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Politics

Dakhla Atlantique when Morocco brings the desert back to life and opens the doors to an ambitious Africa... 579

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.
There are projects that go beyond mere infrastructure. Projects that become symbols, messages addressed to Histoire et au monde. The port of Dakhla Atlantique belongs to this rare category: that of achievements that rewrite the destiny of a nation, and sometimes even a continent. A category embodying the ambition of a sovereign resolutely African, philosophically globalist, genetically Moroccan, fundamentally humanist. In the extreme south of the Kingdom of Mohammed VI, where old maps showed only a desert strip battered by the winds, once occupied by Spain which saw there only a symbol of its colonial power, Morocco chose to build the future by reconnecting with its roots and deep DNA. Where colonial imagination spoke of an empty space, a "terre sans âme", Moroccans, inspired by their adored sovereign, saw an opportunity, a horizon, a future. The Moroccan Sahara is not a margin: it is a matrix. A source of inspiration, as it was for Saint-Exupéry, this poet-pilot who found there the birth of the Petit Prince. Today, this Petit Prince has grown up. He has become Moroccan and claims it. He comes to life under the features of a modern, bold, innovative Morocco. He builds, connects, heals. He plants in the sand the seeds of a sustainable future. He gave it a name and a symbol: Dakhla Atlantique, l’ambition portée par l’océan qui caresse la côte et embrasse tout un peuple toujours debout : le peuple marocain drapé de fierté et d'honneur. By building the port of Dakhla Atlantique, with national know-how and the strength of its youth, Morocco asserts that its Sahara is not a periphery but a crossroads. A strategic anchor point between: Here is the translation of the phrases you requested, with the source-language phrases highlighted inside the markdown constructs as required: ** West Africa in full transformation, ** the Americas, from North to South," ** and neighboring Europe, an indispensable historic and commercial partner. The Kingdom does not only look toward the open sea: it reaches out toward the interior of the continent. The port then becomes a tool of désenclavement du Sahel, a vital logistical corridor for peoples and landlocked countries such as Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, or even Chad. It opens them access to the Atlantic, hence the world, offering new routes for agriculture, mining, industry, technology, trade, and African economic integration. What Morocco is building is a grande porte continentale largement ouverte vers l'humanité. Morocco has resolutely and irrevocably put itself at the service of the continent, faithful to its roots and its ancestral African vocation. Under the visionary impulse of SM le Roi Mohammed VI, the Kingdom does not engage in propaganda. It has made and is realizing a strategic choice: to be an acteur de développement africain, not just a partner. Dakhla Atlantique is the concrete translation of this. Morocco positions itself as a pays-pont, a vector of stability and prosperity for all of West Africa and beyond. At a time when many nations struggle to find a compass, Morocco offers a model: that of a peaceful diplomacy, of assumed development, and of an ambition that does not apologize and asserts itself in peace. But the Cherifian ambition does not stop at geopolitics. It also touches science, innovation, and ecology. Green Morocco : to make the desert a laboratory of the future. In this Sahara long described as naked, hostile, mineral, useless, Morocco is cultivating one of the largest natural laboratories on the planet: **solar energies among the most powerful in the world, **uninterrupted wind energies, **green hydrogen," **blue energies, **marine technologies, **sustainable management of fishery resources, **new models of desert agriculture. Morocco loudly proclaims that the Sahara is no longer a void. It is a resource. A treasure of the future. A response to the world’s challenges. With this port, Morocco proves that it is possible to respect the environment, to enhance natural strengths, and to build development that does not crush but liberates. It is at this point that the struggle, for half a century, for the Sahara marocain takes on its full meaning and much amplitude. It is a rebirth, not a reconquest. This project is not a mere act of engineering. It is an act of love. An act of faith. An act of historic justice. The Moroccan Sahara is not a backdrop: it is le cœur battant d’un Maroc qui avance, of a people who believes, a nation that dreams big, of youth that expresses its talent and rejoices. Morocco does not seek to “win” its Sahara. It is there for eternity and adores it. It makes it live. It respects it. It values it. It honors it. And thus, it liberates its potential, but also that of millions of Africans who will find in Dakhla Atlantique an unprecedented horizon. Le Royaume du Maroc est ici l'architecte d’un futur continental. The port of Dakhla Atlantique is not just a titanic construction site. It is a manifesto of a Morocco that looks the world straight in the eye. A Morocco that does not apologize for being ambitious. A Morocco that transforms the desert into the future, isolation into connection, and dreams into infrastructure. Where Saint-Exupéry imagined a Petit Prince, Morocco has brought forth a giant. A peaceful, visionary, African giant. With the royal ambition of Sa Majesté Mohammed VI: The Sahara lives. Morocco advances. And Africa breathes a new wind. May I be allowed here to thank MD Sahara (Maroc Diplomatique) for giving me the chance to experience a moment that made me even prouder of who I am: a simple Moroccan citizen happy to live this exceptional reign. This is what inspired this modest text which I want to be a transcription of a strong and striking emotion, like a lasting tattoo, a testimony of admiration for friendships renewed or new on “les berges” of the colossal port construction site.

The Strange Mediation of Ahmed Attaf: Between Diplomatic Denial and Political Maneuver... 800

Aziz Daouda, 5 d.
The latest statement by Ahmed Attaf, the valiant Algerian Minister of Foreign Affairs, surprised even the most knowledgeable experts on the Saharan issue. By affirming that Algeria would be "willing to act as an intermediary between Morocco and the Polisario," Attaf seems to adopt a diplomatic stance bordering on the absurd, as it contradicts reality, international texts, and even Algeria's own strategic choices. Behind the calm tone favored by the Algerian diplomacy chief, this statement reveals a mix of political amnesia, internal calculation, and external smokescreen. He did not even explain why this proposal is being raised now. The first anomaly lies in the feigned ignorance of the essence of Security Council resolution 2797, which explicitly states that Algeria is a party to the conflict and, as such, is called to participate in negotiations under the leadership of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, Staffan de Mistura, but in the United States. In other words, Algeria cannot present itself as an external, neutral, or impartial actor. It is involved in the dossier and cannot exit by mere rhetoric. The second, even more glaring amnesia: Attaf acts as if no olive branch has been extended by Morocco to Algeria. Yet His Majesty King Mohammed VI has repeatedly expressly invited President Tebboune to frank, direct, and unconditional dialogue to address all bilateral issues, including the deep causes of tensions. He has never responded. Worse, he has maintained a diplomatic flight forward: unilateral rupture of relations, closure of airspace, sometimes incomprehensible hostile speeches, and reinforced support to the Polisario. In this context, Algeria's claim to want to “bring together” Rabat and the Polisario is more diplomatic theater than a sincere gesture. By presenting the conflict as a simple misunderstanding between “two parties” that Algeria could help overcome, Attaf adopts an almost naive tone, bordering on ridicule. As if Algeria's central role in the origin, maintenance, and militarization of the conflict was not an established, recognized, and documented fact. How can Algeria claim to be a mediator when: - the Polisario is hosted in Tindouf, on Algerian soil, - its leaders travel with Algerian diplomatic passports, - its President is transported by Algerian presidential plane, - its armament largely comes from Algiers, - its diplomacy depends on the Algerian Foreign Ministry, which dictates its content and approach. The claim to neutrality then becomes not only anachronistic but indecent in light of the history of the dossier. This improbable proposal might actually reveal Algeria’s disarray in the face of growing regional and international isolation. Algeria may seek to reposition itself as an actor of “peace” and “concord” in a context where its diplomacy is perceived as rigid, aggressive, and trapped in an outdated narrative. It is directly accused of favoring terrorism in the Sahel region. Mali, speaking at the UN, gave a very direct speech to that effect. It may also be, perhaps simultaneously, a way to discreetly reinitiate contact with Rabat without publicly assuming the reversal, while all crises between the two countries, including the current rupture, stem from unilateral Algerian decisions. Morocco has always been the ideal enemy to explain the army's grip on all state machinery. Algiers now knows, eventually, that this permanent tension will cost it dearly sooner or later, both strategically and internally. The maneuver surely aims to break isolation and possibly indirectly reconnect with Rabat. Who knows? In any case, the statement is a smokescreen to mask a spectacular flip-flop on the Sansal and Palestine issue. Sansal was released from prison and received at the Élysée; then, out of fear, voting for the US-sponsored resolution that envisions the disarmament of Hamas is a pirouette, a renunciation of the founding doctrine of the Algerian regime. The internal situation in Algeria must then be invoked. The domestic context plays a central role in recent reversals. The population faces: - persistent shortages, - a fragile socio-economic situation, - the plummeting value of the dinar, - growing incomprehension regarding contradictions of power. The shock was immense when Algeria, which proclaimed itself "more Palestinian than the Palestinians" and "more Hamas than Hamas," voted in favor of an American resolution that calls for the disarmament of Hamas and the establishment of an international force in Gaza. The ordinary Algerian is not ready to understand this sudden change of stance. The vote deeply disoriented an Algerian public used to fiery discourse against Washington the imperialist and Israel the Zionist. The official discourse has always been unconditionally pro-Hamas. In this tense atmosphere, Ahmed Attaf's statement looks like a media firebreak, intended to divert attention from Algeria's about-face on the Palestinian issue and on Sansal. Ultimately, Attaf’s proposal is neither serious, credible, nor neutral. However, it reveals: - a narrative crisis within Algerian diplomacy, - an increasingly heavy international isolation, - a fragile internal reality that the regime tries to mask with diplomatic artifices, - and a persistent difficulty in facing the truth of the conflict: Algeria has been a party since day one. Ambiguity is never far in Mr. Attaf's statements. Here again, he claims to want to act as a mediator, respecting all relevant Security Council resolutions. Of course, he reinstates the referendum condition, probably unaware that it has not been on the UN agenda since 2007. Attaf’s proposal is unacceptable in form and substance and brings nothing positive. It should be known that the press conference was staged and not live. Body language does not deceive: the man is under the junta's control and speaks as the mere voice of the army, the real power in Algeria. Interpreting resolution 2797 Algerian-style and simultaneously accepting and rejecting it is ridiculous. Rather than playing an imaginary mediator, Algiers would be better inspired to respond to Morocco’s olive branch and take its rightful place at the negotiation table, in accordance with international law and the facts.

Strategic Release of Boualem Sansal: Saving Face for Algiers... 1034

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
Algerian writer Boualem Sansal, who is also French and 81 years old, was arrested at Algiers airport on November 16, 2024, following an interview in which he addressed certain historical truths that, according to Algerian authorities, constituted a threat to the integrity of the country. Welcoming President Macron's decision to recognize Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara, Sansal notably asserted that France had mutilated Morocco by attaching significant territories to Algeria—a particularly sensitive issue for Algerian leadership. In March 2025, a court sentenced Sansal to five years in prison for “undermining national unity,” a very serious accusation. To the general surprise, or almost, on November 12, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune granted Sansal a pardon following an express request from German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier. Sansal was transferred to Germany and immediately hospitalized. The man, suffering from cancer, had seen his health deteriorate considerably during incarceration. The rapid evolution of this case follows German mediation, whereas repeated calls from France for Sansal’s release had gone unanswered. Officially, the pardon was presented as a “humanitarian, generous act.” Nevertheless, this release cannot be viewed outside of geopolitical stakes and is obviously, in essence, a strategic maneuver to defuse the Franco-Algerian crisis that has intensified in recent months. The German mediation came, as everyone knows, in a tense context between Algiers and Paris. In October 2024, France recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over the Moroccan Sahara, provoking Algerian outrage and a swift and significant cooling of bilateral relations. Sansal’s arrest, as a dissenting Algerian figure, was seen as a pressure tactic on France, whose nationality Sansal also holds. Efforts were in vain: In January, the European Parliament condemned the arrest and demanded the author’s release, but Algeria remained unmoved. What explains Germany’s surprise role, when other countries had reportedly tried unsuccessfully to make Algiers relent? In fact, Germany maintains more neutral relations with Algeria than France and thereby offers Algiers a diplomatically acceptable way out, avoiding a major loss of prestige. Boualem Sansal had become a real hot potato that needed to be dealt with quickly. It is even said, here and there in Algiers, that his arrest had been a mistake. The fact that President Tebboune was treated in Germany further strengthens these ties. Through this channel, Algiers enhances its international image without capitulating directly to France, dampening the perception of surrender. It should also be noted that Sansal is highly appreciated and read in Germany, where he received the country’s most prestigious literary awards. This partly explains the unexpected mediation. The release appears to be part of an Algerian strategy to manage international pressures without direct compromise with Paris, thus preserving the regime’s image. Germany, as an intermediary, helps to ease tensions while maintaining Algerian internal political stability. As always, Algerian media were quick to organize debates lauding the “humanism” and “great wisdom” of President Tebboune. They kept declaring victory—although it’s not clear over whom, victory nonetheless. As usual, debates invoked in no particular order: Zionism, the makhzen, the French enemy, defense of the homeland, etc. Sansal is pardoned but remains the nation’s execrable traitor. The truth is that Algeria’s current economic and strategic situation no longer allows it to posture confidently. Facing growing diplomatic isolation, dependence on hydrocarbons, and a slowing economy with a historic devaluation of the dinar, the Algerian regime uses Sansal’s release as a symbolic act to refurbish its image—as even its historic partners, Russia and China, have turned to Morocco. One might also interpret the situation in terms of intersecting interests. Germany likely served as a useful intermediary, indirectly addressing the interests of both France and Algeria. For Paris, passing mediation to Berlin sustains a humane posture without direct confrontation with Algiers. For Algiers, responding to a German request avoids symbolic retreat before its former colonizer. The implications are clear. The Algerian regime retains its authoritarian framework; Sansal’s release does not indicate weakness. Algerian media even try to show the affair reveals France’s loss of influence, claiming Paris sought to isolate Algiers. Thanks to the release, Algerian diplomacy allegedly becomes multipolar. In reality, compromise was necessary to reduce Algeria’s diplomatic and economic isolation. The country’s structural challenges remain significant. Algerian media are eager to present Sansal’s release by German mediation as evidence of profound change in the regional diplomatic balance in Algeria’s favor. They claim France has lost its historic near-monopoly in relations, confronted by a sovereign Algerian state that has diversified its European partnerships. According to these media narratives, this development symbolically weakens Paris and strengthens Algeria’s conquering, multipolar diplomacy. Beyond certain arguably ridiculous remarks meant to calm Algeria’s internal front, this release will have a positive impact on Franco-Algerian relations and, beyond that, on German diplomacy in the region. For Germany, this diplomatic success consolidates its geopolitical role in the Mediterranean and North Africa, giving it new political, economic, and security leverage. Berlin’s standing with Algerian authorities and neighboring countries improves and its strategic partnerships in this key region are reinforced. Recall that Germany had already voiced positive support for the Moroccan self-determination project in the Sahara. The release of Boualem Sansal therefore goes well beyond humanitarian matters; it becomes a point of diplomatic, symbolic, and economic convergence. Germany’s selection as intermediary allowed Algeria to respond to international pressure while apparently preserving its image vis-à-vis France—at least for its own population. France achieved its objective: freeing Boualem Sansal. Yet, for Algiers, it was always a matter of national dignity.

Moroccan Sahara: The Irreversible Truth Confronting Denial 1853

Aziz Daouda, 13 d.
Since the adoption of United Nations Security Council resolution 2927, arithmetically, broadly, and logically favorable to Morocco, Algeria seems to refuse to acknowledge the obvious. Despite the clarity of the text and the broad international consensus it generated, Algiers continues its diplomatic and media agitation, multiplying interpretations and contradictory positions. Leading this charge is Minister Ahmed Attaf, sent to the front lines. He is conducting a verbal offensive where misinformation rivals obstinacy. Every word of the resolution is dissected, twisted, and reinterpreted by Algerian agencies and their media outlets. Here, there is no fear of ridicule. It is fully embraced. Some international statements are even distorted to give them a coloring and meaning conforming to Algiers’ narrative. Staffan de Mistura, personal envoy of the UN Secretary-General, as well as Massad Boulos, have not escaped these discursive manipulations. Only Aljazeera continues the distortion and spares no words. This is not surprising: Algiers is sanctified there for well-known reasons. This now usual strategy relies on fake news and disinformation, which have become preferred tools in Algerian diplomacy when it comes to the Sahara dossier. Yet, one fact remains indisputable: Morocco is truly at home in its Sahara and asks neither permission nor validation from anyone to remain there. Fifty years after the artificial triggering of this dispute, Algeria seems to have learned no lesson and even less awareness; despite billions of dollars invested that could have benefited the Algerian people; despite successive military and diplomatic defeats, obstinacy remains the watchword here. A chronic morbidity. Since the 1991 ceasefire, the political and diplomatic momentum has irreversibly shifted in Morocco’s favor. The Kingdom has achieved a true Remontada, as Samir Bennis likes to say. The effect of propaganda and blind support from the Eastern bloc and its allies has faded. Everyone has come to reason, except a few exceptions upheld by outdated means. Morocco’s autonomy proposal, judged serious and credible by the international community, is now the sole recognized basis for a solution by the Security Council. Facing this, Algiers continues to rely on a network of marginal allies: South Africa, Iran, which have in turn expressed their dismay over Algiers' defeat, and Venezuela; all struggling to hide their diplomatic isolation. These supporters oppose a resolution which, however, places the political solution proposed by Morocco at the core of the UN process. But to no avail: U.S., French, British positions, and now Chinese and Russian ones, as well as explicit or implicit support from over 130 countries, confirm that the wind of history blows definitively in Morocco’s favor. In this context, the Kingdom displays a posture of calm firmness. His Majesty King Mohammed VI, faithful to his policy of an outstretched hand, has reaffirmed his desire for a "solution without victor or vanquished." The calm tone of his remarks confirms both his goodwill but also warns that Morocco’s patience has limits. The message is clear: the time for unilateral concessions is over; there is no alternative to the self-determination plan put forth. Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita summarized this position with a significant smile on channel 2M: "The matter is closed." This friendly smile, more than a gesture, reflects the confidence of a country sure of its rights, backed by historical, legal, political legitimacy, and now UN recognition. Who can say more? The decision of the Moroccan sovereign to designate October 31, the date of the vote of resolution 2927, as a new national holiday is not trivial. It marks a symbolic turning point: the definitive consolidation of the Sahara within the national fold and the international recognition of this reality. The Kingdom’s message is unequivocal: Morocco has waited too long, compromised too much, to continue to suffer the sterile deadlock maintained by its belligerent neighbor to the East. Now, the time has come to accelerate development, modernization, and socio-economic valorization of the South, which has become an engine of national and regional growth. This is how to interpret this declaration: There is a before and after October 31, 2025. A change of paradigm in the neighbors would make us all gain more than two points of annual growth, with all that this implies for the peoples of the region. Yet Algiers refuses, even though the country is adrift and its population lacks the essentials to live decently. But the Algerian military, behind their fake stripes, do not care. Stubborn, they see no further than the tip of their nose... They probably have not understood what Syria, Libya, and Iraq suffered, nor similar cases in Latin America. Stubbornness in folly and denial of reality can only be counterproductive. History demonstrates this abundantly. One must know how to read this history and learn from it. Algeria, unfortunately for its people, persists in a strategy of refusal, forgetting that the world has changed and diplomatic balances have shifted. It still thinks it can buy time and bet on a new American presidency in three years. Three years is long for President Trump... While Morocco advances, builds, and invests in its Southern provinces, supported by the common sense of those who know how to do business for the benefit of their peoples, Algiers remains trapped in a bygone past and an exhausted ideological narrative. The Sharifian Kingdom, on the other hand, looks to the future, serene in its legitimacy, solid in its national unity, confident in its rights, and now carried by the international recognition of a truth that is indisputable: the Sahara is Moroccan, and it will remain so.

Morocco, united and indivisible: October 31, memory and vision of a united kingdom... 2080

Aziz Daouda, 15 d.
There are dates that cease to be mere markers to become strong symbols. By establishing le 31 octobre “Fête de l’Unité”, His Majesty King Mohammed VI has not only added a day to the national calendar of holidays: he has inscribed in the collective memory a certainty, that of a united Morocco, faithful to its history, confident in its destiny, certain of its future. This choice, placed on the eve of the anniversary of la Marche Verte, is not a coincidence, but a message. It links two moments: one of memory, the other of hope, to remind that in Morocco, unity is not a stance, but a collective philosophy of life, a historical continuity, a conviction ingrained in the soul of the country and each of its citizens. The age-old unity of the Kingdom is the golden thread of Moroccan history. **On November 6, 1975, three hundred and fifty thousand Moroccans, the Quran in one hand and the flag in the other, it must be recalled, supported by many nationals of friendly countries, including a Prince not to be overlooked, marched south to reclaim what should never have been lost: the Sahara, the Kingdom’s matrix.** La Marche Verte was not a conquest; it was a return, a peaceful affirmation of a legitimacy older than the borders drawn with rulers on colonial maps. It was also a vow between the Throne and the people, between the past and the future. A vow that nothing, neither diplomatic maneuvers nor hostile campaigns, nor propaganda worth billions of dollars, could undermine. The Moroccan does not yield. The Moroccan is faithful to his commitments. The Moroccan keeps his word, the Moroccan is aware of the diversity of his country but conceives it only in unity and cohesion. By deciding to make le 31 octobre "la Fête de l’Unité", His Majesty King Mohammed VI reactivates this vow and transposes it into the present time: Morocco’s unity is not a glorious memory, but a horizon built every day, a future forged on law and faith, diplomacy and perseverance, development and shared prosperity. For half a century, Moroccan diplomacy has patiently unrolled the thread of a clear strategy: defending Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara without ever yielding to provocation, making legitimacy prevail by reason and not by force. Recent résolutions du Conseil de sécurité have confirmed the soundness of this line. They endorse the seriousness and credibility of the Moroccan autonomy proposal, a realistic, modern path, consistent with the aspirations of the local populations and the entire Moroccan people who have adhered to it, fully understanding the sacrifice requested. **Conversely, Algeria persists in an anachronistic stance, entrenched in its support for Polisario, which no longer represents more than a shadow of itself. A movement built on lies, fake news, and propaganda worth billions of dollars. It is probably the most costly situation of its kind since humans existed.** No one has ever known how many Sahrawis truly followed Polisario, or how many, with the help of its patrons, it brought from Mauritania, Mali, Nigeria, Chad, and elsewhere to strengthen its ranks. The generosity of Gaddafi having greatly helped, it must not be forgotten! Today, Algeria is cornered into allowing le recensement des populations des camps and census means, in parallel, identification. The fixed discourse of the separatists no longer holds sway over reality: while the Tindouf camps are mired in waiting, the Southern Provinces of Morocco awaken to life, development, and dignity. The contrast is striking: there, immobility; here, construction. There, ideology; here, reality. "La Marche Verte" was never a closed episode; it has become a national doctrine, a founding story, a living myth, the belief of a nation: the oldest nation in the world. It has forged a rare national consciousness, made of loyalty and faith in the continuity of the Kingdom. In a world marked by fragmentation and wounded identities, Morocco has made its unity a compass, not nostalgia. In Laâyoune, Dakhla, Smara, Boujdour, or Bir Guendouz, the fervor of the October 31 celebrations says better than speeches the depth of this bond. These cities, once marginalized, today embody a Morocco on the move, confident, faithful to its roots, and looking to its future. *The South is no longer a remote part of the Kingdom: it is its beating heart.* The Sahara is a promise of the future, a development laboratory, and a strategic hub of the Kingdom. Investments in renewable energy, fishing, infrastructure, tourism, and logistics have transformed the region into an essential crossroads between Africa, the Atlantic, and Europe. Here is being experimented, in open air, the royal vision of a modern, balanced, and inclusive Morocco, a Morocco that leaves no region behind. The "Fête de l’Unité" is not just a tribute to the past: it is a projection into the future. The "Fête de l'Unité" tells Moroccan youth that unity is not a legacy to be admired, but a building to be built, constructed day by day, through work, loyalty, and faith in the nation, with an unyielding respect for the memory of sacrifices and a firm belief in the promise of continuity. On October 31, Morocco celebrates, but remembers: the soldiers fallen on the dunes, the diplomats who have defended the national cause on all the world’s stages, the pioneers who built in the sand the foundations of exemplary development. Through them, it is a whole country that looks at itself in the mirror of its history, not to indulge, but to draw strength to go further. *Because deep down, Morocco’s unity is not a political act; it is a historical truth, a state of mind, a visceral loyalty.* October 31 simply gives it a name, a date, a renewed breath. There is no unity without memory, nor memory without the future. Morocco has never celebrated the past for the past but always as an evocation to project into the future. It has never believed in a fixed memory rent. Strong in its history and regained sovereignty, it now advances with the serenity of those who have nothing to prove, only to pursue. Its DNA is special but never to isolate itself. On the contrary, the Kingdom sees itself as part of a world open to cooperation, freedom, and prosperity. *In the southern wind, in the distance, the same vow always resonates: One Kingdom, one soul, one destiny.*

Complaints to God 2278

Boucharfou, 17 d.
- Politics - Lifestyle - Poetry -
0.5 min read.
​💔 Complaint to God ​O, you who struck me with arrows of betrayal And want me to understand the cause of the harm You think the wound has been bandaged And that I have moved past the injustice And forgotten that its puncture is still bleeding? The heart still weeps from its burning pain Despite the passing of years and seasons. How astonishing she is, and her audacity, How she narrates delusions, And how life increases its smiles for her, And how her eye finds comfort in sleep, And enjoys dreams, And thinks she is receiving blessings, While she is the one who humbled stature and nations. So, to the Lord of the Kaaba, I pray and complain of injustice, For her injustice was a bad omen, Not blameworthy, For she is an ill omen that does not deserve a word from me, Not even a greeting, nor peace. So, to God I complain and plead for a judgment, For Glorified is He, He is Wise and All-Knowing. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved October 28, 2025

Ahmed Attaf and the Thousand-Time Waltz... 2502

Aziz Daouda, 18 d.
The latest appearance of the valiant Ahmed Attaf is strikingly different from what we have come to expect from him. Still hiding behind his habitual composure, he nonetheless lets a certain unease seep through this time. The man is embarrassed. He is at once a juggler, a tightrope walker, an acrobat, a dancer, and the regime’s fireman. He searches for his words, his sentences seem to cut his breath short. At times, he gasps. His statements are full of contradictions and twisted contortion, the very archetype of a diplomat out of breath, yet still skillful. In his role as firefighter, he tries to reassure domestically, even to timidly proclaim, yet proclaim nonetheless, a great victory. Algeria, he insists, has made the entire world, the USA first among them, bend to its will. As a juggler, he seeks to reassure the great powers, pretending modestly that his country holds no grudges, thus avoiding any offense to their sensibilities. A perilous exercise indeed, for soon he will be summoned to the negotiating table as a direct stakeholder. There, he will need all his ingenuity to escape the dictates of peace that the international community seeks to impose, a peace to be built with Morocco. He now perfectly understands that he can no longer sail under disguise: his country is directly involved. Behind his measured tone and carefully chosen words, his media appearance follows a precise logic built around three goals: calming the domestic front, preparing public opinion for a return to negotiations on the Sahara issue, and reaffirming Algeria’s red line: no normalization with Rabat. Like a skilled tightrope walker, he subtly boasts that the divergence with Washington and Brussels is “under control.” Indeed, the U.S. can very well understand the first two points—internal appeasement and preparation for talks, but fundamentally differs from Algiers on the question of rapprochement with Morocco. For Washington, this normalization is a cornerstone of its Atlantic-African strategy surrounding critical minerals, a key front in its rivalry with China. The European Union shares this view: it sees Moroccan-Algerian reconciliation as a prerequisite to reviving the Euro-Mediterranean project, which has been paralyzed for years by the rivalry between the two neighbors. Brussels and Washington may both believe that this strategic disagreement can be managed in the short term, since their common priority remains the resumption of negotiations on the Sahara, a stabilizing priority for the region. But everyone understands that the Algerian military regime sent Attaf to absorb the shock of the New York earthquake. His first mission, then, was to calm tempers after the blow dealt by the latest UN Security Council resolution, which reaffirmed the Moroccan autonomy plan as a serious and credible basis, indeed, the very outcome of the negotiation process. Morocco’s diplomatic success triggered a real shockwave in Algiers, where the regime fears that diplomatic defeat could turn into internal strife between different factions of power, particularly between the military hierarchy and the political front. To prevent such implosion, Attaf tried to rewrite the official narrative: the resolution, he claimed, was not a Moroccan triumph but an Algerian victory—Algeria had “prevented the imposition of the Moroccan agenda.” This interpretation blatantly contradicts the statements of Algeria’s own representative at the UN, who justified the country’s abstention by the central role given to the autonomy plan. Yet, in the media sphere, the maneuver worked. Attaf’s discourse found favorable echoes, even among certain critical circles within the regime. In truth, this appeasement operation also suits Washington and Rabat: it guarantees the stability of the Algerian regime and maintains domestic calm, conditions necessary to pave the way for future discussions without internal interference. Everyone is now working to prepare the ground for negotiations. Attaf’s second objective was to prepare national and international public opinion for the idea of returning to the negotiating table, in line with U.S. pressure to revive a concrete political process. The minister thus sought to present the UN resolution in a positive light, even calling it “a victory for the principles of the Sahrawi cause,” while claiming that Algeria would have voted in favor if not for a phrase mentioning “Moroccan sovereignty.” A clever balancing act, meant to narrow the gap between official discourse and diplomatic reality, and to justify a possible Algerian participation in new talks without appearing weak. This tactical repositioning remains fragile. If U.S. pressure were to ease, Algiers might once again resort to delaying tactics to stall or hollow out the process. But the Americans are not fooled, and they are in a hurry. From Morocco’s perspective, this evolution is far from unfavorable: Rabat favors a negotiated settlement, with no victor or vanquished, as long as autonomy remains the end goal. Algiers, for its part, seeks to preserve its red line, no normalization with Rabat. The third axis of Attaf’s communication was to avoid an existential danger for the regime: being perceived as yielding to normalization with Rabat under Washington’s pressure. In a scenario of heightened constraint, Algeria might accept a political solution on the Sahara issue, but without taking the diplomatic rapprochement step. To consolidate this stance, Attaf deliberately rewrote the lexicon of the UN text. Where the resolution speaks of “parties,” “political settlement,” and “autonomy,” he preferred “decolonization,” “referendum,” and “Sahrawi people.” This deliberate semantic shift aims to sustain the illusion that Algeria remains faithful to its doctrinal logic, even though the referendum scenario was abandoned by the United Nations nearly two decades ago. His media appearance was therefore not merely a diplomatic reaction to a UN resolution, but a carefully orchestrated communication operation. It pursued three objectives: to calm the domestic front, prepare public opinion for future talks, and reaffirm the refusal of any normalization with Rabat. Ironically, these very three lines of communication, meant to defend Algeria’s position, end up reinforcing the UN framework for resolution—the very framework that enshrines Morocco’s autonomy plan as the main reference, redrawing regional balances to the benefit of Morocco and its Western allies.

When Morocco’s Greatest Match Becomes Its Worst Mirror… 2689

Aziz Daouda, 21 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.9 min read.
The Casablanca derby, the supreme celebration of Moroccan football, meant to take place at least twice each season, has turned into a sad reflection of our collective failings. What should have been a hymn to the passion of football has become a march toward shame: the shame of not respecting the most basic alphabet of the game, of civility, of respect for others, and of the rules of the Federation and FIFA. The latest edition, in particular, offered yet another all-too-familiar scene: flares, clashes, the throwing of incendiary objects, destruction of public and private property, and a match repeatedly interrupted. The green rectangle, once a sanctuary for the game and the players’ sporting performance, is now held hostage by the pyromania of the stands and the forced complacency toward behavior that is beyond disturbing. This time, the sheer number of flares was so staggering that it raises countless questions: Who sells them? Who ignites them? And how are they so regularly smuggled into stadiums? Who benefits from turning the Casablanca derby into a footballing wasteland? It is no longer a football match, it is a war zone, a scene of spectacular movie-like special effects imported into the terraces. In the name of the club’s flag, common sense has been cast aside. Raja and Wydad, two monuments of our sport, are being manipulated, overtaken, hijacked, and exploited by crowds who confuse fervor with fury, believing they defend their colors while trampling the honor of the beautiful game. In the name of the club’s supposed love, we end up defending obscure causes far removed from the essence of the clubs themselves — if such an essence still exists. It has become a kind of grandstand ultra-nationalism. Some groups have set themselves up as militias of the stadiums. They control the stands, impose their laws, and enforce their violence. They now even dictate the rhythm of the matches, play begins when they allow it and stops when they decree it. Their tifos are glorified, but few dare name their excesses for what they are. Yet behind the choreographies, sometimes splendid, sometimes tasteless, lie preparations worthy of a battlefield: sharp objects, stones, illegally imported flares and explosives, coded mobilization calls, and incitements to confront all that represents order. Insults to institutions, fake news, subversive slogans, everything mixes together with no restraint or shame: a volatile cocktail of social grievances and barely veiled political activism. Even foreign policy and the country’s international positions are dragged into it. So much for the common good, the good of the entire nation. Club officials feign surprise or hide away, waiting for the storm to pass, as if smashed buses, bent gates, and toxic smoke were accidents of fate. The authorities design strategies and take precautions, yet repeatedly face dangerous overflows. Their stance is paternalistic at best: as if dealing only with unruly children. The ringleaders, meanwhile, stay safely out of reach, though some are visible, even stepping onto the pitch to stir up and inflame the crowds. As for the Federation, it responds with fines and closed-door matches, the same administrative ritual that no longer frightens anyone. Has football been taken hostage? The consequences are disastrous: interrupted matches, financial sanctions, and a tarnished international image. Morocco, once celebrated for its popular fervor, now offers the image of a sick football, where passion blurs into madness. These outbursts kill the game, stifle talent, and drive away families who once dared to attend matches. In a country where football is almost a religion, it is heartbreaking to see the temples of sport turned into lawless zones. Children who once dreamed of the derby as a founding myth now see only ritualized chaos, a folklore of wreckage. Some may even join in, believing this is simply “how it is.” But should we resign ourselves and admit a failure of courage? It is not club rivalry that is to blame, but our collective inability to civilize it. It was not always like this. The problem does not lie in the chants, but in what we tolerate in the name of passion. Stadium violence is, above all, born of silence: the silence of clubs unwilling to alienate their supporters; the silence of media that prefer to glorify the atmosphere rather than denounce its excesses; and the silence of authorities forced to maintain order alone before a crowd they were never meant to manage, unlike elsewhere. By failing to choose and only punishing after the fact, we have allowed *charhabe* to settle in as a tolerated subculture, a norm, a distorted identity. The derby should not be a test of strength but a celebration of the city, of talent, and of the players’ pursuit of excellence on the field. Yet the myth of the derby must survive, because beneath the rage lies a truth: the Wydad–Raja rivalry is one of the most beautiful stories in African, perhaps even world football. It has inspired generations, forged careers, and given birth to songs and dreams. But this tradition will not survive if it continues to sink into hatred and absurdity. The derby deserves better. Casablanca deserves better. Morocco deserves a football where passion does not mean madness, where the color of a jersey does not justify brutality and violence. If nothing changes, the kingdom’s greatest match may soon become its greatest scandal: **the Derby of Smoke.**

Morocco triumphs at the UN but remains humble and open... Algeria responds with denial... 2898

Aziz Daouda, 22 d.
The United Nations Security Council vote, it must still be reminded, marked a decisive turning point for Moroccan diplomacy and the future of the region. “There is a before and after October 31,” said His Majesty the King. Through broad and unequivocal support for the Kingdom's position, the international community once again confirms the credibility of the Moroccan approach via the autonomy plan proposed since 2007. In fact, the international community thus salutes Morocco’s stability as a credible regional actor and highlights its immense efforts in developing the southern territories and their spectacular progress benefiting its citizens and the regional populations. This success is no accident: it results from a relevant, consistent, patient, firm, and humble royal vision, favoring dialogue and cooperation rather than escalation and provocation. His Majesty King Mohammed VI has never ceased calling for reason and cooperation for 26 years. Immediately after the vote results were announced, His Majesty once again called for direct and sincere dialogue with Algeria, addressing President Tebboune explicitly. The message is framed within a logic of peace and historical responsibility. The sovereign, far from being triumphalist, extends his hand once more to a neighbor who insists on hiding behind outdated slogans and archaic postures. This offered hand starkly contrasts with the rejection and even hatred that dominates the other side of the border. While Rabat multiplies gestures of openness, Algiers stubbornly remains closed to all dialogue, preferring a haughty stance, sterile confrontation, and counterproductive refusal of reason. A chronic resentment that surprisingly becomes doctrine. The reaction of Algerian media after the Security Council vote shows a mindset marked by disinformation, propaganda, hatred, and a mean-spirited aggression. Some statements on state television even questioned the integrity of the member states that supported Morocco’s position; others spoke, just hours after the vote, of a possible return to arms, as if war could remedy a stinging diplomatic failure. More worrying still, insults toward Morocco, notably the label of a country "in the pocket of the Zionists," reveal a level of extreme nervousness nearing loss of control. The word "makhzen," knowingly debased, is thrown to the wolves by debaters competing in buffoonery and comic exaggeration. Do they realize that this hateful language only strengthens Algiers’ isolation? By accusing the whole world of conspiracy, the Algerian military may not realize that diplomacy must be a realm of credibility and trust, not blind resentment. Meanwhile, the world watches and finally understands. Algeria neither seeks nor wants to be a partner in peace and construction. Today, the international community witnesses: Morocco proposes, Algeria blocks. Morocco builds, Algeria destroys. Morocco advocates cooperation, Algeria confrontation. From Washington to Paris, Madrid to Dakar, Seoul to Brasilia, Riyadh to Freetown, capitals have grasped the difference between a forward-looking policy and a stance frozen in outdated ideological nostalgia, laughable. The Sahara is no longer a matter of regional propaganda but a global stability issue: it touches the Sahel’s security, the fight against terrorism, and the balance of the entire North African space. Algeria’s obstinacy is costly, and the world is tired of it. By clinging to a matter in which it declares itself "not concerned," Algeria traps itself in an unbearable contradiction and a burdensome attitude. How long can this unsustainable situation persist without the international community intervening to end this obvious support to a group with dubious activities? The day fatigue increases, particularly in the United States, which could come soon, the temptation to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization would become possible and credible. This is quite plausible considering the separatists’ military activities, their regional ties with recognized terrorist groups, and their presence in an area rife with trafficking in which they actively participate. Nothing would prevent it since the idea is already circulating in the US Congress, introduced by Joe Wilson, who gathers much support. Algiers would then be in an untenable position, responsible for harboring, funding, and arming a terrorist group. Such a drift would expose the Algerian regime to its own contradictions and risks. Algerian insults, from officials and press alike, sometimes direct, sometimes barely veiled toward France, Spain, even the USA and now the Security Council and all those supporting the Kingdom will eventually take effect. Pushing the Polisario to declare that it will not participate in negotiations is just suicidal for Algiers. We must never forget that the future belongs to those who build, and that builder is Morocco, which has chosen the path of building a better future for itself and the region. The Kingdom has opted for partnership and peace. It consolidates its African leadership, strengthens its alliances, and modernizes its internal institutions. Its diplomacy is based on trust, coherence, and mutual respect—values that increasingly distinguish Rabat on the international stage. While Algerian rulers rehearse their grudges, the Kingdom forges ahead, confident in its successes, faithful to its principles, open to dialogue but firm in defending its vital interests. The royal message is clear. Morocco fears neither confrontation, nor disinformation, nor fake news, and will always prefer peace based on responsibility rather than the turmoil of misplaced pride. The joyful and highly significant demonstrations of Moroccan citizens immediately after the royal speech showed the world that the Sahara issue, for Moroccans, is not just a stance or a power game. Aware of the global stakes of the matter, protesters in Laayoune, Boujdour, Dakhla as well as in Tangier or Agadir did not fail to salute the powers that favored the vote of resolution 27-97 on October 31, 2025. Far from mocking Algerians, they celebrated for themselves and for the free world. Here, the issue is not emotional but genetic. Algeria and Algerians must integrate this and are called to reflect. The wind has truly changed and forever on October 31.

Morocco, this quiet conviction that still needs to be shared... 3558

Aziz Daouda, 28 d.
- Politics - Society -
3.2 min read.
The saying "One who believes in himself has no need to convince others" is commonly translated into French as "Celui qui croit en lui-même n’a pas besoin de convaincre les autres". It evokes a quiet confidence, inner strength, and the stability of one who moves forward without ostentatious display. This idea finds a particular resonance in present-day Moroccan reality: a country confident in the course it has set, proud of its multiple and diverse advances, convinced of its diplomatic legitimacy, strong in its alliances and international roots. However, it faces a major internal challenge: persuading its own youth, even a large part of its population, of the meaning and scope of its progress and achievements. Winning the trust of the youth, and thereby enabling them to gain confidence in themselves and a shared, radiant, and prosperous future, is a true work in progress. Moroccan diplomacy, an example of affirmed confidence, demonstrates an unashamed resolution facing any trial. It is characterized by unwavering determination, both decisive and pragmatic. Internationally, Morocco displays recognized strategic serenity. Under the Royal impulse, its diplomacy based on dialogue and continuity stands as a model of balance between cooperation, firmness, and self-confidence. At the UN, for example, Morocco’s proposal of autonomy in the Sahara issue has become a normative reference, accepted by nearly all international partners. This diplomatic success perfectly illustrates the saying. Confident in its correctness, Morocco did not need to resort to excessive demonstrations to impose its position. Pragmatism, patience, endurance, and determination are the watchwords on this matter. Today, Minister Bourita and Omar Hilal, the Kingdom’s ambassador to the UN, are even seen as stars and are sought after as such at every public appearance, so convincing and credible are they. But is it the same in all fields and sectors? Beyond the Moroccan Sahara issue, the Kingdom is deploying active economic and parliamentary diplomacy, weaving a solid network of alliances in Africa, Europe, the Middle East, and progressively in Latin America and Asia. This partnership-based strategy illustrates this "conviction tranquille" which seeks less to convince than to consolidate achievements. Renewed agreements with the European Union or strengthened cooperation with China, India, Brazil, African countries, and others demonstrate the solidity of this approach. Yet beyond that, Morocco endures a striking paradox. Its most urgent internal challenge is to regain, perhaps even build, the trust of its youth. Confidence in themselves first and foremost, but also confidence in the country. This confidence shown outwardly and perceived positively internally contrasts with the impatience and skepticism of some Moroccan youth towards other aspects of life. Faced with socio-economic challenges such as unemployment, insecurity, and the perceived slowness of reforms, many young people express deep doubt about their future. Alongside the endemic weakness in communication, the poverty of arguments, the apathy of official media, and the excesses of many others, young people often also endure nihilistic discourse spread by some media voices or social networks, which undermines their confidence and fuels disengagement and fatalism. This paradox of a state confident on the world stage but constantly needing to convince internally lies at the heart of the situation. Despite government efforts to improve employment and public services, recurring individual or collective protests reflect this malaise—a deficit in civic and chronic confidence. How can Morocco then revive common faith and evolve this paradigm? It seems essential to invest in authentic dialogue with youth so that they fully feel the scope and benefits of the progress made. Initiatives such as renewed civic education programs, support for youth entrepreneurship—especially in rural areas—thorough revision of the school curriculum, and increased youth participation in decision-making bodies are some examples underway or to be developed. The easing of certain regulations regarding taxation, currency exchange, e-commerce, business operations, and digital currencies would surely open up new horizons for this connected youth, eager for success. This would certainly increase this much sought-after confidence capital, crucial today. Why not immediately take the measures that will inevitably be taken in ten years? Then it will be too late. Moroccan youth want to undertake and live at the pace of the world. The saying "Celui qui croit en lui-même n’a pas besoin de convaincre les autres" would thus become a call to reinvent the bond between the State and its youth: create a collective energy of confidence, not only manifested outwardly but also lived and felt inwardly, to build a shared future. This seems to have started today. Recent decisions by the Council of Ministers to encourage youth to join institutions, through the revision of the organic law of the House of Representatives, bear witness to this. Lowering the youth age cap from 40 to 35 is a major advance. The possibility for young people to run in elections without party affiliation, as well as the promised financial support for non-partisan youth, are strong incentives against the lethargy that had long taken hold in Moroccan political life. The matter is settled: either political parties open up to youth, or they will be condemned to occupy only backbencher seats. If young people get involved, they will participate in the change they dream of and impose it. Their level of confidence will only increase. Now, let us wait for the parliamentary debates that will finalize all this. This is an important criterion: for once, we will have a law adopted about nine months ahead of elections. Provided no one throws a wrench in the works. Only then will confidence be built, like a transparent, inclusive, participatory, and lasting foundation. One clarification though, the phrase "One who believes in himself has no need to convince others" is generally attributed to Lao Tzu (or Laozi), the Chinese sage and founder of Taoism. However, it is not authenticated as an excerpt from the Tao Te Ching. No matter, the saying takes on its full meaning here anyway.

The Emerging Political Maturity of Moroccan Youth: A Legacy of GENZ212 3846

Aziz Daouda, 30 d.
- Politics - Society -
2.6 min read.
The waning of the GENZ212 movement does not signal the end of a generation searching for meaning. It should mark the beginning of the political maturity of a youth until now seen as sidelined or completely uninterested. Between legitimate frustrations, institutional responses, and obvious possibilities of manipulation of which it may be unaware, Moroccan youth is entering a decisive turning point: moving from protest to construction. Recent decisions by the Council of Ministers to include youth more substantially in political life explain well a fading movement and a generation now questioning itself. The ball is clearly in their court now. They know Morocco will not be made without them and is being made for them. Born in the digital sphere, GENZ212 ignited social networks and mobilized a youth eager for change. Its energy, initially spontaneous, naive, and sincere, now clashes with reality: lack of a clear, common vision, unclear leadership, and attempts at takeover by opportunistic extremes who saw a golden opportunity and believed it could not be missed. The momentum quickly weakened, as in any protest based on hollow slogans without clear contours or precise content, but the question remains: what remains of this anger? The country responded quickly and seriously. The institutional response manifested rapidly. The calm and firmness of the royal speech at the opening of the current Parliament's last legislative session and the 2026 finance bill a few days later redefined priorities around health, education, and social cohesion. Record highs were set for education and health. By integrating youth expectations into public action, the crisis was defused. Morocco, as always, chose listening and reform over confrontation. The trap of manipulation thus quickly closed around these promoters... In other arenas, some tried to rekindle the flame. The call to boycott the Africa Cup of Nations, for example, illustrates this: presented as a protest gesture, it quickly revealed ambiguities and also some frustration over extremists’ failure. The majority of citizens quickly condemned the boycott promoters, ridiculing them. Many observers concluded it was a political or even geopolitical takeover attempt. The overzealousness of Algerian media in trying to heat up the scene confirms and justifies this suspicion. Some even claim the recent protests are no longer a heartfelt cry but an echo of external agendas. As a result, several young former supporters distanced themselves from the movement. "We wanted change, not to become a tool in invisible hands," say early activists on social media. Recent innovations encouraging youth to take the political step toward institutions, combined with the historic importance of budgets allocated to health and those planned for education, have shifted the mindset of most young people from protest to building. As always, rooted in history, faced with drift, the Moroccan state has always favored stability and dialogue. This pragmatic approach continues a deeply rooted tradition: responding to unrest with concrete policies, not empty speeches or sugary promises. Throughout its modern history, the Kingdom has always known the real power of youth is to build, not boycott. Morocco is not undone by despair; it is built through commitment. GENZ212 served as a revealer, expressing the aspirations of youth wanting to be heard without being manipulated, actors without being instrumentalized, a youth standing up on behalf of their parents and society as a whole. Today, through its calm, it reveals a political consciousness in gestation to which the state wants to contribute by encouraging it to take the step toward representative institutions. Thus, the anger and demands of this generation will no longer be expressed in the streets or covertly, nor quickly taken over by those who confuse freedom of expression with destabilization. This, of course, while awaiting the day their children will come to shake things up and push them out of their comfort zones, in turn. In a fragile and uncertain regional context, national cohesion remains the essential bulwark. Moroccan youth seems to have quickly understood and integrated this. A true passage into maturity. Morocco progresses, sometimes slowly, but surely, combining reform and stability, youth and responsibility. GENZ212 is not a failure but a step. That of a generation that understands real change does not improvise on social media but inscribes itself in the long term, through action, listening, and participation. Resisting today means refusing to be manipulated. It means building one’s country lucidly, not against it. Morocco thus enters a new phase where youth becomes consciousness, no longer a force of rupture but an engine of balance. This is, ultimately, the quiet revolution, a Moroccan evolution throughout its modern history. This is a particularity that only Moroccans can understand: protest, listen, dialogue, respond, combine, project, and envision oneself are the key words. Being Moroccan is a belief. Staying united is a faith. Defending the country is a devotion. It has been this way for millennia.

The compagnonnage, a forgotten path for reintegrating young NEETs... 4122

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Business -
3.1 min read.
If there is a situation requiring a quick, very quick response, it is that of the NEETs. These young people will not just disappear. As they get older, their problems, and therefore ours, will become increasingly difficult to manage and contain. The government must find sustainable solutions to reintegrate these young people who are neither employed nor in education or training, the famous NEET: Not in Employment, Education or Training. An old path could prove surprisingly modern: le compagnonnage. Inherited from artisanal traditions, this form of direct apprenticeship, which has proven itself throughout our history, has not been abandoned elsewhere. In many European countries, workshop-based learning is a cornerstone of vocational training. The idea should inspire a new Moroccan model of integration and skills transmission, restoring meaning to learning through contact with crafts. Not so long ago, this was the case even for some modern trades: hairdressing, mechanics, and others. It is time to rethink all this and also to look at what happens elsewhere in countries where childhood and its rights are perfectly protected, but where learning a trade in a workshop is not forbidden, in fact, quite the opposite. In Switzerland or Germany, the so-called "dual" system combines theoretical teaching and practical experience in a company. It enables young people to acquire a recognized qualification while participating in the productive life of the country. It is, for example, the essential pillar of Swiss excellence in watchmaking. This learning model values transmission and the accuracy of gestures, and helps keep manual and artisanal professions alive while reducing youth unemployment. Yet today, it is clear that many traditional Moroccan trades are in decline and risk disappearing due to a lack of Maâlems. Le compagnonnage places the relationship between master and apprentice at the heart of the training, along with mobility between workshops and the creation of masterpieces in which the apprentice proudly participates and sees their efforts realized, with client appreciation being the sole measure of evaluation. Vocational schools cannot offer such an emotional connection to trades. Le compagnonnage values patience, excellence, and pride in one’s craft, values that resonate with Moroccan artisanal culture. In Morocco, the situation is surprisingly paradoxical. Policies combating child labor have certainly made spectacular progress: the number of working minors has dropped by nearly 94% in twenty years. But the legislation, in its protective zeal, does not clearly distinguish illegal work from supervised apprenticeship. The result is unequivocal: workshops where knowledge of wood, leather, or metal was once passed on are closing one after another, unable to welcome apprentices without breaking the law, while hundreds of thousands of young people are abandoned to the street and its risks. This confusion between "exploitation" and "practical training" deprives hundreds of young people today of a genuine path to apprenticeship and weakens an entire sector of the national artisanal heritage. To quickly reclaim this historic force for absorbing NEETs, a revised, flexible legal framework is urgent. Once again, the lesson can come from Europe. International comparisons can offer valuable insight. In Switzerland, vocational training relies on a true alliance between schools, businesses, and local authorities. Apprenticeship is valued as a path to excellence. Young people have the opportunity and good fortune to alternate between classes and workshop practice. They gain solid experience and obtain a recognized federal certificate. This system ensures rapid integration into the labor market while guaranteeing clear protection for minors and institutional recognition of the apprentice status. The result of this pragmatism is that manual and artisanal trades remain alive and respected. In Germany, the dual model also combines theoretical training and work-based apprenticeship. It allows young people to enter the workforce early with protected and supervised status. The system is recognized for its ability to prevent youth unemployment and maintain a high level of technical skill, especially in industrial and artisanal trades. Morocco, by contrast, still struggles to structure this link between apprenticeship and training. Artisanal apprenticeship remains largely informal, subject to restrictive legislation that tends to confuse formative supervision with illegal labor. While protection for minors is generally strong, it remains unclear when it comes to practical training. This results in unequal integration of young people depending on the sector, while many traditional trades that create wealth are now threatened with disappearance due to lack of successors. The guiding philosophy of the necessary reform today should be the rehabilitation of the Maalem's role. Fortunately, Morocco still has a priceless asset: its network of master artisans, or Maâlems, guardians of centuries-old traditions in ironwork, jewelry, carpentry, and pottery. Giving these masters a legal and formative place would be a first step toward creating a Moroccan compagnonnage, adapted to local realities and oriented towards modernity. This would require reforming child labor laws to distinguish structured apprenticeship from precarious work and creating institutional bridges between traditional crafts and formal vocational training programs. This is a future path for young NEETs and these thousands of out-of-school Moroccan youth. Apprenticeship with a Maalem is not a step backward but a modern reinvention of the link between knowledge, work, and dignity. The Maâlems is a master, an educator, a transmitter of strong values. And let us not forget that this is how Fès was an industrial city, how Marrakech has kept an authenticity giving it its unique charm, how Ouarzazate is Ouarzazate, and how Chefchaouen is Chefchaouen. Framed by the state, recognized by institutions, and supported by local incentives, this model could help restore hope to a youth searching for meaning, while preserving the heritage trades that form Morocco’s cultural wealth, which sets it apart and makes it strong. In every apprentice, there is the seed of a good citizen; in every apprentice lies a small or medium enterprise.

Reform, yes. Imitate, no. Morocco facing the parliamentary illusion... 4342

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
2.7 min read.
Everywhere it has been adopted, the parliamentary model shows its limits. In Europe, repeated political crises and short-lived governments multiply, fueling citizen disenchantment. In Israel, the succession of elections within a short period illustrates chronic instability. In Great Britain, the Brexit saga revealed the flaws of a system torn between electoral legitimacy and political fragmentation. Everywhere, the logic of fragile coalitions and opportunistic compromises has transformed parliamentarism into a machine of division and a conduit for populism. Wherever parliament fragments, crisis is assured: France is painfully experiencing this today. Yet it is precisely when parliamentarism is faltering that some question the country’s institutional balance, mentioning it anachronistically as an adequate model! This observation sparks a recurring debate; some circles, seduced by an imported ideal, propose to further “parliamentarize” the political system, or even to further reduce the institutional role of the Sovereign. An alluring proposal at first glance, but dangerously disconnected from national, historical, sociological, and deeply political realities; the institutional balance in Morocco has been forged by history in coherence with geography and demographic data. Morocco is not like other countries, and its people even less so. It is a nation-state marked by a distinct particularism that stands out among many others in the region and beyond. Since the 2011 Constitution, the country has advanced on a singular trajectory: that of a balanced constitutional monarchy, combining state stability and genuine political pluralism. This subtle articulation between the historical legitimacy of the Throne and the democratic legitimacy of other institutions has allowed the country to avoid the turbulences that have struck many states in the region, with disastrous consequences, it must be said. Within this framework, the sovereign does not present himself as a partisan actor but as an institutional arbitrator guaranteeing national cohesion and the continuity of ambitious reforms undertaken. Without this moral and political authority of great subtlety, the country risks sinking into the same deadlocks experienced by other fractured parliamentary regimes torn apart by factional quarrels and personal ambitions. Shifting the debate about systemic weaknesses and imperfections toward this subject dangerously distances one from the true issue: revitalizing and cleansing political life. Calls for an increased transfer of prerogatives to Parliament often miss the real problem: the weakness of the party system. The ailment of Morocco’s political system does not stem from an excess of monarchical authority but from a deficit of credibility among other political actors. The monarchy has never prevented parties from showing competence, coherence, or boldness. Too often, they have preferred rhetoric over action, abandoning the ground and responsibility. The challenge thus lies less in weakening royal power than in moralizing public life, enhancing parliamentary oversight, and demanding competence from elected officials. Democracy is measured not only by the formal distribution of powers but by the quality of their exercise and their impact on daily life and the course of history. Since independence, Morocco's strength lies in an immutable constant: reform without rupture, modernization without renouncing its foundations. This model, sometimes criticized in the name of an imported idealism and an ideology now collapsed after having caused much harm, remains one of the few to reconcile stability, openness, and ambition. Succumbing to institutional mimicry would be a strategic error in a global context where even great democracies doubt their own mechanisms. The Moroccan people, for the most part, know this. They are even deeply convinced of it. Some even go so far as to demand that all power be concentrated in the hands of the King; a way to loudly express their exasperation with the functioning of institutions they themselves elected. What a paradox it is to vote for people and then call on the King to rid us of them! Surprising, isn’t it? This is the particularism of this nation. Morocco does not need a regime change but a political and moral awakening. The monarchy, guarantor of continuity, is not an obstacle to Moroccan democracy: it is its backbone. Unity around it is the singularity of this country that has known how to traverse history, faithful to itself. This model is unique and arouses envy of all kinds. As Hassan II reminded us, democracy has no single definition. Each people must invent its own. This lesson remains strikingly relevant: Morocco will continue its own path, that of a thoughtful balance between authority and participation, tradition and modernity— a balance that is its strength and foundation of its stability. Morocco advances, and even in great strides. As for the adventurers and political sorcerers’ apprentices: prisoners of their contradictions, illusions, and failures, they will end up stranded on the shores of history. They advance masked by slogans: the communist suddenly becomes a fervent defender of human rights, and the Islamist discovers a democratic vocation. They simply forget that history has already judged them and that models are plentiful, and Moroccans know it. They are not fooled. This is not about those who have already made their mea culpa and repented, of course, but about all the others.

Demanding citizens, forgetful citizens: the other crisis of our society... 4736

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society -
2.9 min read.
The citizen facing himself: between demands and forgetfulness In many contemporary societies and undoubtedly in ours as well, a strange trend is strengthening: that of the citizen who demands everything from the State but forgets to ask what he gives back in return. This stance of collective absolution, where responsibilities dissolve into criticism, nurtures a passive citizenship, often outraged but rarely engaged. Many blame the rulers while forgetting that it is we who voted for them and that not voting is in fact a vote for the majorities that are formed. When something goes wrong: unemployment, insecurity, education, health, the first reaction is often to accuse the State. More benefits, more justice, more transparency are demanded. This is legitimate. But in this claim, it is rare for each person to question their own role: do we pay our taxes properly? Do we respect the laws? Do we truly participate in civic life or do we prefer to leave it to the "others"? A country is not built only by the decisions of those who govern but by the conscious participation of its citizens. Public discourse often emphasizes rights: right to health, right to education, right to work, right to freedom of expression. But duties: civil, moral, and economic, are frequently forgotten. Yet, claiming a right without fulfilling a duty weakens the social contract. Everyday incivility, such as littering anywhere, cheating on taxes, circumventing rules, undermines society just as much as the major political failures we denounce. Rights are not won without fulfilling duties. Many denounce corruption as if it came from above, like dirty rain falling on innocent citizens. But the truth is more disturbing: the corrupter and the corrupted often merge in the same person. The merchant who cheats, the driver who slips a bribe to avoid a fine, the parent who seeks favoritism for their child: all participate in the same malaise. To accuse the "system" without recognizing oneself as a part of that system is to refuse to grow. Corruption is internalized and only bothers when one is its victim or when it must be protested, indulging in the taste of populism and nihilism. We peacefully, passively let ourselves be seduced by the simplistic discourse of populists. They play on anger, frustration, and fear. They provide ready-made scapegoats: the elites, foreigners, institutions. But very few listeners take the time to analyze, verify, and reason. Populism appeals because it relieves: it transforms reflection into emotion. Nihilism offers an even more dangerous pleasure: that of despair. To believe that all is lost, that all is lies, that nothing has meaning is to refuse the effort to think about reality and to participate in change. Many have a short memory and do not see the progress made, often because they do not bother to compare. Previous generations experienced misery, lack of schools, rudimentary healthcare, and permanent insecurity. Today, despite difficulties, material comfort, infrastructure, and freedoms are incomparable. Looking back is not complacency: it is a duty of lucidity to measure the path traveled. The era is one of protest without information. Our time is marked by hyper-reactivity. We contest before understanding, comment before knowing. Social networks amplify this impulse: we get outraged faster than we get informed. But an opinion not based on knowledge becomes noise, a nuisance, not a contribution. Criticism, to be legitimate, must be enlightened, supported, and verified. A responsible citizen does not just complain. He acts, informs himself, engages, and acknowledges both progress and errors. Only under these conditions can a nation evolve without sinking into sterile complaining. Did not John F. Kennedy say in his inauguration speech on January 20, 1961, his famous phrase, becoming both a personal and political signature: "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." This quote was meant to encourage Americans to first consider what they could bring to their country, not the other way around. The phrase highlights civic duty and personal responsibility within the nation framework and is perfectly transposable to us in these times. Apparently, John Kennedy was actually inspired by an older phrase spoken by a school principal in his childhood, who would say about a school called alma mater: "The youth who loves his alma mater will always ask not 'What can she do for me?' but 'What can I do for her?'" Kennedy might have replaced "alma mater" with "country" to make this patriotic motto. It raises the question of how many school principals are capable of such reflection and commitment to inspire our youth and make them aware of their duties before talking to them about their rights. Today, if the need is to formulate a new social pact to bring us all together around the same goal of moving forward and making our country even stronger, it is also appropriate to work on rephrasing a patriotic pact as it was the case at our independence or after the glorious Green March, recalling at every moment, with every breath, our motto Dieu, la Patrie, Le Roi. It is thus that all our demands will be heard, that our rights will be realized, that corruption will disappear, and that social peace will be forever established.

And if taxation became the key to our solutions in response to the anger of young people in Morocco? 5079

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Business -
3.3 min read.
At the end of September 2025, many young Moroccans protested everywhere to demand social justice, educational reforms, better access to healthcare, and the fight against corruption. This unprecedented movement, driven by Generation Z through the GenZ 212 collective, expressed deep distress in the face of precariousness, high unemployment reaching around 35% among 15-24 year olds, and a feeling of social injustice with millions of NEETs. This was predictable: recent inflation rates, the widespread decline in purchasing power, the pressure on street vendors who were suddenly targeted for eradication, some hastily decided measures linked to the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup could not remain without reaction from the population, and it was the youth who carried it. Projects that were supposed to unite us have in fact divided us. In response to this mobilization, everyone awaited attentively the speech of His Majesty King Mohammed VI on Friday, October 10, at the constitutional opening of the parliamentary session. It was the last speech before these parliamentarians. The next one in Parliament will be delivered in front of other parliamentarians of our choosing as well. We were all hanging on the Sovereign’s words, his tone, his gestures. The paternal serenity of the king reassured us from the first moments of his appearance. In perfect continuity with the Throne speech, the Sovereign insisted on responsibility and dialogue within institutions. He emphasized the importance of unity, stability, transparency, and social justice, and recalled the need for urgent reforms both in perception and structure, to build a united and prosperous Morocco. The line is drawn and the course specified: Morocco must become an emerging country and reach a GDP of 300 billion USD as soon as possible, benefiting the entire population and all regions of the country. The anger is perceived intelligently with serenity, and a clear response: based on major achievements, Morocco is embarking on a new era in its development, a more inclusive era that relies on the specificities and strengths of each region. The speech actually calls for a patriotic pact with the commitment of all. A pact in which projects do not collide but complement each other for the benefit of the people. Thus, the parliamentary session is launched and will tackle the finance bill, and it is the responsibility of the elected representatives to debate it. In the current context and to respond to royal directives, deputies as well as the government must think outside the box and debate constructively, certainly partisan but in the interest of the whole nation. In this context, taxation can become a more effective and better-adapted tool to the period we are going through and to each region. It must no longer be perceived or felt as a burden or merely a collection tool but as a strategic lever capable of supporting economic and social solutions. Too often reduced to tax collection to finance public spending, it can and must become an engine of growth, investment, and employment, particularly to meet the expectations of young people. It must become a lever for development and fairness. Among other things, it will be necessary to question the progressive tax reform between 2023 and 2026, which is debated, particularly with the rise of the corporate tax rate (IS) for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). For SMEs whose net taxable profit is less than or equal to 300,000 dirhams, the IS rate increased from 12.5% in 2023 to 17.5% in 2025, and will reach 20% in 2026. This reform aimed to adjust taxation while stimulating economic growth but raises questions about the real impact on SMEs and their capacity to invest and create jobs essential for Moroccan youth. It must be emphasized that SMEs create the most jobs in Morocco, just after the informal sector. The government, which wanted to create jobs, blocked this momentum, including by this poorly timed reform. On the contrary, SMEs which employ the most should benefit from significant tax deductions to help them grow. Internationally, several countries show that lightened taxation favors competitiveness and attracts investments, such as Ireland with a general IS rate of 12.5%. The Moroccan fiscal framework must be readjusted to stimulate growth and strengthen social justice while ensuring sufficient public revenues. The challenge in Morocco is to adopt taxation that supports economic recovery while responding to the youth's aspirations for more fairness. This requires joint commitment from the government and parliament to design a transparent, fair tax policy adapted to the reality of SMEs, informal entrepreneurs, and young workers. Taxation that leaves maximum purchasing power to citizens, thus stimulating the true engine of growth: domestic demand. A VAT of 20% does not do this. Integrating informal activities through taxation adapted to their size would allow valuing these actors as genuine entrepreneurs in the making, thus contributing to the formalization of the economy without crushing their capacities. A street vendor is actually the bearer of an SME project. How many success stories have been forged from precarious activities? Certainly, all this must be organized and regulated, but how does a young person starting a small business disturb us? The space belongs to everyone, including youth launching their own ventures without bothering anyone. Banning them makes bitter avengers ready for anything, while we are unable to offer them alternatives. In this period of social tensions and hopes for a better Morocco, taxation can become a powerful lever for economic transformation. It must be rethought not as a brake, but as a tool for collective emancipation. Deputies and ministers should read Ibn Khaldoun on this subject. Making taxation a factor of redistribution through prosperity, serving citizens and especially youth, is a path to explore to build a fairer, stronger Morocco capable of meeting tomorrow’s challenges. Moreover, promoting national successes in all fields, from entrepreneurship to sports to culture, is essential to nurture the pride and ambition of young Moroccans. The exemplary achievements of our compatriots should be mandatorily taught in schools to inspire curiosity, admiration, and serve as examples through work and innovation.

His Majesty King Mohammed VI: A Style Rooted in Responsibility, Justice, and Development for All 5085

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
3.2 min read.
Faithful to the line and logic he has established since the first day of his reign, His Majesty King Mohammed VI has once again confirmed his style. “Style is the man himself,” said Buffon in his famous speech at the French Academy in 1753. By this phrase, Buffon meant that style reflects the personality, thought, and sensitivity of the one who writes or speaks. In other words, the way ideas are expressed is as valuable as the ideas themselves, because it reveals, in a noble sense, what the man truly is: his character, rigor, taste, and intelligence. This reflection came to me from the very first steps of His Majesty as he descended from his car. His step is firm and his gait serene. He heads towards what represents a strong symbol of modern Morocco: the Parliament. The place where once a year the royal institution, the representatives elected by the people, and the government meet. An annual meeting that serves as a powerful symbol of the functioning and solidity of the country, just as Moroccans wished in 2011. All the country’s vital forces are there. His Majesty greets those present, all dressed in white, a symbol of purity. They scrutinize his gestures and hang on his words, their breaths low or heavy. The moment is serious. Eyes lower. Ears try to catch every word. Minds are focused. From the first words spoken, Buffon’s maxim is reversed: “Man is style.” The aphorism opens up another field of interpretation, perhaps more modern: style also shapes the man through education, culture, elegance in language and appearance. This is what was offered to us. His Majesty King Mohammed VI holds a fundamental conviction: institutions. Everything must happen within institutions and come only through institutions. On this October 10th, he reiterated this without ambiguity and with no roundabout phrasing. The words were finely chosen, but the speech was direct. Five key words will resonate beneath the beautiful dome. They will swirl above the heads of our valiant deputies and ministers throughout a full legislature: 1. Responsibility: His Majesty the King insisted on the seriousness and sense of duty of parliamentarians and the government in the final legislative year, emphasizing the necessity to act with integrity and efficiency in the service of the homeland. 2. Social Justice: A reaffirmed priority to fight inequalities and guarantee fair living conditions for all Moroccans, in line with national economic projects. 3. Reforms: A call to complete and accelerate ongoing structural reforms to consolidate the Kingdom’s democratic and socio-economic achievements. This is a key message of the speech. 4. Unity: The Sovereign launched an appeal for unity and the mobilization of all energies to defend the higher interest of the Nation and strengthen social cohesion. 5. Transparency: The promotion of transparency and citizen communication around public initiatives is highlighted as a key factor for trust and good governance. The royal speech of October 10, 2025, delivered by His Majesty King Mohammed VI before the Moroccan Parliament, marked a turning point full of hope and commitment for the final legislative year. The Sovereign strongly recalled the importance of “seriousness and sense of duty for the Nation’s representatives,” calling to “complete ongoing reforms, accelerate project implementation, and remain vigilant in defending citizen causes, while prioritizing the general interest.” One of the key elements of the speech is the undeniable coherence between economic ambitions and social programs. The Sovereign emphasized that there could be no contradiction between these two fundamental dimensions, which must imperatively “converge to improve the living conditions of all Moroccans and ensure balanced territorial development.” This vision underscores the royal commitment to build a Morocco where economic growth rhymes with social justice. His Majesty also insisted on the need for increased territorial justice, calling for integrated policies targeting the most fragile regions, such as mountainous areas, oases, or expanding rural centers. This approach aims to “facilitate access to services and stimulate local development,” while emphasizing “the importance of sustainable coastal management,” hinting at an ecological dimension and the possible threat of industries. These measures reflect a strong will for equity and territorial solidarity. In a spirit of unity, the Sovereign made a vigorous appeal for the mobilization of all actors, urging deputies and institutions to “mobilize all their energies in the supreme interest of the Nation” and to promote “transparency and citizen communication around public initiatives.” Facing the challenges, this unity is presented as a necessary force to support reforms and ensure the country’s sustainable progress. The speech fits a positive logic of institutional continuity, rigor, and collective ambition, making Morocco a “fairer, more modern and solidarity-based country.” Despite a national context marked by social movements, the royal message remains focused on constructive dialogue, fighting inequalities, and trusting institutions. This speech is thus a clear roadmap for a Morocco progressing with responsibility and justice, driven by an ambitious vision for a shared future. It confirms the style of a monarch adored by a people aware that everything must happen within institutions, in accordance with the constitution desired by the people’s will in 2011. Faithful to his convictions and his supreme mission as Commander of the Faithful, he recalls: “Whoever does the weight of an atom of good will see it, and whoever does the weight of an atom of evil will see it.” (Surah Az-Zalzala, verses 7 and 8). Az-Zalzala means “the great earthquake.” These verses express that nothing escapes divine justice: every act, no matter how small, will be accounted for on Judgment Day. The Sovereign’s choice is not accidental. Firmness is present. Isn’t he here making an extrapolation beyond the circumstance, in the most solemn context, to remind everyone of the imperative accountability and the firmness awaiting the corrupt and the deviants? These were the last words of His Majesty before this parliament, before concluding, and they are heavy, very heavy with meaning. The Monarch speaks little but says everything clearly and calmly. That is his style.

Walking Barefoot: The Urgency of a Political Awakening in Morocco... 4505

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
3.1 min read.
The current Moroccan context is intense, though not unprecedented. Morocco has experienced others before. The protests shaking several cities across the Kingdom, notably led by the collective GenZ 212, are not mere mood swings. They reflect a deep, multifaceted, and long-contained social anger. Inspired perhaps by youth movements seen elsewhere, these protests are rooted in a distinctly Moroccan reality: a young, connected, educated people but disillusioned with a system they believe no longer meets their expectations. This anger is multiple and undeniably legitimate, voiced on behalf of all generations. The demands focus on recurring but now explosive themes: fighting corruption, the deterioration of certain everyday public services like education and healthcare, the crisis of unemployed graduates, and dangerously widening social inequalities. To this is added a direct critique of the government's economic priorities. This youth, which no longer identifies with official rhetoric, expresses a new demand: a fairer, more transparent, and closer government. It calls for alignment between political speech and public action. This is not a depoliticized generation as some would like to think, but a generation that rejects pretenses and technocratic answers. It practices politics on the internet, often without realizing it. It speaks the language of everyday life: the price of chicken, healthcare, transport—not inflation rates or macroeconomic indices. It expresses itself through clicks, avatars, emojis, and stickers. It writes Darija in Latin letters and numbers. It seeks information quickly, responds instantly and succinctly. It dislikes long speeches it finds tedious. It lives in a globalized world but proudly claims its Moroccan specificity. When a citizen complains about the price of tomatoes, it's not an indicator’s graph or an IMF report that will reassure them; they speak in dirhams, not percentages. So what else can be done if not for decision-makers to walk barefoot from time to time? Walking barefoot means returning to reality. It means feeling the country. In this tense climate, the metaphor of the late Hassan II inviting architects to “walk barefoot to feel the country” takes on a striking resonance. Originally meant to emphasize understanding Morocco’s soul before building, it has become a political imperative today. Walking barefoot means stepping down from one’s pedestal, leaving air-conditioned offices, abandoning PowerPoints and slogans to listen to the ground. It means accepting to feel the dust of rural roads, hear the cries from saturated hospitals, share the despair of teachers, or the loneliness of unemployed youth. They must understand what a “two-speed Morocco” means, denounced by His Majesty King Mohammed VI himself. Part of the country lives in modernity, connected and optimistic, visible in infrastructure projects and international forums. The other, the majority, struggles with precariousness, poverty anxiety, neglect, and injustice. The gap between the two is widening. It is precisely this gap that the current protests expose. A few years ago, hope was born for a new development model, requested by His Majesty the King himself. What is its status today? Where is this model and its recommendations? The New Development Model (NDM), much praised at its launch, seems today to have been lost within bureaucratic and communication labyrinths. Its ambitions were high: reduce inequalities, strengthen social cohesion, encourage initiative. But on the ground, Moroccans hardly see the fruits. It has simply been forgotten. The prevailing impression is one of an increasing gap between promises and reality, between triumphant speeches and citizens’ daily life. This disenchantment is not only economic but also moral: trust is eroding, public discourse is losing meaning. Youth has forever been the moral compass of nations. It says out loud what others think quietly. The youth mobilization acts as a salutary shock. The movement is not monolithic: it unites students, unemployed youth, young workers, artists, teachers. But all share a common feeling: having been sidelined by a political and economic system that offers no prospects. This youth does not attack their country; it wants to save it from a threatening drift. It demands social justice, dignity, and respect. It wants not only to be spoken about but to be spoken with. It is a call for a rebuilding of social and political bonds, for genuine and sincere listening. The biggest mistake those in power could make is to underestimate this anger, or worse, to despise it. In a world where frustrations are expressed online before hitting the streets, ignoring youth voices sets the stage for a worse crisis. The urgency is to rediscover the spirit of this millennial country. Today, walking barefoot means returning to essentials: - Visiting village schools where children lack everything, - Visiting hospitals where some doctors perform miracles with nothing, but others are absent or resting after working elsewhere, - Listening to mothers who struggle to feed their families, - Understanding youth who refuse to live waiting for an administrative miracle. A country is not governed by PowerPoint slides, reports commissioned from foreign agencies, or promises crafted for social networks. It is governed with an awareness of reality, with the sense of the people, and the will to fix what hurts. Morocco has often proven its ability to overcome crises by reinventing itself. It still has the human, cultural, and institutional resources to do so. But this requires a change of perspective, a reconciliation with the truth on the ground, and a renewed political humility. Walking barefoot means reconnecting with deep Morocco, the Morocco that suffers but also hopes. It also means telling citizens hard truths when it errs and when it is itself the cause of its own misery. Walking barefoot means pushing young people to work and innovate. Only on this condition can social peace, national cohesion, and the country’s future be guaranteed.

The GenZ212 Letter: A Quest for Recognition and Royal Protection... 4480

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
2.6 min read.
Far be it from me to amplify the so-called letter from a collective claiming to represent GenZ212, but it is necessary to acknowledge that it deserves a critical reading and analysis to understand both its explicit and implicit content. Psychologically, the appeal to "express a need for recognition" is evident: the very act of addressing His Majesty the King directly reflects a search for symbolic validation. The authors seek to feel heard and to exist in the public space. The use of frustration language in their grievances conveys an emotional charge, mixing disappointment in economic, social, and identity challenges with aspirations for a better future. The letter reveals a tension between ideal and reality, illustrating a typical psychological divide of this generation: high ambition and demand but also fragility and a sense of powerlessness in the face of structural blocks. One can see a projection onto a paternal figure: His Majesty the King is viewed as the ultimate arbitrator, the supreme recourse, implicitly demanding protection and repair, which intermediate institutions have failed to provide. Sociologically, this is a generation searching for collective identity: the very name GENZ212 (212 being Morocco’s telephone code) reflects a claim of group identification, no longer just as isolated individuals. This highlights an emerging generational consciousness amid distrust towards established structures. The letter reveals criticism of the state, political parties, unions, and traditional institutions seen as disconnected from youth realities. This youth evolves in a world different from previous generations, using digital tools as leverage. The preference for direct channels (social networks, petitions, public letters) over traditional mediation reveals a sociological shift in collective action modes, underpinned by social and territorial inequalities. The grievances likely illuminate fractures in education, employment, housing, social mobility, access to culture, and health. These themes reflect a society where youth feel the social elevator blocked, aligning with the general sentiment and sadly overlooking many progress made. Politically, the letter acts as a symbolic contestation. Addressing His Majesty directly can be seen as implicit criticism of governance and intermediaries, bypassing classic political channels. It raises questions of legitimacy: GENZ212 does not speak for all Moroccan youth but claims to represent them, raising issues of representativeness and possible political co-optation. It is probably a signal to decision-makers: if institutional dialogue channels remain closed, youth may permanently turn away from institutions and radicalize their discourse. The positive point is a genuine bet on the future. By turning to His Majesty the King, they place trust in the royal authority to drive structural reform, a sign both of loyalty and failure of democratic mediations. The letter also invites critical reading of style and tone. The style is direct but sometimes naive. It adopts a frank, often unfiltered tone typical of young generations used to spontaneous expression on social media, blogs, or videos. This gives authenticity but sometimes sacrifices argumentative rigor and credibility. The tone oscillates between respect and defiance. The text addresses His Majesty with marks of deference while openly criticizing society and the state. This dual register expresses tension and hope: wanting to challenge political leaders while remaining within the bounds of monarchical loyalty. Use of collective vocabulary (“we, the youth,” “our generation,” “the country's future”) shows a desire to speak on behalf of a community. However, the overemphasis sometimes feels more emotional than programmatic. The language is symbolic and identity-focused, with no clear prioritization of grievances. The claims are listed as frustrations without clear structuring into priorities or concrete proposals. Thus, it is more a plaintive tone than strategic approach. The style is hybrid, mixing activism and advocacy, revealing hesitation between a militant manifesto and a petition addressed solemnly and respectfully to the supreme authority. This perfectly reflects a generation still finding its discursive register, convinced like its elders that improvements must come through the nation’s chosen and defended framework. The style and tone reinforce the letter’s heartfelt character: sincere, emotional, and collective. However, they suffer from lack of rhetorical maturity (weak structure, redundancies, slogans rather than solutions). Politically, the remarks aim to symbolically touch and spark public debate. The GenZ212 letter is thus a hybrid act combining psychological distress, sociological claim, and political gesture. It highlights: - A feeling of exclusion and marginalization among youth, - A need for recognition and direct listening, - A questioning of intermediaries, - A strong expectation towards the monarchy as guardian of justice and a radiant future. Ultimately, the GenZ212 letter is a quest for recognition and royal protection. It is worth noting that the phenomenon is not unique to Morocco and arrived through osmosis as it exists in many parts of the world. These movements are often amplified by digital platforms, turning isolated frustrations into collective mobilizations despite geographical or cultural differences, development gaps, and democracy levels. It is also important to note the proximity of manipulation and nihilistic speech impact.

GenZ 212: the Imperative of a New Political and Social Pact... 4514

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
2.6 min read.
In a Morocco pulsating with change, a new breath sweeps through its streets and squares. Imagine, for a moment, the gaze of a young person walking down the avenues of Rabat, their heart filled with an unshakable conviction: that their country must urgently rewrite its destiny, redefine its governance, and above all, give its youth the place they deserve, as builders worthy of their dreams. This Morocco, once proud of its 2011 Constitution born of a hopeful protest movement, now seems mired in suffocating practices that fuel frustration and stagnation. So many promises inscribed in that text have gone unfulfilled, so many provisions willfully forgotten. The demanding youth, thirsty for justice and inclusion, feel this deeply. For them, it is experienced as a painful fracture. The world is accelerating with a relentless rhythm, and that fracture is palpable everywhere: nearly 30% of Moroccans are under 30. Yet key decisions are made in the shadows, far from their aspirations, in the hands of aging elites clinging to power, elites who lack humility and bristle at lessons from the younger generation. The divide also runs through the youth themselves. Many passionate young activists, full of innovation, openly reject recent disturbances. “We do not want to be represented by incompetents, troublemakers, or those who tarnish our cause,” they assert firmly. Yet the feeling of exclusion burns in their words: “We are the future, the Morocco of tomorrow, yet we are pushed to the margins; our voices remain unheard.” Parliament, regional councils, political parties, impenetrable strongholds, all hold the keys to change tightly. How, then, can genuine reform be hoped for? Faced with this reality, the dream of profound overhaul goes far beyond mere formal adjustments. It calls for a genuine institutional leap, one that fully includes youth and neglected territories. Among the proposals are the reintroduction of generational quotas in assemblies to guarantee tangible representation, lowering eligibility ages to inject fresh air into politics, and creating consultative bodies where young voices are not just background noise but concrete levers for action. Ironically, the Youth Council envisioned by the Constitution, a space meant for unity and expression, remains a dead letter after three successive governments. Health and education issues have only served as detonators. The discussion quickly expanded into another battle: resistance to regional suffocation. Centralization, that stubborn relic, continues to strangle territorial potential. The promised regionalization of 2011 has never delivered the political and financial autonomy necessary for each region to become an independent engine of development. It is probably time for regions to truly decide their own paths, manage their resources, and drive their own projects, including in health and education. Far from weakening the Moroccan nation, this would strengthen it. At the heart of these debates lies a fundamental demand: national sovereignty built on inclusion and trust. In a fragile world fraught with economic, climatic, and geopolitical crises, Morocco must reinforce legitimacy through participation and justice. Was it not Mahdi Elmandjra who said, “A country that ignores the potential of its youth has no future”? Today, more than ever, a new social pact must emerge, based on justice, shared responsibility, and genuine participation. This youth, driven by unprecedented energy, has rediscovered courage. Rooted in history and loyal to the monarchy, it dares to envision a Morocco turned toward tomorrow. Democracy is no longer an abstract luxury, it is the sine qua non for sustainable development and a harmonious society, the key to forever breaking down the wall of a two-speed Morocco. This awakening Morocco calls for revising political mechanisms, an essential opportunity to build a fairer, more inclusive country where young people become masters of their destiny. They no longer identify with traditional models. They do not simply *live* on the internet, they *build* their professions, their world, their culture, and their lives there. Their universe is called Discord, TikTok, Instagram. It is not only a playground, but an exposed space where joys and frustrations are expressed, and where manipulation lurks. It is time for everyone to realize: this movement is irreversible. It moves in rhythm with a world in perpetual, exponentially accelerating change. We must accept it, fully embrace this deep transformation, and understand that **GenZ212** simply demands a new political and social pact. At the same time, this same GenZ212 must not overlook that today’s living conditions are far better than those of their parents, and even more so their grandparents, and that the country’s development indicators are largely positive, with a spectacular decline in poverty rates. Morocco is producing elites at a remarkable pace and now needs investments, reforms, and economic dynamism to absorb them. This transformation is underway, and it is the role of politics to explain it.

Media and Intellectual Nihilism: A Poison for Public Debate in Morocco 4154

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society -
2.3 min read.
For some time now, a worrying phenomenon has been spreading in the Moroccan public space: the rise of a nihilistic discourse, sometimes fatalistic and in some aspects anarchistic, propagated by influencers, a certain football audience, journalists, some academics, and even political leaders. This discourse, marked by a radical rejection of any perspective or the multiple tangible signs of progress, reflects a troubling intellectual and civic drift. Instead of stimulating collective reflection and citizen engagement, it fosters distrust, resignation, and disenchantment with the country's future, its institutions, and perhaps even its mode of operation. The prevailing impression is that of a pessimistic trap with no exit. This nihilism expresses itself through rhetoric saturated with despair and defeatism. Themes of health and education are overused as if they were completely at a standstill. Yet, tens of thousands of Moroccans are successfully treated daily in public hospitals, and all children attend school, many achieving spectacular success that draws admiration internationally. The discourse reduces Morocco to a state of chronic failure, trapped by political, economic, and social blockages, condemned never to progress. Yet, such a radical and caricatural view obscures the real advances the country has made over recent decades: modern infrastructure, stability in a troubled region, and steady, even impressive, improvements in all social indicators. Admittedly, these improvements remain insufficient and sometimes unevenly distributed, but outright denial amounts to ignoring the complexity of development, which no model—economic, societal, or political—has managed to resolve perfectly. Unfortunately, voices spreading these views gain an audience and create a toxic climate for society. Mixed with ideology and unhealthy negativity, they often present religion as a political solution to all problems, while international experience disproves this. The dissemination of such discourse has consequences. It fuels collective powerlessness and weakens trust in institutions. By instilling the idea that any reform effort is doomed to fail, it encourages social resignation and lays fertile ground for latent, undefined, and immeasurable anger. This context favors demagogic excess, media escalation, and the systematic rejection of any political initiative. Ultimately, instead of awakening consciences, this nihilism plunges minds into ideological paralysis. Young people are particularly threatened by this, already facing immense challenges like unemployment, limited access to opportunities, and the quest for social recognition. They are especially exposed to such disorienting messages. Deprived of positive role models, they are tempted toward fatalism, losing confidence in the future and renouncing any form of civic engagement. Yet, a society that despairs of its youth condemns itself to stagnation and decline. Official media, hampered by lethargy, disconnection from reality, or an unjustified fear of taking risks—both from their leaders and journalists—do little to impose or at least propose an alternative discourse of lucidity and hope. This is not to deny Morocco’s real challenges: corruption, social inequalities, incompatibility of the education system with modernity, unproductive universities in knowledge and innovation, health system exclusions in some regions, lack of effective governance in many sectors, excessive administrative weight, among others. But these challenges cannot justify an exclusively bleak interpretation of reality. The responsibility of intellectuals, journalists, and media figures is to propose a critical but constructive vision. The urgency is to rehabilitate a discourse of balanced lucidity, which recognizes blockages while valuing progress margins. A discourse that denounces failures without annihilating hope. A discourse that highlights shortcomings but also offers solutions. A discourse that holds citizens responsible, that critiques their initiatives and behaviors, that highlights their rights but above all their duties and obligations. The prevailing nihilism that settles in parts of Moroccan public debate is a slow but dangerous poison. It undermines trust, deepens social fractures, and diverts youth from constructive action and responsibility. Morocco needs critical but responsible voices capable of nurturing a collective project founded on trust, innovation, and the will to build. Without this, society risks locking itself in a vicious circle where cynicism suffocates imagination and inertia becomes inevitable. Long ago, some were convinced the country was bankrupt; they spoke of an imminent "heart attack." Nothing of the sort happened. On the contrary, the country has advanced, continually progressing, modernizing, and developing. Morocco is increasingly asserting itself in economic emergence and social development, which must not be denied.

At 80 years old, the UN wavers between its founding ideal and tragic impotence… 3994

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
As every year, at the end of September, the opening of the General Assembly seeks solemnity, and is often described as historic. But is the world really gathered here to decide its future? Is it truly within these walls that decisions that matter are made? As always, it falls to the Secretary-General to make the assessment and take stock. Before the General Assembly in New York, the Secretary-General of the United Nations once again gravely recalled the primary purpose of the Organization, born 80 years ago as a bulwark against chaos, war, and barbarism. The UN, he stressed, has never been an abstract ideal, but a pragmatic tool to safeguard humanity’s survival through three pillars: cooperation, law, and peace. Yet the tone, the words, and the expressions of the valiant Secretary-General left no doubt: he is powerless, and his organization is withering. One could sense he himself was shaken by the bleak diagnosis he delivered about our times. This founding reminder was followed by an implacable assessment: the principles of the UN Charter are increasingly flouted. Wars, invasions, famines, and climate crises are multiplying. From Sudan to Ukraine, from Gaza to the Sahel, deep in Africa, conflicts take root and drag on, with hardly a glimmer of hope for a just resolution. Whole generations will bear the mark. The scars will not fade any time soon. Truth and human dignity are instrumentalized, while social and environmental fractures deepen. With a tone mixing lucidity and anxiety, the Secretary-General posed the question underlying his entire speech: *“What world will we choose?”* He then shifted into a more diplomatically acceptable address, tinged with a hint of optimism. True to his role, he outlined five crucial choices for the future. Will he be heard? He knows perfectly well the answer is no. **1. Peace rooted in international law.** He called for condemning violations of the Charter and the impunity of aggressors. He pleaded for ceasefires, an end to foreign interference, and a reform of the Security Council. Yet that very evening, bombs would still fall, and innocent bodies would still litter the ground. **2. Human rights as the foundation of peace.** Equality, dignity, and social justice were placed at the heart of the speech. But are we truly equal before the law? Who still believes it? **3. Climate justice.** Weary, the old man reminded the Assembly of the urgent need to accelerate the energy transition, denouncing fossil fuel subsidies and pointing to the colossal financial needs of the Global South: $1.3 trillion per year by 2035. But what is that word “justice” worth in a world where the president of the leading scientific, economic, and military power dismisses renewable energy as a “scam”? Who is to be believed? **4. Technology in the service of humanity.** Artificial intelligence was cited as a major challenge: a promise of innovation, but also a risk of autonomous weapons, mass surveillance, and new digital divides. He called for a universal framework of governance. But who will respect it, other than those already respecting the rules? **5. Strengthening the UN for the 21st century.** The Secretary-General denounced the glaring imbalance between military spending and investments for peace, calling for a renewed and effective multilateralism. Yet in this hall designed to gather humanity around universal values, who is still listening? Is multilateralism not dying a quiet death, abandoned by the great powers themselves? The speech was meant to be solemn and mobilizing. Words were carefully chosen: impunity, chaos, famine, horrors. Rhetorical questions and binary oppositions (“brute force or laws?”, “the law of the strongest or universal rights?”) punctuated his address. Through the collective *“we”*, António Guterres recalled the preamble of the Charter: *“We, the peoples of the United Nations.”* But, like a weary sage, he mostly sketched a political and moral roadmap. As a lucid man, he knows his speech will change nothing. He has done his duty. He absolves himself. This speech, to which only tears were missing, was not just an assessment, but a call to action. It sought to reaffirm the central role of the UN and to underline that the challenges of our time—wars, climate, artificial intelligence, human rights—transcend borders. Between the lines, the central message was clear: revitalizing multilateralism is not an ideological option, but a vital necessity. But vital for whom? Facing a fragmented world, the UN wishes to become once again the voice of unity and hope. But to whom is this message addressed, if not to the powerful who stopped listening long ago? The rest of the world will applaud. Future generations will judge. *“Le machin” (“that thing”), as De Gaulle once called it, has never seemed so powerless.* Now comes the turn of the fine speeches of those present. Speeches carefully written by scribes and *performed* by a few actors and many extras. In any case, see you next year—no doubt with more injustice, more suffering, more lawlessness, more tragedies, and more meaningless deaths.

“Peace and Return with Dignity”: A Sahrawi Collective Calls for Voluntary Return to Morocco 3720

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Founded in June 2025 in Nouadhibou by Sahrawis living in Mauritania, Europe, and the Tindouf camps in Algeria, a collective named “Peace and Return with Dignity” seeks to promote the voluntary return of “refugees” to Morocco. Under the leadership of Badi Abdelaziz—who presents himself as a former separatist military cadre turned opponent of the Polisario Front, the group issued an appeal in September 2025 to the Moroccan authorities, requesting facilitation of repatriation for Sahrawis under safe and dignified conditions. While Moroccan press outlets relayed this initiative, it has remained largely absent from the media in the neighboring country and its proxy, for obvious reasons. The collective denounces the “difficult” and “inhumane” conditions endured by populations in the Tindouf camps, blaming the Polisario’s oppressive administration and calling for guarantees of safety and dignity for those wishing to return. This initiative highlights both humanitarian concerns already raised by several NGOs and the voices of Sahrawis themselves seeking to break free from dominant structures (the Polisario Front and the Algerian military authorities). The stakes are therefore both humanitarian and political. According to Badi Abdelaziz, the initiative aligns with the recommendations previously emphasized by Morocco’s UN ambassador, Omar Hilale, who underlined that "refugee" return requires an official census, a demand made for years by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) but never carried out, blocked by Algeria’s military junta. A census is considered a prerequisite to identify those eligible for return. As widely known, not all those held in Tindouf originate from the region. The collective therefore aims to ensure a transparent and rights-based return, while challenging the Polisario’s political control over the camps. The population, weary of harsh living conditions, is increasingly aware of the false propaganda and of its exploitation by the Polisario separatists for agendas far removed from official rhetoric. UN agencies, in their Sahrawi Refugees Response Plan 2024-2025, estimate funding needs at nearly USD 104 million to assist those held in Tindouf, underlining their total dependence on international aid. These figures reflect the gravity of the situation, which fuels both diplomatic and humanitarian debates on the so-called Western Sahara issue, especially as many reports, backed by evidence, stress the systematic diversion of aid. The group’s call must also be seen in the light of the geopolitical evolution of this dossier with its multiple regional and international ramifications. The international community, and major powers first and foremost, are weary of the situation Algeria created and continues to maintain at exorbitant cost, at the expense of its own development, the well-being of its people, and regional security. In this context, the roles of Mauritania and Algeria are central. Mauritania, though relatively neutral, nevertheless hosted and tolerated the launch of this collective in Nouadhibou, perhaps signaling a shift or a willingness to open more pragmatic dialogue. Algeria, on the other hand, remains the Polisario’s staunchest political and military backer. The reality today is that Algeria’s military junta uses this conflict to boost regional influence, counter Morocco’s growing weight, and above all export its failures and chronic shortcomings, despite the country’s immense wealth. The Morocco-Algeria rivalry, fueled solely by Algiers, is further exacerbated by this issue, blocking regional progress such as Maghreb reunification and broader economic integration. The conflict hampers cooperation on trade, security, and migration, at a time when the region faces shared challenges like terrorism, irregular migration, and climate change. International actors also play a pivotal role and increasingly seem eager to fast-track a resolution. The United States, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and other EU, African, Asian, and Latin American countries have clearly aligned with Morocco’s position, recognizing the Moroccan sovereignty of the territories in question on the basis of factual and objective arguments. The recent visit of Minister Bourita to Beijing also appears to support this trend. Officially, however, the status quo remains, at least until the next UN Security Council meeting on the matter. Morocco has consolidated its network of support thanks to its autonomy plan, arguing that it represents the realistic solution that respects territorial integrity and national unity. This proposal appeals to partners faced with the chimera of independence promoted by Algeria’s proxy. Security considerations weigh heavily as well. The Sahara is a strategic corridor for drug and arms trafficking, raising alarms among Western powers. Stability in the area is therefore crucial not only for local populations but also for regional and international security. The “Peace and Return with Dignity” collective thus offers a fresh internal perspective: a significant portion of Sahrawis rejects prolonging the conflict at the cost of continued suffering. Its endorsement of autonomy within the Kingdom and its clear call for voluntary return are signals that cannot be ignored in the regional diplomatic calculus. Still, it remains difficult to assess the collective’s exact representativeness compared with other factions, whose influence and independence are often hard to gauge. Moreover, the regional context, marked by tensions such as those between Mali and Algiers, contradictory interests, and major security challenges, continues to complicate rapid progress. In the meantime, those held in Tindouf camps continue to live in precarious conditions, underscoring the urgency of reinforced humanitarian action. Only Morocco’s proposed political framework ensures rights and respects the dignity of the affected populations. Balancing political settlement, strategic ambitions, and humanitarian urgency remains the key to unlocking this protracted issue, one whose resolution will largely shape the future stability of North Africa. It is in this context that upcoming Security Council debates on this artificial conflict, which has dragged on for far too long, should take place.

World Athletics Championships Tokyo 2025: American Domination and Morocco's Decline 3799

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
1.9 min read.
The 2025 World Athletics Championships in Tokyo gathered a record participation, with medals won by athletes from 53 different countries, marking a notable increase compared to previous editions. This reflects the steady growth of athletics worldwide, which remains the most universal sport. Tokyo confirmed the historic dominance of the United States, which won 26 medals (16 gold, 5 silver, 5 bronze), followed by Kenya (7 gold, 2 silver, 2 bronze) and Canada. Representing Africa, Botswana ranked 5th (2 gold and 1 bronze), a position Morocco held in Seville 1999 (2 gold, 2 silver, 1 bronze). The United States maintained its supremacy, notably thanks to a highly effective team of sprinters and relay runners, including athletes like Jefferson-Wooden and Noah Lyles, the latter securing his 10th world championship medal, symbolizing longevity and consistency at the highest level. Kenya, bolstered by its long- and middle-distance runners, remained among the top nations, confirming Africa’s tradition of excellence in these disciplines. Canada, the Netherlands, Botswana, New Zealand, and Spain completed the list of the most medaled nations, illustrating a diverse rise in global athletics. Africa again demonstrated a significant presence, particularly in the middle-distance and 3000 m steeplechase events, key disciplines for the region. Among the titleholders were Kenyan Beatrice Chebet, winner of the 5000 m and 10,000 m, and Faith Kipyegon, victorious in the 1500 m and silver medalist in the 5000 m. Botswana’s victories in the men's 400 m and 4x400 m relay illustrate Africa's growing strength in events it is gradually mastering. Tanzania’s win in the men's marathon was also a highlight. El Bakkali, highly anticipated in the 3000 m steeplechase, stood out despite not defending his title. Maintaining such longevity in a demanding event is no easy feat. The competition also highlighted the strengthening of African mixed relays, with South Africa's team setting the only African continental record, in the mixed 4x400 m relay. This underscores the continent's tactical and collective development. African performances also emphasize the need for targeted investments in disciplines where the continent traditionally excels, alongside growing interest in mixed and team events, linking to a more strategic and inclusive approach to athletics. Although African participation remains strong both quantitatively and qualitatively, results call for strategic reflection ahead of future competitions to enhance competitiveness and sustainable success, especially considering the decline of male athletes in the 5000 m and 10,000 m events. In the country ranking, two major African disappointments stand out: Ethiopia’s drop from 6th place in 2023 to 22nd, and notably Morocco’s fall from 13th to 35th place. This edition confirmed Morocco’s decline, which for over 20 years has struggled to regain success except for the valiant Soufiane. The results are not even encouraging: among 18 athletes entered, only one female and one male finished the marathon, while others had to withdraw. Only one female athlete, Raziki in the 800 m with a personal best, advanced to the second round, and just two men reached the final: El Bakkali, of course, and the young Salaheddine Ben Yazide, who placed 5th in the 3000 m steeplechase. Once a significant player, Morocco now faces the challenge of renewal to remain competitive amid increasingly dense global competition. The mediocrity of the results raises serious questions and should prompt authorities to draw lessons from this decline, which Moroccan public opinion struggles to accept, as evidenced by numerous social media posts and discussions. The country lacks neither expertise, resources, infrastructure, competent staff, nor political will.

Political Participation in Morocco, Crisis of Representativity, and the Emergence of New Forms of Protest 3680

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
3.1 min read.
As Morocco prepares for a major electoral milestone in 2026, announced by His Majesty the King who wishes it to be exemplary, the political landscape appears deeply shaken and even disconnected from reality. A recent report from the Moroccan Center for Conjuncture reveals that 91.5% of Moroccans do not identify with political parties and 94.8% do not trust them. They rate their performance poorly, a striking indicator of an unprecedented crisis of trust and representativity. Regarding Parliament, 89.5% of citizens evaluate it negatively. This dissatisfaction rate is close to that recorded for the government: 87.3% strongly criticize its performance, while only 1.1% express a positive opinion about it. Even more worrying, financial compensation tops the list as a motivation to vote for one candidate or another, while affiliation to a political current represents only 13.7%. This is a troubling finding. The turnout in previous elections already constituted a revealing index of a true political disengagement. The current situation is in fact nothing but a prolonged expression of distrust toward the political system. This distrust, which is not new, has probably intensified considerably. Rejection now goes beyond simple disinterest in voting. It is a "global rejection" of the partisan system, perceived as incapable of responding to the real expectations and needs of citizens. Having experienced various political trends without meaningful results, they increasingly trust only His Majesty the King and express this loudly. The rupture is fueled by structural problems: youth unemployment rate reaching 36.7% in 2024 according to some sources, growing social precariousness, and a feeling of abandonment in rural and remote areas. What is new today are the increasingly numerous voices rising outside the ballot box and the political calendar as provided by the Constitution. Disinterest in parties does not mean total disengagement. On the contrary, new forms of political participation are emerging locally. In Aït Bouguemaz, in the High Atlas, as in many villages and hamlets, inhabitants no longer hesitate to demand essential infrastructure and take over roads to make themselves heard. Everywhere, often driven by youth, people mobilize to denounce exclusion and lack of economic prospects. Some demand access to drinking water, others express a diffuse unease, a form of dissatisfaction not always clearly articulated. The urban environment is no exception. In Agadir, gatherings have raised alarms about the crisis in the health system and failures of a hospital that was once a flagship of public health. It has even been reported that demonstrations are banned in front of some other hospitals in various regions. When these actions, escaping traditional electoral frameworks, express a spontaneous will for citizen engagement, they are very welcome and legitimate. But when demands are tinged with ideological language, nihilistic expressions, or manipulated by populism fueled by some politicians or by improvised self-appointed pundits armed with a phone or microphone, the situation becomes more worrying. It should also be noted that disconnected appointments, the detachment of many officials from reality, and the inefficiency of often costly programming do not help. In response, the population expresses itself in its own ways: in public, on social media, during football matches or cultural events. Some even question the strategic choices of the State, denounce World Cup projects or the TGV, and draw critical parallels between their region and the more favored areas of the country. These claims are generally perceived as legitimate and receive strong popular echo. The general feeling is that the balance Morocco has always sought between freedom and equality no longer satisfies. The demands reflect a malaise and a disavowal of public policies, both among entrepreneurs who create wealth and those who claim more equality, often implicitly meaning taking more from those who have to redistribute. Those who contribute, rightly so, already feel they give a lot. As for civil servants, whose salary is guaranteed every month-end, they are also dissatisfied as their purchasing power deteriorates year after year. Official political discourse and reassuring information no longer suffice. Citizens demand concrete results, at home, in their regions, in their villages. The key word is "tahmiche": this feeling of exclusion often rightly experienced, although in some cases citizens are also responsible, whether through their vote for incompetent people or their lack of initiative. Welfare policies play a significant role here as well. Most concerning is that youth seem to oscillate between disillusionment due to frustration and innovation in their modes of expression. They project an image of themselves claiming rights but not always considering their duties. The rejection of the traditional system does not mean a total withdrawal from the political sphere. This new generation, connected and aware of national and global issues, favors more direct and creative forms of action. However, this marginalization of traditional institutions is a warning sign: if no concrete reform is undertaken, the gap between the governed and the governors is likely to widen further. The 2026 elections thus become a crucial milestone. They constitute a major test for Morocco. Faced with rising abstention and extra-institutional protest, they could either confirm the crisis of trust or initiate a renewed participation. For this, parties and institutions must go beyond speeches and establish genuine dialogue spaces. They must also respond to local demands with concrete measures, demonstrating that politics can change daily life. Without a strong and credible response, these elections risk being nothing more than a meaningless formality, further deepening popular disenchantment. Morocco finds itself at a delicate turning point where society politically reinvents itself outside traditional parties. The challenge of the coming elections is therefore much more than a simple vote: it is the reconquest of trust and authentic representation, to finally engage the country on the path of confidence, lasting stability, and cohesion.

Moroccan Sahara: De Mistura's Statement, A Diplomatic Turning Point or a Headlong Rush 4048

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The UN Secretary-General's Personal Envoy for "Western" Sahara, Staffan de Mistura, made a statement in Italian, his most comfortable language for expressing emotions, that was remarkably frank. His tone, unusual for a diplomat, was direct and unambiguous. In essence, he said that the Moroccan Sahara conflict is not a "decolonization" issue but rather an indirect confrontation between Morocco and Algeria. He thus broke a diplomatic taboo and deconstructed a narrative sustained for fifty years with billions of dollars by a military regime from another era, which projects its frustrations and shortcomings onto this conflict. For the first time, a UN emissary publicly said what researchers, diplomats, and observers have been repeating behind closed doors for nearly half a century. Since the Green March in 1975, the Sahara question has been marked by two irreconcilable narratives. Morocco rightly considers this territory an integral part of its territorial integrity. History and geography prove this. This position is now supported by Washington, Paris, Madrid, London, most Arab countries, and nearly 110 other UN member states. Morocco, acting in good faith for decades, has spared no effort to find common ground with its eastern neighbor. Tired of Algeria's chronic and toxic animosity, Morocco proposed an autonomy plan for the region in 2007, within the framework of its sovereignty. Since then, nearly the entire international community views this proposal as the only feasible one. In reality, it is the only one on the table: the opposing party has never offered a credible solution apart from the partition of Morocco. Algeria, meanwhile, supports its proxy, the Polisario Front, militarily, diplomatically, and financially, while denying direct involvement in the conflict. Algeria continues to call for a self-determination referendum that has become unrealistic as demographic, political, and security balances have shifted. It is worth recalling that Algeria deliberately obstructed a referendum that King Hassan II himself had proposed. Until now, the UN had maintained a façade of neutrality, speaking of a "political process" under its aegis. But everyone knew that behind the polished phrases, this was a strategic power struggle between Rabat and Algiers. In this context, how should De Mistura’s comments be understood, if not as a calculated move ahead of a crucial Security Council meeting? This time, it came after several powers, notably the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, openly supported Morocco’s autonomy initiative. Two interpretations are possible: - Is it pressure on Algeria to publicly acknowledge its central role? De Mistura thus pushes Algeria to take responsibility and abandon its comfortable posture as a "mere observer." - Is it a recognition of impotence? The Italian diplomat implicitly acknowledges that the UN has failed to impose a solution, and that the outcome now depends on a political power balance within the Security Council. In either case, Algeria stands more contradictory than ever. For fifty years, Algiers has contributed to freezing the conflict, at great cost: - A lasting blockage of Maghreb integration, depriving North Africa of vital economic integration; - Eroding regional opportunities in energy, trade, and collective security; - A burden on the international community, with a UN mission (MINURSO) unable to fulfill its mandate, but whose funding and costs continue indefinitely. This policy has gradually isolated Algeria diplomatically, while Rabat gains increasing support, especially after the US recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over the territory in 2020. Are we finally moving toward a historical clarification? The central question now is whether the Security Council is ready to take a step forward. Two options present themselves: - Fully endorse the Moroccan approach, recognizing the autonomy plan as the only serious negotiation basis; - Or maintain the diplomatic fiction of a decolonization process, risking prolonging a conflict that undermines the UN’s credibility and regional stability. By confronting Algeria with its responsibilities, De Mistura has changed the tone of the debate. Even if his gesture can be read as a sign of frustration or a last warning, it has the merit of bringing political reality back to the forefront. The future of Western Sahara no longer depends on technical reports or ambiguous language: it requires clear political will. Sooner or later, that will must end a costly historical anomaly in the Maghreb, Africa, and the world, which also weakens the credibility of the multilateral system. Staffan de Mistura has gone further than his predecessors. At the very least, he deserves the medal of candor. The Security Council will no longer read the question the same way and must change course, the wind has definitively turned.

Moroccans’ Relationship to the Law: A Great Misunderstanding… 4252

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
3.2 min read.
The relationship between Moroccans and the law reveals a profound ambiguity, fueled by a build-up of paradoxes and historical, cultural, and political contradictions. It cannot be explained solely by a lack of communication or pedagogy, but by a deeply rooted perception in which the law is not seen as a collective framework to be respected out of conviction, but as an external constraint, often imposed and rarely internalized. First, one must highlight the ignorance—sometimes deliberate—of the very existence of many laws. In numerous cases, the Moroccan citizen only discovers a text when it is opposed to them in a conflictual situation. This reactive, rather than proactive, relationship with the law generates paradoxical behaviors: resigned acceptance when it imposes itself forcefully, but also recourse to excuses, justifications, or feigned ignorance whenever its application becomes restrictive. To this lack of knowledge is added an ambivalent attitude: the law is respected not out of moral adherence, but out of fear of sanction. Road traffic provides the clearest illustration: the presence of a police officer results in scrupulous respect for the code, while their absence unleashes anarchic behavior. In other words, authority substitutes for civic conviction. But the problem does not lie solely in individual behavior. The legal framework itself suffers from a lack of updating and adaptation. Many Moroccan laws are inherited from a bygone era, conceived in another social context, and struggle to address today’s realities. The legislative process, too slow and often opaque, widens the gap between texts and citizens’ aspirations. Public debates on bills are rare, if not nonexistent, and civil society finds only a marginal place in them. This democratic shortfall is compounded by the chronic passivity of political parties and the decline of union membership, depriving the public arena of genuine contradictory debate. The situation is also aggravated by the language issue: when debates do take place, laws are written, discussed, published, and applied in a language that is not the everyday language of Moroccans. Added to this is the perception of institutional inefficiency: a parliament marked by a lack of competence and seriousness, a political elite sometimes disconnected, and local authorities unable to translate citizens’ needs into effective texts and decisions. Thus, some laws appear disconnected—or even foreign—to social realities. They sometimes criminalize harmless behaviors that harm neither the individual nor the community, but instead reflect the imposition of a conservative morality at the expense of individual freedom. Religious morality is never far away. Hence the crucial question: where does law end and morality begin? And above all, what place should ethics have in the governance of a country in transition, a country aspiring to development and modernity and making colossal efforts in that direction? Faced with these gaps, citizens develop strategies of adaptation, sometimes of survival. The law becomes flexible, respected or not depending on the situation, depending on the eye of authority. Respect is no longer a conviction but a calculation. But can one demand respect for a law perceived as illegitimate, useless, or unjust? Can texts be maintained in force when the majority of citizens systematically bypass them, and even the agents charged with enforcing them transgress them individually? This ambiguous relationship is built from childhood, in the transmission of social norms. A child learns at school that alcohol is forbidden out of respect for religion and the law, but at home or nearby sees it consumed casually. They are taught respect for the traffic code, but their father runs red lights whenever the police are not around. This contradictory education creates lasting confusion between proclaimed values and lived practices, reinforcing the idea that the law is not a universal rule but a contextual constraint. Thus emerges a sense of fear rather than respect for laws, a belief that they are meant for others and not oneself; a perception that the law is imposed rather than serving to protect everyone’s rights. Social networks and certain public voices, as YouTuber Maysa recently did, contribute to exposing these inconsistencies. In a video, she highlighted the multiple Moroccan laws that, although still in force, are almost never applied. This illustrates an implicit permissiveness that undermines the credibility of the rule of law. A law that exists without being enforced becomes a mere symbol, even an instrument of arbitrary selectivity. It should at the very least be revised. Law is not meant to be a mere tool of control, much less an end in itself. It must enable social harmony, protect freedoms, and regulate collective life. It must evolve with its time, reflect society’s aspirations, and avoid imposing outdated modes of thought. Today, Moroccans have changed, their lifestyles have evolved, but the legal framework and collective mentality remain frozen in old representations. Many openly speak of “social hypocrisy,” denouncing the double language between words and deeds in public, between official discourse and actual practices. Breaking out of this ambiguity requires a twofold shift: on the one hand, a bold legal reform that adapts laws to social realities and contemporary values; on the other, an effort of awareness-raising and education to reconcile citizens with the law. This transformation can only succeed if Moroccans agree to break with the social ambivalence and split personality that corrode daily behaviors. Reflection on the relationship between Moroccan citizens and the law thus opens a broader field: that of ethics, social evolution, and modernization of the legal framework. A state of law cannot thrive without collective adherence, and a society cannot be built on rules that everyone strives to circumvent. Restoring the law’s legitimacy and credibility is to lay the foundations for a more coherent, just, and respected coexistence. Judging from the clashes around the *Moudawana* and other legislative projects—between the Minister of Justice and certain parliamentarians of a political current that sees itself as guardian of the temple—it seems difficult to move forward at the necessary speed in today’s world.

Morocco and the Cannabis Renaissance: History, Regulation, and Current Economic Challenges... 4950

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
Morocco has entered a major phase in structuring its cannabis industry, with the authorization to market 67 derived products: 26 cosmetics and 41 dietary supplements, all compliant with standards and duly registered with the Moroccan Agency for Medicine and Health Products. This step is preliminary to their placement on the national market or export. The National Agency for the Regulation of Cannabis Activities, through its vigilance, reflects the country’s determination to maintain its credibility with investors and foreign partners in a rapidly expanding global market. While many citizens believe that kif was banned because it is harmful to health, a historical review clarifies what really happened and why this miraculous plant suddenly became a target in the war on drugs. Hemp has had multiple uses for millennia. As a strong textile fiber, it was used to make sails and ropes for ships. Without it, humans could not have navigated for long distances. Early printed papers and clothing in many regions were also hemp-based. Its cultivation required little labor and water, making it a formidable competitor to cotton. The prohibition of cannabis must be reconsidered in light of the Industrial Revolution and the rise of cotton from the 19th century onwards. Spinning and weaving machines designed for cotton gradually made it the dominant fiber, driving its massive growth. Moreover, the British and American colonial empires exploited vast plantations with servile labor, first through slavery, then poorly paid workers. These powerful interests put hemp at a disadvantage. The decisive turning point occurred in the 1930s in the United States, when the cotton, paper, and emerging chemical industries, notably with synthetic fibers, allied to eliminate hemp. Harry Anslinger, then head of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Narcotics, likely in collusion with large industrial interests, led a campaign deliberately conflating industrial hemp with recreational cannabis. In 1937, the Marihuana Tax Act banned hemp cultivation. Thanks to propaganda and economic interests, this policy spread worldwide. In 1961, the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs classified cannabis among strictly controlled drugs, even for medical and industrial use, thus marginalizing hemp over the long term. Cotton then became the dominant fiber, favoring industrial networks. In Morocco, kif, a traditional form of cannabis often mixed with tobacco and smoked in a sebsi pipe, lies at the heart of a rich and complex history marked by social, political, and economic dynamics. For centuries, kif has been grown mainly in the north, around Chefchaouen, Ketama, and Issaguen. Far from being just an illegal plant, it was historically tolerated and seen as essential to local subsistence. Used for its social and medicinal virtues, kif was part of daily life almost everywhere. Since 1906, a company was created to ensure state control over kif. Under the Protectorate, it was officially named the Régie du Kif et des Tabacs. The reasons were mostly fiscal from 1917. Spanish authorities in the north applied more flexible rules, pragmatically dealing with local tribes. Upon independence, Morocco inherited a complex dilemma: kif was deeply rooted in society but faced growing international pressure. Under Mohammed V and then Hassan II, the country adopted gradual measures. The state monopoly was abolished in 1957–1958, and cultivation became illegal, even though tacit tolerance persisted in some historic Rif zones. The 1970s marked a crackdown under increasing pressure from the United States and Europe. The Moroccan 1974 narcotics law strictly banned cultivation, consumption, and sale of kif. Yet despite heightened repression, clandestine production exploded, driven by strong European demand. The Rif established itself as one of the world’s major cannabis resin basins. After decades of prohibition and socio-economic conflicts linked to kif, and under pressure from scientists and the public, in view of global developments, Morocco took a turning point in 2021 by enacting a law framing the legal use of cannabis for medical, pharmaceutical, and industrial purposes. Recreational consumption remains prohibited. The state is gradually integrating growers into a legal, controlled sector, reducing informality and improving local economic conditions. The history of kif in Morocco is a trajectory marked by millennia of tolerance, colonial regulations, prohibitions imposed under international pressure, before opening the way to a recent, intelligent, legal, and regulated reconversion. Today, hemp is regaining recognition almost everywhere. Less water-intensive, soil-friendly, producing seeds, oil, and natural insulating materials, it is becoming a pillar of the ecological transition. This plant, once banned to protect powerful economic interests, now seeks to reclaim its historic and natural place. This revival is particularly visible in Morocco. The area legally cultivated with hemp more than tripled in 2025 with 4,400 hectares sown, mainly with the local “baladiya” variety, a tangible sign of growth after decades of informality. It is an economic revitalization lever for Rif regions traditionally dependent on an underground economy. The 2021 legalization aims to channel a historic production into a regulated framework while creating a high-value-added industry. Beyond agriculture, a complete chain of processing, packaging, certification, and export is being set up, generating fiscal revenues and enhancing Morocco’s attractiveness to international investors. It is no longer just about cultivating cannabis, but about developing a structured industry that respects strict standards and can compete in a dynamic global market. This economic transformation is seen as a chance to reconcile a long-illegal sector with the mechanisms of a powerful economy. Challenges remain numerous, from strict regulation to combating illicit diversions, organizing cooperatives, and fiscal adaptation. But the course is clear: transform an ancient agricultural heritage into an engine of inclusive growth and sustainable economic integration.

Moroccan Policy in Africa: An Engaged and Unifying Dynamic 5124

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
Under the reign of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, Morocco pursues a proactive and inclusive African policy aimed at strengthening its economic, political, social, and cultural ties with the continent. This strategy favors pragmatic bilateralism, promoting African economic integration, south-south cooperation, and strategic partnerships. Agreements have been signed with over 40 African countries. Morocco’s return to the African Union in 2017 marked a major turning point in this strategy and became a true accelerator. The Kingdom is also interested in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a growth driver. Among key projects in this perspective is the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline, stretching 5,600 km. It will connect West Africa to North Africa and transport around 30 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year. It will improve energy access for no less than 400 million people across 13 countries. This project fits within Morocco's energy transition strategy. Estimated at more than 25 billion dollars, it heralds major benefits for energy security and regional development through complementarity. Morocco is also strongly committed to education and skills training, offering nearly 15,000 scholarships annually to students from 49 countries. About 20,000 African students are welcomed each year in fields such as engineering, medicine, finance, and social sciences, thanks to the Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation (AMCI). This ambitious program aims to train a new generation of leaders and strengthens scientific and cultural exchanges. The Moroccan economy is well established in Africa, with over 1,000 companies active in banking, real estate, telecommunications, agriculture, and infrastructure sectors. Attijariwafa Bank, BMCE Bank of Africa, and Groupe Banque Populaire operate in more than 26 countries, generating hundreds of millions of dirhams in Sub-Saharan Africa. These institutions, with 45 subsidiaries and 4 branches, realize about 23% of their turnover on the continent, facilitating project financing and regional financial integration. Wafa Assurance and the Saham Group also strengthen this presence in numerous countries. The Moroccan health system, known for its modern infrastructure and skilled personnel, attracts thousands of Africans annually for various treatments, reinforcing human ties. Morocco also develops projects in sustainable agriculture, renewable energy, vocational training, and infrastructure, supported by the Mohammed VI Foundation for Sustainable Development. More than 60% of Moroccan foreign direct investment (FDI) targets Africa. Morocco’s trade with Africa remains modest compared to its total foreign trade: around 7 to 8%. However, this margin for growth is very large and promising. Trade volumes have significantly increased. In 2023, total trade volume between Morocco and African countries reached 52.7 billion dirhams, representing a 45% rise compared to 36 billion dirhams in 2013, with an average annual growth of about 10%. Maroc Telecom, active in 10 countries, serves approximately 54 million customers, contributing to digital integration. Groups such as Ynna Holding, Alliances, and Addoha lead major projects in several countries, notably housing and hospital construction. In agriculture, OCP Africa operates in 18 countries, training over 1.5 million farmers and providing fertilizers tailored to local soils and farming types. Its Agribooster program facilitates access to inputs, financing, and markets, boosting productivity and food security. OCP also invests in fertilizer blending and storage units across several countries and collaborates on innovative projects with USAID and the World Bank, including green ammonia production. SOMAGEC, a major Moroccan port operator, carries out projects in Equatorial Guinea, Senegal, Mauritania, Benin, and Djibouti, employing thousands. Africa Motors, a subsidiary of Auto Hall, develops automotive production and distribution in partnership with Dongfeng for several African markets. Sport is also a cooperation lever: the Royal Moroccan Football Federation has signed more than 43 partnerships with African federations. Through its companies and projects, Morocco consolidates its key role in African development, based on solidarity, economic integration, and shared prosperity, eliciting both jealousy and recognition. Moroccan cooperation in Africa is a strategic pillar built on sharing expertise, economic development, and strengthening cultural ties. Thanks to its geographic and historic positioning, Morocco plays a major role in regional integration, supporting infrastructure, training, and innovation projects. This cooperation is characterized by a lasting commitment to promote peace, security, and sustainable development across Africa. The proposed opening-up of the Sahel countries through the future port of Dakhla will undoubtedly accelerate this integration for the benefit of hundreds of millions of Africans. The idea to build ports like Dakhla relies heavily on Morocco’s strategic geography. This is evident on the map: Morocco has a coastline of over 3,500 km, facing Europe, West Africa, and the Americas. Dakhla, in particular, lies halfway between Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa, making it a natural maritime waypoint. Morocco’s Atlantic coast is on the route linking the Mediterranean (via Gibraltar) to West Africa and the Americas, capturing a portion of global logistic flows. Morocco is less than 15 km from Europe at Gibraltar and simultaneously connected to West Africa. The port of Dakhla fits this logic: serving as a logistical and industrial hub between the two continents. The Dakhla area offers favorable natural conditions: deep waters and low swell, allowing the construction of a port capable of accommodating large ships, a rarity on the West African coast. With the Continental Free Trade Area, a port like Dakhla will allow Morocco to be an entry point for commercial flows to West Africa and beyond to Mali, Niger, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, and more. Morocco has understood this, as have its African partners. The future will be bright, hand in hand.

Green March, Algerian Plots, and International Diplomacy: The Sahara at the Heart of Contemporary History 5173

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The Moroccan Sahara, which became a Spanish colony in 1884, was liberated following the Green March, an unprecedented peaceful mobilization initiated by King Hassan II. The Kingdom had grown weary of the fruitless démarches undertaken at the UN before the Fourth Committee since its independence. Once the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice was obtained, recognizing the existence, at the time of colonization, of legal ties of allegiance between the Sultan of Morocco and the tribes living in the Sahara territory, Morocco took action. From November 6 to 9, 1975, 350,000 volunteers, armed only with the Quran and the national flag, marched toward the Sahara, symbolizing the popular will to reintegrate this territory, historically an integral part of Morocco’s sovereignty, just as the part attached by France to postcolonial Algeria. Several citizens from various nations took part in this epic. Since Kadhafi and Boumediene viewed this liberation, which reinforced Hassan II’s stature in Africa and worldwide, with hostility, they sponsored the Polisario, a movement claiming to liberate a supposed Sahrawi people. Quickly, the Polisario was heavily armed and supported by the pro-Soviet and communist regimes of the time, in the name of peoples’ liberation. The term “Spanish Sahara” disappeared, and even “Moroccan Sahara” vanished from discourse. Through clever propaganda, the duo imposed a new terminology: “Western Sahara.” In reality, Algeria sought to remove from the border dispute with the Kingdom the part of the Sahara it occupies. It must be recalled that during colonization, some areas of the Sahara were administratively attached to French Algeria. These originally Moroccan territories, called by France the “Southern Territories,” were not part of the three traditional Algerian departments: Algiers, Oran, and Constantine, but were under military administration. They were gradually taken from the Sharifian Empire’s territory. From 1902, these "Southern Territories" grouped several Saharan regions under French military control. This special arrangement lasted until 1957, when departmentalization was extended, but the Sahara remained under distinct management. These areas, administered within French Algeria, included all the regions now forming part of the Algerian Sahara. Morocco, refusing to negotiate border issues with France, had an agreement with the Algerian government-in-exile for the restitution of these zones after independence. Those who took power in Algiers at liberation dismissed the agreement outright. Thus, from 1975 onwards, a war, logistically supported by Kadhafi, Boumediene, Cuba, and others, was waged against Morocco, which was caught off guard by the enemy's army size. The UN then intervened, claiming to maintain peace in the region. True peace was only achieved in 1991 when Morocco reversed the power balance and captured thousands of Algerian soldiers and officers, including the well-known Said Chengriha. They were released thanks to mediation by Egypt, led by Hosni Mubarak, himself a former prisoner of the Moroccan army in 1963, sent by President Anwar Sadat, and above all due to Hassan II’s generosity, who never wanted to humiliate his defeated neighbor. The UN then created the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), with Morocco providing a demilitarized zone for its operation. Several envoys of the Secretary-General succeeded each other with the mission of bridging positions. All failed because in this matter, there is mostly bad faith, jealousy, intent to harm, and financial interests. In short, an artificial conflict. All resigned and went on to enjoy peaceful retirements. Since France abandoned Algeria to its fate, North Africa has never been peaceful. There was the Sand War against Morocco, led by Algeria and a coalition of Arab military regimes, and also the Algerian military invasion from the east where part of the Tunisian Sahara was taken. Hassan II told De Gaulle at the time that Algeria would become Africa’s cancer. This country was built on the blood of its martyrs, but their sacrifice was usurped by a military junta that endures and revels in perpetuating conflicts, notably regarding Morocco’s southern territories and, recently, with Mali. The last UN mediator, Staffan De Mistura, perhaps facing a deadlock, reportedly proposed an anachronistic solution: partition of the territory between Morocco and the Polisario. An idea that ignores the political, legal, and diplomatic reality, now largely consolidated in favor of Morocco. One wonders on which foot he got up that day. He could not have ignored that Morocco will never accept partition nor the establishment of a country under Algeria’s influence on its southern flank. Already forced to recognize Mauritania, Morocco will not make the same mistake again. Staffan De Mistura’s idea is totally out of step with international consensus. Three permanent members of the Security Council, the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, Spain, the former occupying power, as well as nearly 120 other countries, have officially recognized Moroccan sovereignty over "Western Sahara." Some have even established consulates there. This support is no accident but the result of a coherent diplomatic strategy, recognition of the Kingdom’s right to defend its territorial integrity, and successful efforts to integrate these provinces in a perspective of development and regional stability. Boutros Massad, special advisor to President Trump, unequivocally reminded Mr. Staffan De Mistura that only the Moroccan solution is acceptable. Proposing a partition amounts to circumventing this consensus by giving credit to a “mercenary” movement composed largely of foreigners and supported exclusively by Algeria. Rather than fostering peace, this approach perpetuates the status quo and risks a direct conflict between Morocco and Algeria, weakening the UN’s legitimacy as guarantor of respect for international law. Morocco has presented a credible alternative to this artificial conflict. Initiated in 2007, this project offers inhabitants wide political, administrative, and economic autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. This is already the case: almost all administrative and representative responsibilities are in their hands. The Polisario today faces a decisive turning point: accept this plan and hope to play a role, yet to be clarified, or reject the offer and risk isolation and disappearance without political gain. As for Algeria, it has already lost everything: billions of dollars and a losing cause. Its leaders will have to answer to the Algerian people.

Back to School: Economic Burden for Families and Multiple Uncertainties 5734

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
At the dawn of a new school year, an immutable reality haunts the many families concerned: the exorbitant cost of supplies and services related to education. They prepare to spend sometimes unreasonable amounts even before their children step through the school door, at all levels. The rising cost of back-to-school goes beyond just notebooks and textbooks: it extends to a set of essential or superfluous items that significantly increase the bill. There is a consensus around the financial burden of the school bag, a real headache. The average budget allocated per family for school supplies often exceeds 1500 dirhams. This figure rises even more when including uniforms, when required, transport costs, registration fees, and tuition for private schools. In some large cities, the total cost can exceed 3000 dirhams per child, a considerable economic weight for many families. But the problem is not only the high cost. The heaviness of the school bag, often cited, illustrates inflation not only financial but also material. Children’s backs and developing musculature are put under strain, raising many health concerns. Beyond the essentials—notebooks, pens, calculators, etc.—the supply lists frequently include superfluous items, often imposed by schools for unexplained reasons. These excessive demands weigh down the school bag and complicate students’ daily lives without real educational justification. In reality, we also face a system out of sync with parents' expectations and, by extension, the country’s. Some school content is outdated and problematic. Textbooks, another major expense, fail to evolve at the pace of the modernity that parents and children themselves aspire to. The modernization the country aims for is also undermined. Many families denounce persistent errors, mistakes, and content poorly adapted to modernity and their aspirations. Announced reforms, generally poorly conceived, have no impact and have always been ineffective. Criticism abounds both pedagogically and substantively: teaching materials struggle to engage students in stimulating and innovative learning. This is a major reason for the large dropout rates observed every year, and for a long time. Another recurring flaw is that, once again, the school start will be unequal: luxury for some, sacrifice for others. Officially, the school start often looks like an idyllic photo album where everything seems perfect. Yet, for the majority, it is far from a moment of excitement as it should be. Faced with an overly large educational budget, difficult choices must be made: pay rent or tuition, buy textbooks, or ensure family sustenance. These contradictions reflect a profound social divide. In short, Morocco at two speeds, denounced by His Majesty the King in the 26th Throne Speech. For many parents, school remains a theoretical right, sometimes without interest, especially in rural areas. In reality, it begins with debt that weighs heavily on daily life and sometimes jeopardizes the children's very future. This paradox, far from resolving, repeats every year, without significant measures from public authorities to lighten the burden, except for measures such as distributing school bags with a short lifespan and very meager financial aid. The quality of teachers has also increasingly raised concern for several years, especially since the so-called contract-based recruitment among unemployed degree holders was "invented," often struggling to find stable employment elsewhere. This situation has led to a qualitative decline in teaching, where many teachers are more occupied with union and social claims than with their primary mission: to instruct and transmit knowledge. The number of strike days is staggering. This contractual dynamic, far from improving the educational system, sometimes fosters instability and demotivation. Moreover, it is regrettable to note increased politicization among some teaching circles, with ideologies infiltrating beyond the pedagogical framework. These trends, often aimed at the systematic contestation of the established order, harm a serene school climate and compromise the necessary neutrality of any teaching. Children bear the cost. Thus, more than a simple issue of training or skills, the challenge posed by the quality of teachers in Morocco highlights the need for a global and courageous reform, combining improved recruitment conditions, serious academic and ongoing training, and a clear separation between politics and education. Without this, Moroccan schools risk losing even more effectiveness and credibility, to the detriment of students and the country's future. Education should not rely on the financial endurance, patience, or indifference of families, but on a coherent educational and social policy. A policy based on a clear projection of what the Moroccan citizen should be at a precise horizon. It is essential that the State and sector actors collaborate to limit costs imposed on families: reviewing supply lists to eliminate the superfluous, improving the quality and relevance of textbooks, further developing support for low-income families, deducting school-related expenses from taxes, without evading the issue of content and teacher competencies. The "price" of this school start is measured not only in dirhams but in the social divide it deepens, in the inequalities it maintains. The real obstacle to education lies in teacher competence, in curricula, and at the bookstore checkout where families must pay for their children to have even a chance to succeed. The school start is a serious matter requiring collective awareness and concrete actions to ensure that every child, regardless of family income, can access a dignified education. The time is for reform in practice, not just in speeches and postures. School is the only tool to reduce differences, guarantee social ascension, and ensure a bright future for the entire country, at a single speed.

Le Monde and Morocco: Deconstructing a Biased View of a Revered Monarchy... 6195

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The newspaper Le Monde, founded on the recommendation of General De Gaulle in the context of the Second World War in 1944, is internationally renowned for its investigative journalism and analytical capability. However, it often displays a biased approach when it focuses on the Kingdom of Morocco. The article published on August 24, 2025, titled "In Morocco, an atmosphere of end of reign for Mohammed VI," symptomatically illustrates this tendency, which deserves a response by also recalling the conflictual relationship the newspaper has had with the Kingdom almost since its inception. The impression is that it is probably the fact that Morocco is a Kingdom that bothers or disturbs the paper. The relationship to monarchy, particularly from the French left, is not unrelated to this ideological stance. For a long time, Le Monde's editorial coverage of Morocco has avoided neutrality. Since the time of Hassan II, the paper frequently adopted a critical tone, sometimes unjustly severe, offering a European reading framework that often reduced the complex Moroccan political reality to a caricature. Between interpretations disconnected from reality and unfounded insinuations, the treatment of the country has often been limited to a black-and-white vision, marginalizing the concrete nuances of its evolutions and its centuries-old history. It must be reminded that the Kingdom, as a nation-state, existed long before what is today called France. It therefore has its own codes and its own evolution and worldview. The newspaper's stance, inherited from a postcolonial reading marked by a basic socialism fixed on the image of an immutable authoritarian power and a society on the brink of upheaval. Journalists seem to relive by proxy the years before 1789. Conflations and romanticized interpretations are the rule. Returning to the article, would the King of Morocco be a misunderstood sovereign? Is the Kingdom, for its part, so little known to the journalists of "Le Monde"? Would the secular Moroccan people simply be a copy of the people of medieval France? Or is it simply an ideological stance blinding the paper? The mention of an "atmosphere of end of reign" in the recent article betrays profound ignorance coupled with a dubious hypothesis. In reality, no tangible sign of decline emerges, quite the opposite. The Moroccan people show notable attachment to their monarchy perceived as an essential pillar for stability, development, and national cohesion. A simple observation of social networks would have spared the authors from such errors, for since 1999, under the impetus of King Mohammed VI, Morocco has achieved important reforms. These are advances that took France two centuries. How can one forget to mention the country’s major achievements in such a short time: - Sustained economic growth in several strategic sectors, generating jobs and sustainable prospects. - Modernization of the family code (Moudawana), a symbol of major social progress, particularly regarding women's rights. - Adoption of a transitional justice policy favoring reconciliation and healing historical wounds. - Establishment of mandatory medical coverage, expanding access to healthcare for all. - Assertive diplomacy recognized on the African continent and internationally, demonstrating a well-thought-out, forward-looking strategy. - The Kingdom is preparing to host the Football World Cup, a sign of great trust from the international community. These successes, however glaring, are overlooked by the authors because they contradict a sensationalist narrative of monarchical decline which appeals to some French circles nostalgic, under the surface, for the monarchy they killed. The article recklessly mixes rumors, outdated clichés, and baseless hypotheses, portraying power as frozen, aging, and oppressive. The author consciously ignores the multifaceted reality of a country at the crossroads of ancient traditions and sustained modernization. The depiction of a "twilight" reign reflects a condescending gaze, reminiscent of dominant stereotypes that often reduce the Arab and African world to narratives of instability and decline. Contrary to the dark picture painted by Le Monde, contemporary Morocco under Mohammed VI pursues a dynamic trajectory, marked by concrete progress and real stakes, aligned with popular expectations. Rejection is not expressed through a distancing from the monarchy, but by a demand for thoughtful, gradual reforms that respect traditions and institutions. In this context, speaking of "end of reign" stems from a mistaken reading that distorts the actual function and role of monarchy today. Here, it is essential to claim rigorous journalism based on documentary research and pluralism, finally freeing itself from postcolonial reflexes and a condescending gaze. Morocco cannot be reduced to an exotic subject of study or a testing ground for imported scenarios. More than a relic, the monarchy embodies a central lever of a nation in motion, led by lucid and committed leadership. Le Monde’s editorial past seems to weigh heavily on its analysis of current events in Morocco. By assertively stating an "atmosphere of end of reign," the article disconnects its diagnosis from the social, economic, and political realities shaping the Kingdom. The achievements show a sincere will to articulate traditions and modernity, stability and popular aspirations, in a difficult regional environment that the country has managed with discernment. By omitting these elements, favoring unfounded rumors and finished stereotypes, the text promotes an alarmist narrative that harms both truth and constructive dialogue, feeding prejudices inherited from an outdated postcolonial vision. Thus, far from a predicted decline, Morocco traces a path based on conscientious leadership, rooted in a millennia-old history and attentive to current challenges, looking towards a hopeful future. It is time for Le Monde to renew its gaze with honesty and respect, going beyond clichés and integrating the diversity of the Moroccan voice. The arrogance of an external view must never outweigh lived reality. Readers of this newspaper, as with others when it comes to Morocco, deserve balanced, non-partisan, and open information reflecting the richness and depth of a society and a Kingdom in full transformation, faithful to its institutions and its sovereign.

Ukraine and Sudan: Two Conflicts, Two Different Perspectives... 5967

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The entire Western world gathered in Washington a few days ago. Since his return, President Trump has been trying to save what remains of Ukraine, and the Europeans genuinely do not want this to happen behind their backs. Unable to play a decisive role, they at least want to be present. Their credibility is at stake, and above all, their image before the rest of the world. Overheated by a Europe whose reach exceeds its power—a Europe increasingly powerless—Ukraine has endured and waged a war it believed it could win with Western support. To date, it has lost 20% of its territory, and it is far from over. Instead of dealing directly with Vladimir (Putin), Volodymyr (Zelensky) thought it wiser to seek support from those who had already been insufficient since delegating their defense to NATO, and thus to the United States. The Europeans will learn this the hard way: one cannot wage war without the means to do so. That same world remains silent about what is happening in Sudan. It is considered less “interesting.” Two generals, generals in name only, have launched a militarized competition to seize power, just days after signing an agreement to share it. Since then, the situation has deteriorated. Every day, lives are lost, women are raped, and millions of people wander the desert, their only refuge. For the Western world, perhaps—I emphasize perhaps—they are just Africans, mostly believing themselves Arabs, killing each other. The war in Sudan, particularly in the Darfur region, remains one of the most tragic and deadly conflicts since its outbreak in April 2023. This war mainly pits two rival forces against each other: the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), commanded by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” former leader of the Janjaweed militias. The latter, along with their allied Arab militias, are responsible for massive massacres, especially targeting the Massalit people and other non-Arab groups in Darfur. In essence, those who consider themselves Arab are killing and driving from their lands those they do not recognize as their own. The BBC has just released an investigation and documentary on this subject, which should stir collective conscience, if any human conscience remains willing to watch. The conflict is primarily a power struggle between the two military leaders who, it should be recalled, had signed a pact to govern the country jointly. The sudden slide into armed clashes has spread to several regions, notably Darfur, where the RSF and their allies stand accused of grave abuses. The Janjaweed, militias identifying as Arab and formerly supported by former Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, are active again under the RSF banner, committing ethnic-based violence openly. Also involved are the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLA/SLM), the historic rebels of Darfur, fragmented between Minni Minnawi and Abdelwahid Mohamed al-Nur. The scale of the massacres is terrifying. According to the UN, in Al-Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, between 10,000 and 15,000 Massalit civilians were killed between June and November 2023 by the RSF and allied Arab militias. More broadly, over 150,000 have died in two years throughout Darfur, with 13 million displaced—half the Sudanese population—pushed to the brink of famine. NGOs like Doctors Without Borders warn of imminent massacres in cities such as El-Fasher, heavily besieged. The violence also includes destruction of civil infrastructure, schools, and mosques. Systematic sexual violence is another tragic facet of the massacre. Following a deadly attack a few days ago, Doctors Without Borders just closed the only hospital still operating in Zalengei, the regional capital, making any medical activity impossible. This is not the first hospital to be forced to shut down. Despite overwhelming evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the international response remains mostly ineffective. Although the United States and the UN officially acknowledge the severity of the genocide, their direct interventions and sanctions remain timid. The African Union and the UN struggle to deploy forces capable of enforcing peace and upholding international law. Arab countries exert no notable pressure on Hemedti or Burhan, the latter having long wielded significant influence in Sudan. This silence is interpreted by many observers as complicity, seen as a form of institutional racism that devalues African lives, especially those of the Massalit victims of the RSF. The fact that Hemedti and his allies claim an “Arab” identity while attacking so-called “African” groups, according to some, contributes to the indifference of Arab nations, more preoccupied with their regional dynamics than human rights. International Muslim organizations have also failed to take a forceful stand, despite frequent religious instrumentalization by the warring parties. The conflict is also marked by a profound religious contradiction: murder, injustice, and war among Muslims are explicitly condemned by Islam, except in cases of self-defense or struggle against oppression. Yet, the massacres in Darfur are regularly denounced as contrary to these principles by Muslim intellectuals and religious leaders, though these condemnations have had little tangible effect on the violence. This crisis has triggered the world’s largest current humanitarian emergency, with 13 million displaced. Access to medical care, food, and shelter remains grossly insufficient. Civilians live in extreme insecurity, caught in ethnic and political struggles manipulated by power-hungry warlords. The international community, Arab countries, and Muslim actors appear to be shirking their responsibilities, allowing this tragedy to continue in alarming silence. This situation challenges not only global collective conscience but also the real capacity of international institutions to protect the most vulnerable populations from such vast violence. The situation in Darfur and greater Sudan is a stark and urgent call for attention. The hope remains that the wars in both Ukraine and Sudan will end swiftly, as in both cases it is innocent generations paying the price of violent conflict.