Notre position est prise : Dans le cadre du respect de la spécificité sportive et de la Lex Sportiva, le législateur Marocain doit revoir et prévoir le contrat sportif professionnel avec toutes ses spécificités (lex sportiva) (droits et obligations, primes de signatures indépendantes des salaires, indemnités de formation, indemnités de transfert, régime des retraites sportives professionnelles et assurances sportives professionnelles etc…), et modifier le code du travail existant dans ce sens et ce afin de mieux protéger les intérêts des parties et fixer clairement leurs droits et leurs devoirs. S’agissant du contrat du joueur professionnel, ce dernier implique que le joueur professionnel doit participer aux compétitions de son club. Si le club écarte le joueur sans motif légitime ou valable, ce dernier a tout à fait le droit de résilier unilatéralement le contrat pour juste cause en application des règlements fédéraux nationaux et Internationaux en la matière. J’affirme qu’il y a lieu de revoir et de définir au niveau législatif le contrat de sportif professionnel en tenant compte de la spécificité sportive (lex sportiva), dans le respect des règles générales du code du travail et de l’ordre public. Enfin, nous préconisons également l’institution d’un organe officiel de médiation sportive composé de professionnels en la matière. Pr Karim Adyel
jurisportiva.fr/articles/droit-d...
Docteurkarimadyel

Docteurkarimadyel

Pr Karim ADYEL Professeur Académique en Droit du Sport ALSS - Zurich Vice Président AEA Afrique Docteur d’Etat Français en Droit International Avocat Agréé près la Cour de Cassation Rabat Membre de l’UIA Arbitre au Tribunal Arbitral du Sport TAS-CAS Lausanne Ambassadeur IFAM Madrid Médiateur Professionnel IFOMENE Paris Auteur, Congressiste & Expert International


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A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East 47

Aziz Daouda, 2 h.
The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable. Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last. The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism. In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors. At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters. Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world." The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers. Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position. Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm. The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion. Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.

Blind love 64

Boucharfou, 5 h.
Blind love To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and setbacks Yet she confesses to others that she loves me who believes Leaning on her balcony every evening She doesn't care that I always be there at my perch Waiting for a signal from her, a hope To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my setbacks In spite I keep drinking And drinking get drunk every night Sitting in front of her window on the sidewalk To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my disappointments I say that this story is over now And that elsewhere I will go to see Dr Bouchareb Fouad July 5, 2022 Inspired by a piece of Andalusian music All rights reserved

Closing a Year, Opening Paths ... 360

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 2 d.
Some endings mean more than just the conclusion of an academic calendar. The final session with my Royal Army students young women I’ve guided through two intense years will remain etched in my memory as a suspended moment, full of emotion, meaningful silences, and eyes that said everything. They are now being deployed across the Kingdom. Some will find themselves in remote units, far from one another, but I know that an invisible, unbreakable bond will continue to connect us. These two years weren’t easy. The demands of military training, the discipline of the institution, the academic expectations... But through it all, I made a point of keeping something alive; their humanity. Alongside knowledge, structure, and rigor, I wanted them to preserve and protect their capacity for empathy, presence, and sensitivity. On the last day, they briefly broke with military protocol. In the middle of their march, they stopped. A rare gesture. Almost forbidden. But deeply sincere. They wanted to say goodbye. To show me, in their own way, that something had mattered in our shared journey. I know they wanted to hug me. And even though they didn’t, I am certain they will now know how to offer those “hugs” differently through kind words, quiet support, and a respectful gaze to anyone in need. As I left the center, I realized something essential; to teach is often to plant a seed in soil we may never see again. But we do it with the faith that it will grow. See you next year with new students, new souls to guide.

“Sport for All”: A Shared Space for Humanity 360

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 2 d.
1 min read.
During the training I recently led for sports coordinators and facilitators, my goal wasn’t simply to transfer knowledge. I aimed for something deeper: to inspire. To encourage these men and women to wear different hats not just as instructors, but as educators, mediators, trusted figures… and most of all, as conveyors of meaning. The concept of “sport for all” goes far beyond facilities and access. It is, first and foremost, a human project. At its core lie two essential foundations: - self-acceptance, - acceptance of others. From this dual acceptance arises the possibility of truly inclusive spaces, where everyone feels legitimate to participate, to grow, and to belong. Throughout the training, I saw something rare in the eyes of the participants; a genuine interest, a hunger for understanding. They weren’t just passively absorbing models, tools, or theories. They wanted to go deeper. They wanted each concept to connect with the complex human realities they encounter every day in their communities and sport programs. This experience reminded me once again that sport reflects the human condition. It can exclude or unite. It can reinforce inequality or break it down. It can become a space of judgment or a space for healing and resilience. The individuals we train today will shape what "sport for all" becomes tomorrow. To capture the spirit of this training, I’m sharing below a short recap video that reflects both the energy and the shared humanity we experienced.
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Le ciel et la lune 485

Boucharfou, 3 d.
1 min read.
SOUVENT JE SCRUTE LE CIEL ET CE DEPUIS MON JEUNE AGE JE CONTEMPLE LA LUNE JE VOIS SI ELLE SEMI OU PLEINE JE COMPTE LES ÉTOILES JE CHERCHE CELLE DU NORD JE DEVINE MARS JE CHERCHE JUPITER JE SURVEILLE LES ÉTOILES FILANTES JE RECHERCHE LES OVNIS ET AUTRES EXTRA TERRESTRES JE REFAIS LE COMPTE DES ÉTOILES JE RECHERCHE D'AUTRES LUNES JE PASSE DES HEURES COMME CA A COMPTER ET RECOMPTER A VÉRIFIER LE NOMBRE D’ÉTOILES ET FINALEMENT JE REPLONGE DANS LA RÉALITÉ ET LE QUOTIDIEN LE TRAIN TRAIN ET QUAND LA NUIT REVIENDRA JE REGARDE MON CIEL DE NOUVEAU JE COMPTE ET RECOMPTE LES ÉTOILES JE SCRUTE LA LUNE JE LA DÉVISAGE JE LA REGARDE EN FACE BIEN EN FACE ELLE ROUGIT JE ROUGIS ELLE S’ÉCLIPSE JE SUIS SES TRACES ELLE SE COUCHE JE LA LAISSE ROUPILLER JE ME LÈVE ALORS ET JE SCRUTE LE CIEL BLEU JE DÉTESTE LE SOLEIL QUI ÉBLOUIE JE METS DES LUNETTES POINT D’ÉTOILES POINT DE LUNE SOUDAIN LE SOLEIL EST CHASSE SES RAYONS AUSSI SON ÉBLOUISSEMENT DISPARAIT ET LA LUNE SE LÈVE ET SE RELÈVE MAJESTUEUSE COMME D'HABITUDE ET EN DOUCEUR ELLE ENVOIE SES DOUX RAYONS POINT D’ÉBLOUISSEMENT ET SOUS SON CLAIR VOYONS LE CLAIR DE LUNE JE SCRUTE LE CIEL A LA RECHERCHE DE JUPITER MARS ET AUTRE NEPTUNE SANS LASSITUDE NI AMERTUME JE LA DÉVISAGE ENCORE ET ENCORE SANS REPIS JE LA FIXE ELLE ROUGIT JE ROUGIS JE COMPTE LES ÉTOILES JE COMPTE ET RECOMPTE ET JE VOIS SI LE COMPTE Y EST LA LUNE SE CACHE SOUS UN VOILE ENFIN UN NUAGE MAIS ELLE NE TARDE PAS A REPARAITRE POUR SE CACHER DE NOUVEAU JE LA FIXE ET REFIXE AVEC MON REGARD PATHÉTIQUE ELLE ROUGIT ET VIRE AU JAUNE SA COULEUR MAGNIFIQUE ET TOUTES LES AUTRES ÉTOILES EN FONT DE MÊME Dr Bouchareb Fouad Tous les droits sont protégés

John Bolton and His Controversial Op-Ed Against Morocco: Hostility with Troubled Roots... 835

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor under Donald Trump, has just published an op-ed in the Washington Times, notably favorable to the Polisario thesis and thus to the Algerian position. The text recycles arguments Bolton has already put forward in the past. He notably defends the outdated idea of a self-determination referendum and accuses Morocco of obstructing the implementation of UN resolutions. It should be recalled once again that the referendum proposal, which Morocco had put forward in Nairobi, has been obsolete and abandoned by the Security Council since 2007; as for accusing Morocco of hindering the process, this is simply false in light of the UN resolutions over the past 20 years. Bolton lies, and he knows it. He is accustomed to it. How can one not think that this is clearly an attempt by this forgotten figure of history to regain relevance, a will to manipulate public opinion, but above all an intention to harm by pleasing the enemies of the Kingdom. This position strangely fits, without surprising, into the continuity of the official rhetoric of the Algerian military junta, the main supporter of the Polisario. It is a blatant alignment and rapprochement that raises questions about Bolton’s integrity. Let us just recall that Bolton was abruptly dismissed by Donald Trump in 2019, officially for strategic disagreements, but according to some observers, also due to questionable connections. Regarding the matter concerning the Kingdom, Bolton regularly frequents Algiers and collaborates with well-paid Algerian lobbyists such as David Keene, former NRA president, engaged in defending the Algerian cause in the United States. This closeness fuels suspicions of a relay role for Algerian interests, aiming to influence American policy. Nothing to be proud of for the jubilant military junta. It is used to contradiction and blunt communication turning the slightest detail into a victory. Bolton no longer counts and has no impact. In his rhetoric, Algiers pretends to ignore that the same Bolton supports the use of force against Iran, Algeria’s strategic ally. Iran, which the Algerian president will soon visit... It is also this same Bolton who pushed for the transfer of the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem... A strange supporter of the Palestinians to take one of their enemies as a reference. Bolton’s article fits into a morbid continuity. He shamelessly and unashamedly tries to discredit Moroccan policy and its growing influence on the international stage while defending separatism. He ignores the terrorist nature of the Polisario, opposing an entire faction of Republicans with Joe Wilson as spokesperson. The latter is logically pushing for a vote very soon in the U.S. Congress on a law designating the Polisario as a terrorist organization. Paradoxically, Bolton’s desperate offensive comes at a time when Morocco is achieving major diplomatic successes. The Kingdom has recently further strengthened its ties with several African countries, Kenya being the latest example. Thanks to its autonomy plan for the Sahara, widely recognized and supported by the international community, Morocco is reaping success after success. The vote on the latest Security Council resolution on the issue shows that even countries that once voted out of ideological principle against anything favorable to Morocco no longer do so, quite the opposite. Moreover, the closure of the Polisario Front’s office in Damascus illustrates Morocco’s growing influence in the Middle East. Thus, unanimity is almost reached in favor of Morocco at the Arab League today, with the obvious exception of Algeria alone, perfectly isolated, even neutralized and weakened in everyone’s eyes. At heart, Bolton’s op-ed seems intended to soothe the wounds of Algiers and the separatists, who are losing ground to Morocco’s assertion. The autonomy plan proposed by Rabat is increasingly endorsed on the international stage, while the Polisario sees its influence diminish. It is becoming inaudible and has no other escape than to cling to a few fringe extremist demonstrations here and there. This stance therefore appears as a last gasp from a retreating camp. Lacking any real leverage to influence American or global policy, Algiers and the separatists quench their thirst by drinking the words of marginal figures without substance. To better understand this posture, it must be recalled that John Bolton is a controversial figure in American politics, known for his ultra-conservative positions and aggressive foreign policy approach, often described as neoconservative. His dismissal in 2019 was marked by major disagreements with the Trump administration, but also by suspicions of dubious connections with certain foreign circles. Bolton is suspected of involvement in several controversial international operations, including organizing coups d’état, reinforcing the image of a man with brutal methods and strongly marked convictions. In sum, John Bolton’s recent op-ed in the Washington Times illustrates a persistent hostility towards the Kingdom by a fading figure; a pontiff driven by an outdated political vision. The signatory’s stance is disconnected from current geopolitical developments. It once again shows that Algiers, through its parrot media, is ready to cling to any nonsense, provided it fits its outdated narrative. Above all, it highlights the irreversible decline of the Polisario and Morocco’s growing success on the international stage.

Kenya Inaugurates Its Embassy in Rabat: A Major Diplomatic Turning Point Favoring Morocco on Western Sahara 839

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
The official inauguration of Kenya’s embassy in Rabat, conducted by Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Kenyan Foreign Minister Musalia Mudavadi, marks a historic milestone in bilateral relations between the two countries. This ceremony, coinciding with the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Kenya in East Africa and Morocco in the far west of the continent, symbolizes a significant strengthening of political, economic, and cultural exchanges in pursuit of continental continuity. Most importantly, it signifies Kenya’s strategic repositioning on the sensitive issue of the Moroccan Sahara. For the first time, Kenya has opened an embassy in Morocco, demonstrating Nairobi’s firm commitment to consolidating its relations with Rabat. Even more crucially, Kenya has officially recognized Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as “the only sustainable approach” to resolving the Western Sahara dispute. This represents a radical shift in Kenyan policy, as until recently, Kenya maintained relations with the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), supported by Algeria, which is increasingly losing ground internationally. Under President William Ruto’s leadership, this diplomatic shift began taking shape in March 2024 with the appointment of Jessica Muthoni Gakinya as Kenya’s first ambassador to Morocco. Since then, several memorandums of understanding have been signed covering key areas such as housing, urban development, youth, trade, and diplomatic training, significantly strengthening cooperation between the two nations. Kenya’s repositioning on the Sahara issue aligns with a broader global trend of growing support for Morocco’s stance, while the Polisario Front loses international recognition. Over fifty countries have withdrawn recognition of the SADR since the Cold War’s end, and no African country has recognized it since 2011. Recent developments include Syria’s official closure of the Polisario office in Damascus, signaling a strategic distancing from the Algerian-Iranian axis and a clear rejection of support for Sahrawi separatists. This is a major setback for Algeria on the Arab world stage. In Latin America, key countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Panama have also withdrawn recognition of the SADR, adopting neutral or pro-Moroccan sovereignty positions consistent with UN resolutions. This shift is notable given the region’s past role as a haven for separatist propaganda. In Europe, nearly all countries, including France, Spain, Germany, and many EU members, now explicitly support Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as a serious basis for a lasting political solution. Algeria, increasingly powerless, is losing influence and reputation worldwide due to its persistent backing of the Polisario. Despite this international momentum favoring Morocco, Algeria continues to support the Polisario, exemplified by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s recent reception of the “new Sahrawi ambassador” Khatri Adouh. While Bourita and Mudavadi forged strong friendship ties, the Algerian-hosted ambassador boasted of supposed “diplomatic victories” for the separatists, ignoring Polisario’s growing isolation. Algeria and its proxy even disregard UN Security Council Resolution 2756 adopted in October 2024, which explicitly recognizes Algeria as a party to the dispute and calls for respect of the ceasefire and a durable political solution, endorsing Morocco’s initiative led by King Mohammed VI. Morocco is capitalizing on this favorable context by multiplying bilateral agreements, notably with strategic African countries like Kenya. The signing of five memorandums of understanding during Mudavadi’s visit reflects a shared vision of enhanced cooperation based on historical, cultural, and economic ties. Africa is thus showing a new face marked by pragmatism and mutual interests. The opening of the Kenyan embassy in Rabat and Nairobi’s official support for Morocco’s territorial integrity represent a major diplomatic victory for the Kingdom. Algeria can no longer ignore this development without risking even greater isolation on the continent and globally. Adding to Algeria’s woes, Ivory Coast recently reiterated its position sidelining the separatist movement and its sponsor. Morocco is consolidating its diplomatic leadership and advancing toward a peaceful and lasting resolution of the artificial Western Sahara conflict. In contrast, the Polisario is increasingly isolated, supported only by a stubborn Algeria and perhaps, for now, South Africa, whose economy and business ties with Morocco are growing. The international community is converging toward greater recognition of Moroccan sovereignty and its Autonomy Plan, supported by two permanent UN Security Council members and many regional economic powers. This irreversible momentum heralds a new era in African diplomacy, with the African Union likely to expel the SADR in the near future, removing a burdensome member that meets no criteria for international organization membership except Algeria’s excessive sponsorship, itself in notable decline. Omar Hilal, Morocco’s representative to the UN, does not hesitate to remind his Algerian counterparts of this anachronistic and untenable situation at every opportunity, making the international community a witness to this increasingly ridiculous stalemate that cannot last.