Think Forward.

Politics

Ibtissam, please : Allah is Allah... 435

Aziz Daouda, 1 d.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
3.3 min read.
Recently, Ibtissam Lachgar, who calls herself an activist, wore a T-shirt of no value, except that she deliberately intended to insult millions of Moroccans and undoubtedly many believers, Muslim or not. God is the omniscient Creator, regardless of religion or rituals. Madam found it clever to display a T-shirt with a strange inscription, not at all amusing: an offense to the divinity. No, madam, Allah is Eternal without beginning or end, beyond time. He is Almighty, and His power is infinite and absolute. He is Merciful, full of compassion and kindness towards human beings, including you. What did you have for breakfast that morning, madam? By this useless act, you seem to have forgotten that faith is also a fundamental right. Americans, whose modernity cannot be denied, claim it to the point of engraving it on their dollar bill. Belief in God, in Allah, is a fundamental, universal, immutable pillar. To say or imply mocking or even simply disrespectful words towards what is sacred in the collective consciousness is to hurt deep sensitivities. It is an affront to the spirituality of billions of people. Yes, it is important to remind that everyone is free to live their life and love whom they want. However, there is one condition: not to unnecessarily offend others. Inventing an impromptu epithet for Allah goes far beyond personal debates linked to sexual orientation: it harms the deep faith of billions of people, including the 36 million Moroccans. This provocation cannot be considered a mere wit or a brave claim: it is a misstep that threatens harmony and social cohesion. Indeed, God does not need anyone to defend Him, much less my humble self, but admit that God is everywhere, simply present in every believer outraged by your lowly stylized statement, which is not freedom of expression but a qualified insult. It is billions of believers you insult with your superfluous act. Moroccans who strive to make their country a state of law also want social peace and cohesion to be fully preserved, within necessary limits to freedom of expression. This freedom can be neither absolute nor without red lines, and this is a genuine protection. Elsewhere, where the state is less protective, a provocation like yours would have caused far worse consequences for you. My generation, and those that followed, have fought extensively for freedom, notably the freedom to express oneself, develop ideas, and help society evolve and emancipate within a civic framework. But madam, yes to freedom, but within respect for laws freely chosen by the majority. This is the foundation of democracy: adopting the will of the majority, even if very narrow. In 2011, it was broad enough to set supreme rules and strives to respect them at all costs. You must understand that freedom does not mean unlimited license. Democracy is based on a constitution and laws adopted by the people themselves. These laws define what is acceptable in public space. Your supporters, Mrs. Lachgar, often foreigners or fringe elements, must understand that it is Moroccans who decide on their laws, according to their history, culture, and values. It is not up to minorities, even vocal ones, or foreigners to this secular context, to redefine the rules of coexistence in a sovereign country. Yes, activism is vital and contributes to progress and the pushing of boundaries, but not sterile and counterproductive provocation such as you have just committed. It is also fair to acknowledge that Morocco has tolerated peaceful advances in favor of sexual minorities. Some of your acquaintances know this well. Debates, demands, and defense of individual rights are permitted, within legal and social frameworks. But when a public figure—as you are with your MALI—takes a "step too far" with a shocking gesture against the very essence of religion, this constitutes an unnecessary provocation, all the more serious when occurring in a sensitive period. You are a declared repeat offender who has so far gotten away with it. This shows a tolerance, albeit relative, but tolerance nonetheless, towards movements as marginal as yours. Minorities have always existed and always will, but you should understand that cohesion is a heavy responsibility of the state, and it is unacceptable to play with such a sovereign prerogative with multiple facets. Your arrest or administrative detention should not be seen solely as a sanction but rather as a protective measure. Would you have taken a few steps in public space with your T-shirt without becoming a target for a probable violent extremist, ready to resort to illegality? On the very day of your counterproductive gesture, police services uncovered yet another vehement extremist, ready according to his ideology to restore a "perfect world" where people like you have no place. It escapes you that Morocco firmly fights all forms of extremism, religious or ideological, and is an ideal target precisely because it accepts differences and diverse orientations, because it does its best to leave room and space for everyone. Freedom to think and live is precisely the opposite of extremism, whatever form it takes. Protecting social peace also means protecting those who sometimes unconsciously or knowingly contribute to destabilizing it, as you do. You may not know, but in France, a mayor had to suspend the screening of the film "Barbie," which promotes homosexuality, under pressure from some inhabitants of his municipality. This shows that even further north, there are still hostile reactions to your orientations. Morocco is a nation rooted in strong historical, cultural, and religious values, with certainly some hypocrisy. This is not a flaw but possibly a true asset. Individual freedom must be exercised within the framework of respect for democratically defined values and laws. Your mistake was to cross these boundaries, thus shaking one of the indisputable foundations of Moroccan identity. It is up to everyone, Moroccans and residents, to respect the country's tranquility and allow everyone the freedom to live in peace, without provoking or dividing.

Confiscated Freedoms: El Harrach and Tindouf, Two Faces of the Same Oppression... 670

Aziz Daouda, 4 d.
It was while reading, moved, the heartbreaking letter from Algerian writer Boualem Sansal, addressed ultimately to everyone, that the idea for these few lines came to me. In this letter, written from El-Harrach prison, Sansal fiercely denounces the political repression and arbitrary incarceration imposed by the Algerian regime. This denunciation quickly made me think of the tragic situation of the population confined by the same regime for nearly fifty years in the Tindouf camps in Algeria. My thoughts wandered randomly between the zealots who are there, like my high school friend Sadati, bearers of a chimera; those who stay there without even knowing why; those who have aged there; those buried there; and those born there. It is on these last that my thoughts particularly lingered. The Tindouf camps shelter a few thousand young people born in exile, rather exposed where their parents ultimately did not choose to be, under extremely harsh conditions. For many, they are not even originally from the coveted lands nor bear any claim. They mainly depend on humanitarian aid, live in total precariousness, and see their well-being deteriorate, while those living just a few miles away enjoy abundance, comfort, and rights. They did not ask to be there and dream, like all their peers, of a better life, which truly exists on the other side. Unlike a traditional prison with visible walls, like El Harrach, the Tindouf camps are an open-air prison, a constrained space where these youths are held without trial, without hope of freedom, nor any possibility of returning to their homeland—not by their own choice, but that of their jailers. The common point between El Harrach and Tindouf: the sordid game of a military regime from another era. This prolonged situation strikingly evokes the deprivation of freedom suffered by the detainees of Tindouf and the Algerian political prisoners Boualem Sansal describes in his letter. Both embody the same silenced voice, the same hope confiscated by the whims of officers who only carry the name, and by a military caporalism that, since 1962, continuously invents enemies, uses torture, repression, and deprivation of fundamental rights to maintain its grip on one of the richest countries in the world. This regime has stifled all democratic expression, from annulling election results to the spectacular assassination, broadcast live on television, of President Mohamed Boudiaf, sending a message of terror to the whole people. Recently, it brazenly repressed the peaceful Hirak protests and imprisoned their leaders. This regime no longer hesitates to mistreat even its most loyal servants. Randomly, prime ministers, ministers, high dignitaries, businessmen, generals, and journalists, even foreigners, find themselves subjected to quick trials where only the voice of their master resounds. They end up in the same prison, the famous El Harrach. In his letter, Sansal expresses the physical and moral pain of a man imprisoned for having evoked history, dared to defend justice and dignity. His words carry the voice of all those whom the regime seeks to silence. This captive voice painfully echoes the fate of the youngsters held in Tindouf, also deprived of their most basic freedoms and condemned to endless waiting in a desert environment, hostile and hopeless. Far from being a mere analogy, this comparison reveals a universal reality: whether behind bars or in the vast inhospitable desert, deprivation of freedom, forced exile, and broken hope remain the instruments of relentless political oppression. For these youths, the "march through an endless desert" is both a physical ordeal marked by extreme poverty, scorching heat, and isolation, and a metaphor for their quest for identity, dream of regaining their freedom, and joining the motherland. Beyond denunciation, in his letter, Sansal makes a solemn appeal to France, asking it not to sacrifice its values on the altar of mercantile contingencies. The same appeal is addressed to the international community, on behalf of the young detainees of Tindouf, so that human rights principles are not sacrificed on the altar of geopolitical interests. This appeal is all the more relevant facing the situation of these youths, many of whom are not even originally from the Moroccan Sahara but are still imprisoned in a situation of exile and oblivion. Thus, behind two different walls, a prison cell and undocumented, unrecognized refugee camps, lies the same tragedy: human beings reduced to waiting, to deprivation of liberty, and to a silent struggle not to disappear. This convergence highlights the urgency of strong humanitarian and political action to end these imprisonments so that freedom of thought, of living, and of deciding one’s own destiny is never again captured by an oppressive political machine, devised and implemented by an anachronistic military staff. Thank you, sir, for awakening in me this fiber of compassion, even pity, for young people who deserve to live a better future. I take here again Boualem Sansal’s words, which I address to the youth imprisoned in Tindouf: *"Fear is a prison larger than the one where I find myself, and it is harder to break. But I know that one day, the wall will fall. Dictators always end up falling."* Youth of Tindouf, You will break the barbed wire, you will cross the checkpoints to return home by the strength of your character and the power of your will. Your country, that of your ancestors, the Kingdom of Morocco, awaits you; the future opens its arms to you; life will smile upon you for eternity, you will taste freedom there, the joy of living, of building yourself and of ensuring a happy future for your children. Your dreams will come true there and your ambitions will be realized. You will be the continuation of your ancestors in a diverse and powerful nation as it has been for centuries. You will help enrich humanity by your knowledge, your creativity, your genius. You just have to dare.

Stray dogs and cats: a growing challenge for public health and urban peace in Morocco... 6403

Aziz Daouda, 8 d.
- Politics - Society -
2.9 min read.
The proliferation of stray dogs and cats in the streets raises major challenges for urban quality of life and even more so for public health. As their numbers increase exponentially, the consequences are multiple: noise nuisances, risk of accidents, spread of diseases, and a sense of insecurity for many citizens. A notable aspect of this issue is the significant difference between the social perception of cats and stray dogs. Cats, often perceived as less aggressive, are generally not considered harmful. They are abundantly fed in public spaces by individuals, sometimes due to so-called religious beliefs. According to some, Muslims should show compassion towards cats, which would explain a certain social tolerance towards them. They thus benefit from some benevolence and are extremely numerous, living and multiplying in public spaces without being disturbed; on the contrary, shelters are often provided to help female cats give birth peacefully. In contrast, stray dogs do not receive the same treatment. Many people suffer from cynophobia (fear of dogs), a quasi-cultural phenomenon. More often perceived as a threat, especially because of their ability to attack, they are generally criticized. This negative image has been reinforced following several serious incidents in recent years: violent attacks resulting in serious, even fatal injuries have marked public opinion and increased concerns. The massive presence of these stray animals has direct repercussions on public health. The absence of veterinary control and regular sanitary interventions promotes the spread of diseases transmissible to humans. Stray dogs and cats can carry highly contagious and serious diseases. This issue is even more worrying in dense urban areas where contact between animals and humans is frequent. Children, in particular, are especially vulnerable to bites or scratches, as well as to the infections that may result. The health risk is therefore extremely concerning, especially since many diseases can be transmitted to humans. 1. Rabies: a deadly viral disease mainly transmitted by the bite or scratch of an infected dog. It remains a major public health problem in several regions despite vaccination campaigns. Nearly 400 cases and 20 deaths are recorded each year. Four recent death cases have been widely reported. 2. Toxoplasmosis: an infection caused by the parasite Toxoplasma gondii, transmitted by contact with contaminated cat feces, notably via litter. Generally mild, it poses a serious risk for pregnant women, potentially causing fetal malformations. 3. Leptospirosis: a bacterial disease transmitted by the urine of infected dogs, which can cause serious infections in humans. Between 2005 and 2017, 372 cases were declared with a mortality rate of 17.7%. 52.2% of cases occurred in urban areas. 4. Leishmaniasis: a serious parasitic disease transmitted by stray dogs, which are reservoirs of this parasite. Nearly 2,000 cases per year. 5. External and internal parasites: fleas, ticks, intestinal worms, which can also infect other animals. 6. Cat scratch disease: caused by the bacterium Bartonella henselae. It causes fever, swollen lymph nodes, and fatigue, especially in children and immunocompromised people. 7. Ringworm: a contagious fungal infection through contact with the fur or environment of infected cats, causing distressing skin lesions. 8. Pasteurellosis: a bacterial infection transmitted by bite or scratch, caused by Pasteurella multocida, which can cause local pain and inflammation. 9. Echinococcosis: a parasitic disease related to intestinal worms developed in cats, which can severely affect the human liver and lungs. 10. Mange and other parasitic infections: transmitted by direct contact with affected stray cats. Strict sanitary management is therefore necessary, including vaccination, sterilization, and responsible handling of this animal population in urban areas. Beyond health risks, stray animals cause nuisances in streets and residential neighborhoods. Nocturnal barking disturbs residents' sleep, while droppings in public spaces degrade cleanliness and the image of cities. Facing this complex situation, several approaches can be considered. It is crucial to develop awareness campaigns to encourage citizens to adopt responsible behaviors, especially regarding food given to stray animals. Special emphasis should be placed on sterilization to control reproduction. Moreover, implementing integrated public policies combining capture, veterinary care, and relocation of stray animals appears essential. These measures must respect the cultural and religious sensitivities of the country, notably involving religious authorities in creating harmonious responses. A fundamental effort towards creating dedicated spaces—shelters and controlled feeding points—could channel animal presence and reduce conflicts with the population. Moroccan NGOs published an open letter addressed as a last resort to His Majesty the King on August 3rd, reacting to extermination campaigns led by some local authorities:* "We have exhausted all institutional channels without finding attentive ears among the authorities concerned," *they say, describing the methods used as "cruel,*" contradicting " *the values of compassion promoted by religion and the monarchy." The problem is exacerbated, according to some, by an ineffective public policy and a lack of resources dedicated to capture, sterilization, and care. The cycle of proliferation would continue, reinforcing a difficult-to-reverse spiral. The government denies these accusations and states that it applies the method **"Trap, Neuter, Vaccinate" **(catch, sterilize, vaccinate, and release animals identified by an ear tag in their original territory). It would have allocated 230 million dirhams to this. However, few tagged animals are seen in the streets. Clearly, this is not just an animal issue but a major public health and urban coexistence challenge that requires a pragmatic and balanced approach, respectful of traditions and sanitary and security needs.

Multidimensional Poverty: Decoding the Oxford Index and the Situation in Morocco 7252

Aziz Daouda, 9 d.
- Politics - Society -
3 min read.
When poverty is mentioned, it is often thought of as insufficient income. However, poverty encompasses much broader and more complex dimensions such as access to education, health, decent housing, and other basic resources depending on societies and their cultures. It is on this or a very similar basis that the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) was designed and unveiled in 2010 by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI) at the University of Oxford. The index was adopted during the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). But what exactly is multidimensional poverty or the Oxford Index? *Multidimensional poverty is the simultaneous and synchronous deprivation experienced by individuals across different essential aspects of life. The Oxford Index, or MPI, aims to measure this aspect of poverty based on 10 indicators grouped into three main dimensions: health, in terms of nutrition and child mortality; education, concerning school attendance, years of schooling, and living conditions; namely access to drinking water, electricity, sanitation facilities, quality housing, and essential assets.* A household is considered poor according to the MPI if its members are deprived in at least 33% of these indicators. The index is calculated using a simple formula: **MPI = H × A** where **H** is the proportion of people who are poor and **A** is the average intensity of deprivation among these people. This approach provides a more nuanced diagnosis than a simple monetary measure of poverty. It allows identifying the exact origin and nature of the deprivations and thus more effectively guides public action. The introduction of the MPI in Morocco has profoundly renewed the understanding of poverty in the country. Ten years ago, this index stood at 11.9%. Thanks to significant mobilization and targeted policies, this rate has decreased to 6.8% according to the 2024 national census, representing a halving. Translated into numbers of affected people, the rate dropped from 4.5% to 2.5% of Morocco’s current 36 million population. Despite these notable advances, poverty remains marked by strong regional and social disparities. Deprivations mainly concern education and living conditions such as access to drinking water, decent housing, and medical care. Multidimensional poverty is more concentrated in rural areas, accounting for 72% of the poor, with an alarming rate among rural children estimated at nearly 69%. In his 26th Throne Speech, His Majesty the King acknowledged the progress made while expressing dissatisfaction and the determination to rapidly correct the situation. Indeed, Morocco is still behind many other countries that display lower multidimensional poverty rates and have recorded faster declines in the index; some countries have therefore succeeded better. For example, Croatia already had a rate below 0.5% in 2022. China, with 12.5% in 2002, and Turkey, with an index of 8.5% in 2007, have recorded faster decreases and are now among the best-ranked countries. Several countries in Asia and Latin America have also seen significant declines thanks to innovative strategies, ambitious social policies, and sustained international support. Morocco remains better ranked compared to many Sub-Saharan African countries. Mali had an MPI of 77.7% in 2012 and Burundi 80.8% in 2010. However, Morocco still maintains a significant gap with global leaders and even some developing countries in the Mediterranean and Asia. To enable the Kingdom to maintain and accelerate its progress, drastic and effective measures requiring genuine political courage and boldness are needed. Several avenues should be considered simultaneously, such as: - Optimizing investment in education by reducing school dropout, promoting equal access for girls and boys in rural areas, and improving teaching quality and attractiveness through teacher qualification and adapted curricula. - Seriously addressing the issue of the language of instruction. Moroccans speak a language that is not reflected in schools. Darija is the Moroccan language and should be valorized to create a continuum between everyday life and learning. All education specialists and dedicated international bodies insist on the use of the mother tongue for more efficient learning, at least in the early school years, as seen in all countries successful in education. - Redefining what illiteracy means in Morocco. Is it still appropriate to consider illiteracy as the inability to master languages that are not used in daily life? The working language and trades that sustain Moroccans and in which all exchange, communicate, and act are not taken into account. This question must be reconsidered in light of scientific evidence, without outdated or unproductive dogma or ideology. - Accelerating medical coverage and social protection through a faster and less restrictive generalization. - Encouraging health and education professionals to settle in remote and targeted areas through significant financial incentives and housing. - Expanding and strengthening basic infrastructure with particular focus on drinking water, electricity, sanitation, and social housing even in rural areas. The issue posed by scattered housing should no longer be a taboo. Some recurring problems simply cannot be solved in certain regions due to the type and location of housing. - Targeting public efforts territorially through fine planning and priority allocation of appropriate resources to the most vulnerable regions, taking into account the real needs of the populations concerned. - Developing and refining social safety nets and resilience mechanisms to better protect populations affected by climate change. By adopting an integrated, territorially targeted approach based on precise MPI data, Morocco can consolidate the gains already made and catch up with the best performers in the region and the world in the near future, given its stability, significant growth rate, diversified and increasingly efficient economy, and, of course, the ingenuity of its people.

Moroccan Tourism in 2025: Spectacular Growth but Persistent Challenges 7660

Aziz Daouda, 14 d.
Moroccan tourism has been experiencing a very favorable phase since 2024. Tourism revenues reached nearly 50 billion dirhams in the first quarter of the current year, confirming a robust recovery after the global health crisis. This upswing is the result of a combination of factors that can be analyzed from several perspectives. Certainly, the gradual lifting of health restrictions worldwide enabled a massive return of international visitors, particularly Europeans, but also travelers from other regions of the globe. With its unique cultural richness, history, lively medinas, diverse landscapes ranging from the Atlas Mountains to the Atlantic and Mediterranean beaches, sunshine, colors, unparalleled craftsmanship, refined cuisine, and the warmth of Moroccans—their smiles, their ability to quickly connect with others, and their tolerance—the Kingdom has managed to attract clientele seeking authentic and varied experiences. After two difficult years, this strong recovery reflects renewed tourist interest in the destination. According to the government, the rise of the tourism sector is linked to a strategy and sustained policy of investment in infrastructure: world-class hotels, improved transport networks, airport modernization, and expansion of air routes. These efforts have undoubtedly significantly enhanced the country’s accessibility as well as visitor comfort and security, all now essential elements to remain competitive in a highly competitive international market. The Kingdom has also heavily invested in its global visibility through well-calibrated promotion campaigns, regular presence at major international trade shows, and strategic partnerships with key tourism players. This well-thought marketing strategy has attracted a diverse clientele, amplifying the effect of a strong national brand. Developing the tourism offer plays a crucial role in this dynamic. In addition to traditional cultural and seaside getaways that the country is famous for, Morocco is now focusing on growing segments: adventure tourism, desert trekking, extreme sports, ecotourism, national parks, protected areas, and cultural events, international festivals, and exhibitions. This diversification aims to attract different tourist profiles year-round and avoid excessive seasonality. The exceptional event of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, through the performance of the Moroccan national team and the enthusiastic support of its supporters in the stadium and the streets of Doha, had an amplifying effect on the country’s global visibility and image. This competition put Morocco on the international tourism map, attracting a significant influx of visitors and creating immediate spotlight on its attractions. As a direct result, Morocco exceeded in 2024 its initial target of 17.5 million tourists planned for 2026—a remarkable achievement. However, without contesting the announced figures, this bright spot should not mask certain challenges. A closer look at the statistics reveals a different reality. A significant portion of recorded tourists, about 50%, are Moroccans residing abroad (MRE), who visit mainly for family reasons rather than tourism linked to government strategies. It should not be overlooked that these same MRE often denounce recurring problems, foremost among them the high cost of air transport with Royal Air Maroc, which is heavily subsidized by public funds. Price gouging in hotels and restaurants, especially in summer, is also widely criticized. These difficulties impact the retention of international visitors as well, as return rates are very low. The fact that operators at all levels impose exorbitant price increases during peak season tarnishes the country’s image and discourages visitors. Staying in Morocco is abusively expensive for unclear reasons. Indeed, few tourists return multiple times after their first visit. This raises questions about the quality of the customer experience and the destination’s competitiveness. Excluding MRE and visitors traveling for professional reasons, the number of foreigners visiting Morocco by deliberate choice is therefore not that high. This calls into question the efficiency of the very large subsidies granted to the sector and, above all, the effectiveness of the promotional campaigns. The Ministry of Tourism and the National Tourism Office attribute the recorded success to their proactive policy, but the reality shows that this growth largely relies on the emotional attachment of the MRE, a factor less controllable by public authorities. Will the post-World Cup momentum and the goodwill generated be sustained over the long term? It is difficult to precisely gauge how much of the upswing is due to the World Cup context and what the real impact of public policies is, especially subsidies and aid allocated to the sector. This impact, however, cannot be ignored. To maintain the course and ensure sustainable growth of the sector, it is essential that Morocco continues and deepens its efforts: ongoing investments and innovation in the tourism offer. However, the major urgent challenge remains controlling the outrageous costs for visitors. The government’s silence on this issue risks hurting the sector badly. The summer sunshine is too expensive. It is time for the entire industry to stop acting like predators, and for scams and extortion to be forever banned quickly. Another key challenge is integrating sustainable development policies to preserve natural and cultural resources within the broader framework of inclusive development across all regions of the country. It is also imperative to include citizen awareness and education in this vision. Polluted or neglected beaches and sites, annoying incivility, and inappropriate behaviors are additional challenges to be addressed. Tourism must remain one of the major engines of Morocco’s economy, generating jobs and wealth while enhancing the country’s international standing. Still, we shall wait until the end of the campaign to make a final judgment, especially on the trajectory of the numbers and the effectiveness of measures announced in the sector’s development strategy, and above all to draw the necessary lessons.

A Last Chance: The King of Morocco’s Message to Algeria on the Sahara Issue... 8027

Aziz Daouda, 16 d.
His Majesty the King's speech, delivered on July 28, 2025, on the occasion of the Throne Day, carries particular significance in a diplomatic context that is admittedly new but has been developing for a long time. The recent circumstances are marked by the tour of Massad Boulos, father of one of Donald Trump’s sons-in-law and special envoy of the President to the region. These circumstances are further highlighted by the remarks before the U.S. Congress of the newly appointed ambassador to Rabat, who is very close to the President. Richard Duke Buchan III did not mince words: the Sahara is Moroccan. He knows the region well, having been ambassador to Spain. This situation says a lot about the current dynamics of the conflict over the Moroccan Sahara and about Algeria’s troubled stance on this issue. In his widely followed speech, eagerly awaited and well-reported by Moroccans due to the rarity of His Majesty's words, the King of Morocco emphasizes the repeated "outstretched hand" offered by Rabat. He stresses the brotherhood between the Moroccan and Algerian peoples while underlining the constancy of his position. The goal is to exert moral and diplomatic weight, presenting an image of responsibility and openness while implicitly denouncing Algerian obstruction. This rhetoric effectively offers a way out for Algeria, which is becoming isolated on the international stage. Addressing the Algerian people, His Majesty essentially calls them to witness. By explicitly highlighting growing support for his proposal, notably recent backing by the United Kingdom and Portugal, His Majesty sends a message with a dual meaning: *- Morocco enjoys increasing support for its autonomy proposal, which legitimizes its position broadly supported by the West, the Arab world, the majority of African countries, and others; - At the same time, Algeria is becoming increasingly diplomatically isolated, as confirmed by the awkward silence regarding the Sahara issue in official statements, especially after the American special envoy’s visit.* The speech disregards the new realities and moves directly to a constructive proposal for dialogue within a fraternal framework. On the other side, the absence of any mention of Western Sahara in Algerian official statements following Boulos’s meeting with President Tebboune is particularly telling. Added to this is the recent statement by the Lebanese president, made in the presence of Tebboune and his close entourage in the heart of Algerian power. He thanked the Kingdoms of Saudi Arabia and Morocco for their involvement in resolving the political crisis in his country, without a word about the Sahara. The tone of Joseph Aoun’s voice is grating to the aligned guards. Faces are tense. This reflects either a political unwillingness or inability of Algeria to publicly address this subject under international pressure, except in the presence of marginal countries. There is also an embarrassment or divergence between the regional political reality and Algerian diplomatic communication. The fact that the American special envoy continues his tour, with a clear mission, according to Trump, "to end this artificial conflict," demonstrates international determination to promote a resolution favoring Morocco’s proposal. At least, this can be inferred from Trump’s letter to His Majesty on the occasion of the Throne Day. Are we nearing a scenario similar to the resolution of the conflict between Rwanda and the DRC? His Majesty the King’s renewed call can be seen as a last resort, a final offer of appeasement: an opportunity for Algeria to step down from its stubborn stance without losing face, relying on a credible and internationally accepted proposal. Morocco has shown both patience and firmness. The next step now depends on Algeria’s choice. Unfortunately, instead of an official response, the Algerian authorities have communicated indirectly through media channels, some of whose outrageous remarks are perplexing. They even claim that the King of Morocco eventually threw in the towel in the face of Algeria’s intransigence. The lifeline extended by the King to a languishing regime is perceived as a mere sponge by the very one who needs it. A pity. Algeria now faces its contradictions, confronted with a complex constraint. Continuing to support the Polisario means further entrenchment and a risky isolation, both regionally and internationally, with an even greater threat of political weakening internally. The country suffers from an unprecedented economic crisis, limiting, due to a lack of foreign currency, imports that are vital to the economy and the people. Recurring electricity and especially water cuts in several regions add to the difficulties. The dilapidated state of cities is perplexing. Tebboune’s reassuring talks do not lessen the bitterness of the population. Heeding Morocco’s call would allow Algeria to reposition itself politically without losing face; explicitly refusing dialogue is increasingly costly and diplomatically unsustainable. Algeria risks sinking into a crisis that benefits neither its international credibility nor regional stability, and even less its domestic stability. The involvement of the American special envoy in the region, the discretion regarding the Sahara case in Algerian communiqués, and the King of Morocco’s speech all point to the same reality: the status quo can no longer continue. The generous and wise royal appeal is indeed a last chance offered to Algeria to escape the deadlock, avoid international political embarrassment, and preserve some dignity for its leaders. By opting for dialogue, Algiers would also save face internally, with a population that has been fed a hatred of the Kingdom for five decades and sacrificed for a cause that brought only misery and disappointment. What does the population feel when it sees mercenaries occupying part of its territory, parading at its expense, pretending to lead a bogus “republic”? The international context, with major actors clearly engaged for a pragmatic resolution, reduces Algeria’s room for maneuver. Will Algeria seize this opportunity to redirect its policy, or will it continue a costly and potentially harmful strategy? In that case, there will be only one loser: Algeria. The regional and international momentum is accelerating every day in favor of the Moroccan proposal. This is the meaning , and only the meaning, that should be given to the Throne Day speech of the King of Morocco.

Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 8584

Aziz Daouda, 22 d.
The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position

Between Ideology and Pragmatism: The Spanish Radical Left's Controversial Stance on Moroccan Sahara... 8912

Aziz Daouda, 25 d.
I confess here that it was the writings of Si Lahcen Hadad that pushed me to take a closer interest in this Spanish left, which positions itself in opposition to the Sánchez government, which is itself left-wing. Not reading Spanish, I am therefore somewhat less inclined to pay attention to the repeated ignominies of this left, sick from not being able to access power, sick from its aborted history, sick from what it actually is. So, to exist, it invented a cause. Too bad if it understands nothing about it, too bad if it harms Spain’s interests, too bad if it distorts history, ignores geography and demography, too bad if its reasoning, if it is reasoning at all, is far from logical, too bad if it lies outrageously. The important thing is to exist and to appear to the Spanish public as the defender of the causes of the most deprived... No matter if those people harmed the Spanish people; no matter if they have Spanish blood on their hands. Manifest bad faith. In Spain, therefore, a significant part of the radical left, mainly represented by formations such as Unidas Podemos, an alliance between Podemos, Izquierda Unida, and other minority groups, maintains a posture—let’s say critical, if not belligerent—towards the Kingdom of Morocco. This contradictory position is fed by a historical prism marked by colonial memory, “anti-imperialist” struggles, but also by the question of the Sahara, called the "Spanish Sahara" until 1975, as it was a former territory under Spanish domination until the Green March in 1975. This radical left considers Morocco a belligerent and threatening actor. The debate is not limited to territorial disputes: it fits into an ideological vision where the Moroccan state is often presented as an authoritarian and repressive regime, described as a neocolonial power. This is what underpins the repeated support for the artificial Sahrawi cause, presented as an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist fight. Support for the Polisario Front thus seems embedded in the DNA of these “gauchos,” regardless of developments. Historically, several components of the Spanish left have expressed clear support for the Polisario Front, founded in 1973, which was nevertheless supported by Gaddafi, then hosted, supplied, and armed by the Algerian regime with the aim of harming Morocco’s interests. This support manifests itself in various forms: - Filing parliamentary motions in defense of the right to self-determination for this small part of the Sahara alone; - Participation in international pro-Polisario forums and associative networks that blindly support it, regardless of reports on the embezzlement of aid, rapes, and flagrant human rights abuses in Tindouf; - Pressure on the Spanish government and European institutions to recognize the political status of the Sahara, neglecting to mention that it was formerly occupied by their country, as a territory to be decolonized, in opposition to Morocco’s historical sovereignty. Even the autonomy proposal, well known in Spain, does not seem to satisfy them. However, it should be noted that this support comes in a context of strong internal contestation in Spain. Since the socialist government of Pedro Sánchez expressed its support in 2022 for the Moroccan autonomy plan, this radical position has somewhat fractured. This change reflects a pragmatic adaptation by some to the geopolitical, economic, and migratory realities that closely link the two countries. Faced with challenges related to managing migratory flows through the occupied enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as security and economic cooperation with the Kingdom of Morocco, the Spanish government has refocused its diplomacy. This has led to a gradual distancing of the left—but not the radical left—from the Polisario, thus marginalizing its influence on official policy. In this context, some voices within the radical left still try to persuade European institutions to keep pressure on Morocco, demanding that the so-called Western Sahara remain central to priorities to resolve an “unresolved colonial conflict.” Parliamentary groups and “pro-Sahrawi” NGOs continue to denounce bilateral agreements between Madrid and Rabat, refusing that the issue be sidelined in favor of a more “pragmatic” diplomacy. Spanish and European institutions, the theater of these ideological tensions, thus see the radical left forces seeking to have the question of the so-called Western Sahara recognized as a “state matter.” They denounce Moroccan control over this dossier and strongly contest the diplomatic normalization policies carried out by Madrid. This line reflects a deep political fracture, where post-colonial idealism and outdated self-determination claims clash head-on with political realism marked by the search for regional strategic balances. Support for the so-called Sahrawi cause is not without controversy. Activists, commentators, and victims have recalled that the Polisario Front was, in the past, involved in violent operations in Spanish territorial waters, causing the death of Spanish fishermen. These painful episodes resonate in Spanish public opinion and fuel a virulent critique of radical positions that support a movement with a past combining political struggle and violent actions. This memory weighs heavily in contemporary debate and is exploited by political forces opposed to these radical left positions, notably the Spanish right. The question of the Sahara, a territory that was Spanish for a time, remains an important point in relations between Spain and Morocco. However, current political, economic, and security realities push for pragmatic Spanish diplomacy, favorable to strengthened cooperation with Rabat, thus marginalizing the radical stance on both governmental and international stages. The historical legacy is here perfectly exploited for contemporary necessities in managing Ibero-Moroccan relations. Today, after consulting numerous articles and writings recounting the positions of this left of another era, I understand a little better Si Lahcen Hadad's fight on the subject, and even more so his sharp responses to the remarks of a certain Ignacio Cembrero, whom I now see only as a bland neurotic. Thank you, Si Lahcen. One question remains: why is the Moroccan left not more inclined to take a stand and strongly denounce the alienated stance of their Spanish counterparts?

Morocco, History, and Geography: The Foundations of Political Reality and Territorial Integrity... 9195

Aziz Daouda, 28 d.
Politics cannot be separated from history or geography. It consists of a set of actions and decisions aimed at organizing a society internally, as well as in its relations with the rest of the world. It is always situated within a context shaped by the two fundamental dimensions of history and geography, which are by no means mere backdrops but rather provide the framework within which political projects, conflicts, and developments unfold. Politics may be influenced by an ideology—born of a philosophy—or simply shaped by a given context, but such influence rarely lasts. History plays a fundamental role in understanding political phenomena. A country’s institutions, laws, and values are rooted in its collective memory, an inheritance made up of major events, breaks, or continuities with the past. Borders, for example, are often drawn following wars or treaties, the outcome of ancient or recent conflicts. They remain visible marks of past rivalries, defeats, victories, and compromises. Relations—whether of solidarity or rivalry—between nations, regions, or communities are explained in light of shared or divergent histories. The present Kingdom of Morocco cannot be understood without reference to its millennial origins, to the centuries-old Sharifian Empire, nor to the successive dynasties that shaped its relationship to religion, allegiance, and the centralization of power throughout different eras. Similarly, geography significantly influences the choices and constraints of public policies. The distribution of natural resources conditions economic development, territorial organization, and power relations. Relief, climate, and access to maritime routes determine possibilities for urbanization, agriculture, communication, and defense. Border situations impose specific diplomatic and security policies, while landlocked or insular areas require tailored strategies. Some authors even describe Morocco as an “island country” due to its geographical configuration. It is therefore inconceivable to conceive of effective or legitimate politics without taking history and geography into account. Every choice, reform, or political ambition must be based on a deep understanding of the territory and collective memory; ignoring one or the other exposes one to illusion, misunderstanding, or even failure. Regarding the Sahara, referred to as the “Western Sahara,” the geography of this region is undeniably contiguous to Morocco, physically, demographically, and historically: the Saharan populations have largely contributed to the country’s evolution. Its history was written through the successive allegiances of its tribes to the sultans of Morocco, and the Sharifian kingdom thus constitutes a nation-state established long before the contemporary era. Weakened by having missed the crucial turn of the industrial revolution, the Sharifian Empire was dissected from south to north, but also from the east. The so-called Western Sahara was annexed by Spain, which exercised colonial control there from 1884 to 1975. This situation facilitated France’s domination over territories grouped into French West Africa, part of which later became Mauritania. France also appropriated the eastern part of the Sharifian Empire, annexed de facto to its departments conquered from the Ottoman Empire and called French Algeria. The remainder was placed under French protectorate, while northern Morocco came under Spanish rule. Independence, achieved in 1956, and the gradual decolonization of Sidi Ifni and Tarfaya concerned other regions only later. On November 28, 1960, France authorized the proclamation of Mauritania’s independence—a region then claimed by Morocco, as were territories under Spanish control that Morocco considered its own. At that time, there was a Moroccan ministry called the “Ministry of Mauritanian and Saharan Affairs,” headed by Mohammed Fal Ould Oumeir, a representative of those territories. From 1963 onwards, the kingdom raised the issue of the Spanish Sahara before the Decolonization Commission. The situation became complicated when newly created Mauritania also claimed the territory, notably to pressure Morocco, which did not recognize Mauritanian independence until 1969—nine years after its proclamation. Morocco continued to claim the Spanish Sahara peacefully, preventing the Liberation Army from pursuing military actions in the region. In 1973, the creation of the Polisario Front (Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro) marked a new stage. This movement initially aimed to unite the Saharan territory with the “motherland.” But in a context of regional rivalries and ideological tensions, the Saharan question was instrumentalized by various actors. Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya played a decisive role in the rise of the separatist Polisario, supporting and arming the movement in a "revolutionary" and pan-Arabist logic, while seeking to destabilize the Moroccan monarchy. Later, Gaddafi himself admitted having made a “strategic mistake” in backing this group, which remains a destabilizing factor in the region today. In 1975, a peaceful turning point occurred: bolstered by the International Court of Justice’s opinion recognizing ties of allegiance between Saharan tribes and Moroccan sultans, the late King Hassan II launched the Green March to general surprise. This mobilization pushed Spain to withdraw from Laâyoune in favor of Morocco, which immediately reclaimed the territory. Mauritania, although having occupied adjacent zones, ultimately withdrew, leaving Morocco alone against the Polisario Front, actively supported by Algeria, which hosted, armed, financed, and elevated the movement into a “republic.” Houari Boumédiène’s Algeria exploited the situation to weaken its Moroccan neighbor, even calling the Saharan issue a “thorn in Morocco’s side,” a way of exacting revenge for the crushing defeat in 1963. This dispute has often overshadowed the deep history of ties between Morocco and these territories under Sharifian authority well before the colonial era. For Morocco, territorial integrity rests firmly on the constants of history and geography—major arguments. The rest is merely a temporary construction without foundation, destined to fade into oblivion in the near future. Moroccans know this very well… Perhaps not everyone else…

Morocco-Nigeria: From Coldness to a Continental Strategic Partnership... 9932

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
I am currently in Abeokuta, Nigeria, for the organization of the African Athletics Championships for U18 and U20. It is only natural to reflect on the relations between Morocco and Nigeria, which have seen a remarkable evolution, moving from a period of distance and caution to a major strategic partnership for Africa. An eloquent indicator: the national airline now operates two daily flights to Lagos. From the 1960s to the 1980s, relations between Morocco and Nigeria remained formal but distant, due to deep ideological differences. Nigeria, an Anglophone heavyweight and close to the Non-Aligned Movement—a non-alignment that in reality meant alignment with the Eastern European models of the time. Morocco, on the other hand, closer to the West, adopted a cautious diplomacy in line with its longstanding position and its principles of non-interference and respect for peoples and their choices. The distancing between the two countries became more pronounced, especially after the Kingdom’s withdrawal from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1984, in reaction to the admission of the so-called Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) to this organization. The issue of the so-called Western Sahara was a major point of friction, with Nigeria supporting the SADR, which hindered any significant rapprochement. Thus, relations during the 1980s and 1990s remained lukewarm, limited to basic diplomatic exchanges. The return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999, with the election of Olusegun Obasanjo, and Morocco’s growing influence on the African stage marked a turning point. The two countries began a discreet but concrete diplomatic rapprochement. Several areas were explored to strengthen cooperation: energy, with discussions on gas cooperation; trade, with modest but growing exchanges; agriculture, aiming to meet the growing needs of the Nigerian population; and the religious dimension, notably through Sufism and the moderate religious education promoted by Morocco. The real turning point came in December 2016, during the historic visit of King Mohammed VI to Abuja. This visit marked a break in bilateral relations, with the signing of numerous cooperation agreements in the agricultural, banking, industrial, religious, and energy sectors. One recalls here the fraternal embraces and warm words that marked the meetings between His Majesty King Mohammed VI and President Buhari. The flagship project in this dynamic is the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline (NMGP), announced in 2016. This ambitious project, over 5,600 km long and crossing 13 West African countries, aims to transport Nigerian gas to Morocco, and potentially to Europe. Its objectives are multiple: to ensure energy security, promote regional integration, and strengthen geopolitical stability. Between 2022 and 2023, several financing and technical study agreements were signed with ECOWAS, OPEC, and European partners. At the same time, cooperation has diversified: Moroccan banks have invested in Nigeria, while the partnership between the OCP (Office Chérifien des Phosphates) and the Dangote Group has strengthened fertilizer production in Nigeria. On the religious front, Morocco welcomes Nigerian imams to its training centers, thus consolidating cultural and religious ties. Since the election of President Bola Tinubu in 2023, active cooperation with Morocco seems to be continuing. The NMGP pipeline project is progressing with the support of key players such as the European Union and the Islamic Development Bank, despite a complicated global context marked by the war in Ukraine and regional instability. The issue of Western Sahara remains a moderate dividing line: Nigeria has not withdrawn its recognition of the SADR, but has not made any hostile statements towards Rabat for several years, indicating a certain diplomatic appeasement. The Morocco-Nigeria partnership is part of a complex geostrategic dynamic, notably in competition and complementarity with Algeria. The Morocco-Nigeria project is sometimes seen as a counterweight to the Trans-Saharan Algeria-Nigeria pipeline, which remains at the project stage, unlike the Moroccan project, which is advancing rapidly and according to the set schedule. At the regional level, this alliance could reshape North-South axes of African cooperation, linking West Africa to the Maghreb, thus moving beyond the traditional Francophone/Anglophone divide. Morocco’s application to join ECOWAS, although currently suspended, illustrates this desire for deeper economic integration with Abuja as a key partner. Relations between Morocco and Nigeria have evolved from diplomatic coldness to a structuring strategic alliance for the African continent. The gas pipeline project, banking establishment, agricultural and religious cooperation, as well as geoeconomic convergences, make this partnership a major pillar of Africa’s Global South. The next decade will be decisive in measuring the ability of these two countries to transform their cooperation into a driver of continental integration. This clear overview and chronology of the evolution of Morocco-Nigeria bilateral relations highlights the political, economic, and geostrategic stakes underlying them. Can we conclude without paying heartfelt tribute and praying for the soul of President Muhammadu Buhari, who passed away on Sunday, July 13, in London at the age of 82 after a long illness? It was during his presidency that relations between the two countries developed and moved from a latent conflictual routine to a win-win cooperation. May he rest in peace.

Kingdom of Morocco: 2030 Foundation, the New Momentum for Major Sporting Events 10034

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Business - Sports -
2.4 min read.
The Moroccan Government Council recently formalized the creation of the **2030 Foundation**, an innovative strategic entity tasked with leading the preparation, organization, and successful hosting of major international sporting events that the Kingdom will welcome in the coming years. This initiative aligns with an ambitious vision driven by royal directives and the instructions given at the Council of Ministers on December 4, 2024, aiming to establish Morocco as a global benchmark for hosting major sporting events. The **2030 Foundation** is not merely an organizing committee; it is designed as a true lever for economic, social, and infrastructural transformation. Its mission encompasses the comprehensive management of flagship events such as the **2025 Africa Cup of Nations**, which will serve as a full-scale rehearsal, and the **2030 FIFA World Cup**, co-hosted with Spain and Portugal. Through this new entity, Morocco intends not only to guarantee the technical and logistical success of these competitions but also to maximize their positive impact across the entire national territory. To achieve this, the Foundation’s mission rests on **six strategic pillars**: 1. **Optimal planning and coordination:** The Foundation will ensure rigorous and detailed planning covering all phases from preparation to event closure. It will effectively mobilize public and private stakeholders to respect timelines and international standards, with global logistical management—including delegation reception, security, communication, and media—at its core. 2. **Acceleration of infrastructure projects:** Hosting these sporting events is a powerful driver for infrastructure development. The Foundation will oversee the completion and modernization of stadiums, training centers, and related facilities according to FIFA and CAF requirements. It will also lead the development of airports, the expansion of the high-speed rail network, and improvement of roadways to facilitate mobility for spectators and teams. Renovation and construction of hotels, as well as enhancement of tourism services and urban infrastructure in host cities, are integral to this large-scale effort. 3. **Transparent, rigorous project management:** The Foundation commits to exemplary management with strict monitoring of budgets, deadlines, and specifications. It will implement control and evaluation tools to guarantee the effectiveness of actions undertaken, ensuring Morocco fully honors its international commitments and strengthens its global credibility and image. 4. **Administrative coordination and international dialogue:** Acting as the sole interlocutor with international bodies such as FIFA and CAF, the Foundation will centralize decisions and harmonize Morocco’s positions. This centralization will facilitate exchanges, accelerate negotiations, and swiftly resolve potential issues, ensuring essential administrative and diplomatic fluidity for event success. 5. **Promotion of a positive and sustainable image of Morocco:** Beyond technical aspects, the Foundation will play a key role in long-term strategic planning, integrating economic, social, and environmental benefits. It will highlight Morocco’s cultural, tourist, and economic assets and deploy proactive communication to attract investors, media, and visitors, thereby enhancing the Kingdom’s international appeal. 6. **Enhanced support for host regions and provinces:** Aware of the importance of balanced territorial development, the Foundation will provide technical and financial support to organizing regions and provinces. It will ensure local human resource training and mobilization while developing public and private services (transport, security, health, accommodation) to offer an optimal visitor experience. This approach guarantees that event benefits extend throughout Morocco, helping reduce regional disparities. The **2030 Foundation** embodies a dynamic of sustainable and inclusive development, aiming to create jobs, stimulate the local economy, strengthen modern infrastructure, and improve social cohesion and Morocco’s cultural influence. These sporting events become catalysts to accelerate the Kingdom’s economic and social transformation. Underlying this vision is the goal to depoliticize the action to ensure guaranteed success. The Foundation transcends time, competition, and political calculation. One major challenge is to shield these mega sports projects from political uncertainties and administrative delays. By ensuring centralized, rigorous, and multidisciplinary management, it guarantees optimal project efficiency and safeguards against bureaucratic stagnation. The **2030 Foundation** is thus the cornerstone of an ambitious national strategy that promises not only the exemplary success of CAN 2025 and the 2030 FIFA World Cup but also the emergence of a new dynamic of harmonious and sustainable development for Morocco. This innovation reflects the Kingdom’s determination to combine sporting excellence with socio-economic progress. It embodies a modern, proactive vision capable of transforming international sporting events into genuine levers of long-term growth and influence. Morocco will position itself as a key player on the global sports stage, ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with ambition and responsibility.

Morocco, an Indispensable Pivot of the New American Strategy in Africa and the Atlantic... 10100

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
In a mini-summit, the first of its kind, President Trump hosted five West African heads of state, marking a new geopolitical dynamic in the region. The USA is now adopting a pragmatic and transactional approach focused on economic partnerships, security, and the development of strategic resources. Underlying this is, of course, the aim to counter the growing influence of China and Russia in the region. This new orientation is reflected in the targeted selection of African partners. Washington favors countries perceived as open to investment and rich in critical resources, possibly at the expense of some regional heavyweights like Nigeria. The emphasis is on trade and investment agreements replacing the traditional official development aid, which has been abandoned in favor of bilateral deals centered on commerce, access to strategic minerals such as manganese, uranium, oil, cobalt, and securing supply chains. One of the pillars of this new approach is strengthening security, which the region greatly needs. Discussions focused on combating terrorism, regulating migration flows, and military cooperation, with the intention to rely on trustworthy partners to project American power. Let us set aside the behavior of the participants and the awkwardness that chilled the atmosphere. Ultimately, everyone was simply in their place according to their true standing. One by one, before the president, each head of state introduced themselves in a kind of “name, first name, profession.” It is unfortunate that Mauritania, Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, and Senegal separately expressed their economic, security, and political priorities. - Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, the strongman of Gabon, emphasized the need for increased support for local processing of mineral resources, mentioning his decision to ban the export of raw manganese by 2029 to promote value addition locally, following the Botswana model. He expressed openness to industrial partnerships to develop refining and local production capacities. - Umaro Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau highlighted the strategic importance of his country’s port and its rich bauxite deposits, requesting support to modernize port and logistics infrastructure, a key condition for attracting investment and regional economic integration. - Joseph Boakai of Liberia, speaking in perfect English according to Trump, called for a more favorable framework for American investments, especially regarding legal security and anti-corruption efforts. He also requested enhanced cooperation in combating drug trafficking and regulating migration flows, key factors for regional stability. - Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, president of Mauritania, seeks to develop manganese and uranium resources, calling for agreements to build local industrial sectors. He also proposed strengthened partnership in maritime security to fight piracy and illicit trafficking in the Atlantic. - Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal raised the issue of his country’s hidden debt and sought support from international financial institutions like the IMF, as well as enhanced economic and trade cooperation, particularly in renewable energy and information technology sectors. All want to establish sustainable partnerships with the USA focused on local resource processing, infrastructure modernization, security, and economic governance. Were they warning that without American investments, other powers would take their place? Although Morocco was not invited to this mini-summit, it occupies a central place in the new African and Atlantic geopolitical architecture thanks to several levers, notably the modernization of the Morocco–United States free trade agreement. Rabat seeks to expand this agreement to include emerging sectors such as artificial intelligence, defense industry, clean energy, and green hydrogen, beyond traditional textile and agricultural exports. The United States, wishing to secure certain supplies to reduce dependence on China, finds Morocco a good partner in strategic minerals with its phosphate and cobalt reserves, essential resources for the global energy transition. Morocco is also a major security partner. It hosts the African Lion exercises and is modernizing its armed forces with advanced American equipment, including HIMARS, drones, and missiles. It is also negotiating the acquisition of F-35 fighter jets. In energy, Morocco aims to become a key supplier of green hydrogen for Europe and the United States, with projects integrating into future transatlantic energy supply chains. In the context of the new American policy, Morocco can hope to better benefit from the situation, primarily through reaffirmed American support for Morocco’s sovereignty over the Southern provinces, which strengthens its position. The Polisario is thus more isolated and Algeria disoriented. The Kingdom has also established itself as a regional hub thanks to its Atlantic anchorage, infrastructure, projects such as the port of Dakhla, the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline, and its political stability. It presents itself as the ideal gateway for American and European companies seeking access to the African market. This is a major asset for increased investment attractiveness. The geopolitical rivalry favors an influx of capital and structuring projects, especially in renewable energy, technology, and defense industries. Add to this Morocco’s African diplomatic leadership. Building on its diplomatic and economic successes, Morocco consolidates its role as mediator and leader in South-South cooperation and regional integration initiatives. It is the perfect pivot state for the region. The next step is for Mauritania to join the USA and the other four countries and clearly express its position on the Sahara issue. The current geopolitical reshuffle offers unprecedented room to strengthen strategic partnerships, develop resources, ensure security, and promote the prosperity of peoples. However, these opportunities require agile diplomacy and the ability to anticipate rapid changes in alliances and international priorities. Have the Five seized this chance? They all maintain good relations with the Kingdom.

Moroccan Higher Education Under Fire: The Crisis of Diploma Sales and Scientific Integrity... 10482

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
2.7 min read.
The recent scandal involving the sale of diplomas at Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is not just an isolated incident but a symptom of a systemic crisis undermining the credibility of Moroccan higher education and, more broadly, public trust in institutions. The arrest of a law professor suspected of issuing diplomas in exchange for payment exposed a structured network of academic fraud, revealing serious flaws in control and evaluation mechanisms. Even if isolated, this phenomenon deeply impacts the quality and reputation of Moroccan diplomas. It undermines the quality of university education, calls into question the integrity of evaluation procedures, weakens the pedagogical authority of teachers, and discredits Moroccan diplomas both nationally and internationally. The consequences are multiple, ranging from employers losing trust in the value of diplomas, to reduced international mobility of Moroccan students, and, of course, to the weakening of Moroccan universities' reputations in global rankings. **In response, reactions have been strong given the gravity of the case. The National Authority for Integrity, Prevention, and the Fight against Corruption (INPPLC) intervened, initiating civil action to defend the public interest despite the opening of a judicial investigation. The scandal was also raised in Parliament, highlighting the crisis's magnitude and the need for a strong response to restore citizens' confidence in academic and judicial institutions.** This scandal confirms what had already been rumored among students about registrations and diplomas obtained for money or even in exchange for sexual favors. The situation is further aggravated by a recently revealed structural problem in scientific research. This scandal is neither isolated nor unprecedented. It fits into a broader context of a crisis of scientific integrity, as revealed by the 2025 Scientific Research Integrity Index. This index, focused on the quality and ethics of publications, sounded the alarm for ten Moroccan universities, flagged for publications tainted by methodological errors or plagiarism, and removed from international databases. The 2025 Scientific Integrity Ranking presents an alarming state of affairs: - Ibn Tofail University in Kenitra is on the red list: out of 2,154 publications, 165 were withdrawn. - Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is on the orange list: 96 of 1,912 publications withdrawn. - Hassan II University in Casablanca is also on the orange list with 202 publications withdrawn out of 3,668. - Mohammed V University in Rabat is on the orange list with 253 articles withdrawn out of 4,544. - Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah University in Fez is also on the orange list with 191 titles withdrawn. - Abdelmalek Essaadi, Sultan Moulay Slimane, Moulay Ismail, Mohammed VI Polytechnic, and Cadi Ayyad universities are on the yellow list, meaning under surveillance. This ranking highlights a high or very high risk of non-compliance with academic integrity standards in several Moroccan public institutions, damaging the country's reputation in the MENA region. Morocco ranks third in terms of the number of universities concerned, behind Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It is important to emphasize that it is not the walls of these institutions that are at fault or cause such scandalous harm, but humans—and not just any humans. These are the ones supposed to train the national elites, advance the country, and secure its future. *Quickly said: not all of them, because there are also very great, competent, and honest teachers and researchers in our universities who are the first to suffer from this situation.* This means that even at this level, where probity should be decisive and where only competence should prevail, unacceptable practices likely exist in researcher recruitment, in peer review of their work, or by the institutions that employ them. This crisis, which tarnishes the country's image, demands urgent and structural measures. Without calling for immediate sanctions, demotions, or dismissals of the teachers involved, it is imperative to prioritize strengthening internal controls, guarantee the autonomy of scientific integrity units in each university, and train teacher-researchers and students in research ethics and fraud detection, reminding them that they are monitored internationally and that plagiarism or data manipulation cannot escape the vigilance of competent authorities. Finally, it is imperative and urgent to establish an independent national observatory to ensure transparent and sustainable monitoring of academic practices. Our academics must understand that valuing integrity in rankings and university recognition is an absolute necessity. To this end, they have the duty to prioritize quality over quantity in publications. The multiplication of scandals in the university environment is only the visible part of a deeper malaise in management, curricula, and the very foundation of university education in Morocco. This is what generates so many dysfunctions that must be tackled head-on and without concession. Meeting the challenge of academic integrity is today a sine qua non condition to guarantee the credibility, attractiveness, and competitiveness of Moroccan universities on a global scale, with all the impact this can have on the country's future. This is the true mission of Si Azzedine El Midaoui, Minister of Higher Education, Scientific Research, and Innovation, who knows the intricacies of Moroccan universities well, having worked at all levels within them.

Algeria Faces Strategic Imperative to Disarm Polisario Amid Geopolitical Shifts 10470

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
*The disarmament of the Polisario now appears as the *ultimate option* Algeria might face in light of recent geopolitical and diplomatic developments. Several factors converge toward this perspective, which is no longer merely hypothetical but a strategic and political necessity. For several years, the international community, notably driven by the United States, has clearly positioned Morocco’s autonomy proposal as the only credible basis for resolving the so-called Western Sahara conflict. This shift has fundamentally changed the dynamics, marginalizing the Polisario and weakening its traditional support, especially from Algeria. Algeria, which has long provided military and political backing to the Polisario, now finds itself in a delicate position, under international pressure and confronted with realities on the ground. The movement of Polisario militias out of Algerian territory perfectly reflects Algeria’s impotence, even debacle, as separatists openly use it as a logistical rear base. Separatist incursions into the buffer zone—part of Moroccan territory, a restricted area under tight Moroccan military surveillance—significantly weaken the Polisario, which emerges defeated each time. **In an already tense regional context, the recent terrorist attack in Mali illustrates the worsening security threats. Several Malian cities have been seized by a genuine terrorist army, an unprecedented coalition of all extremist factions in the region, including about 300 fighters armed and coming from the Polisario. This alliance complicates the security landscape in West and North Africa, blurring lines between armed groups and political movements, increasing pressure on neighboring states, particularly Algeria with its porous borders. For the first time, terrorists approached the Senegalese border, a significant development. Are we on the verge of the birth of another Islamic state?** In the United States, bipartisan calls to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization implicitly target Algeria, which could be labeled a “state sponsor of terrorism.” Facing these pressures, the Algerian military junta has few options. The most likely is a calibrated backtrack: accepting Morocco’s autonomy proposal as a negotiation basis. Reluctantly, it is forced to reduce its military support for the Polisario, which will also lose backing from Iran and its proxies. In this context, disarming the Polisario is not only a military option but a political and security imperative. Maintaining armed militias, fed illusions and weapons for decades, has become a burden for Algeria, which must now consider their dissolution, halt their funding, and isolate the most belligerent elements. This implicit approach aligns with the political settlement logic based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. It would pave the way for the return of Sahrawis held in camps to their Moroccan homeland. The political end of the Polisario renders its armed existence obsolete. Disarmament thus appears as Algeria’s last card to exit the Western Sahara conflict deadlock without losing face or risking international sanctions. This choice, imposed by circumstances, could mark the end of an armed confrontation era and open the path to a painful but peaceful resolution for separatists and Algerian military leaders, who would suffer yet another defeat against Morocco. On the other hand, Algeria must finally allow a precise census of the Tindouf camp inhabitants and clearly determine their origins. It is known that Sahrawis from Moroccan Sahara are a minority, about one-third of the population. This census, repeatedly requested by the United Nations and the UNHCR, is essential to ensure transparency and the future of all. Morocco would likely not allow non-Moroccans to settle on its territory. Algeria’s persistent refusal to permit this census raises serious questions about its motives, given contradictions over the real number and origins of the camp populations, who are not only displaced from Western Sahara but also include Sahrawis from Algeria, Mauritania, and elsewhere. This opacity contributes to militarization and a situation contrary to the 1951 Refugee Convention principles, as populations are effectively detained and armed, incompatible with refugee status. Moreover, a refugee cannot be armed. Disarming the Polisario is thus a major strategic and political necessity for Algeria, facing increased international, especially American, pressure demanding not only militia disarmament but also dismantling of the Tindouf camps. Maintaining armed militias in these camps is a real burden for Algiers and an obstacle to peaceful regional relations. Population census is therefore an essential step to clearly distinguish civilian refugees from armed fighters, a prerequisite for disarmament and militia dissolution. Without this clarification, the international community cannot control the situation, prevent fraud, or guarantee regional security. In sum, Algeria must stop evading its responsibilities by finally allowing an internationally supervised census, which would open the way to more transparent and humane conflict management while facilitating Polisario disarmament, indispensable for a lasting political solution based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. This difficult but unavoidable choice is crucial to avoid diplomatic isolation, sanctions risk, and regional security deterioration. However, this option remains delicate and fraught with consequences for Algiers, which must first convince its population of the paradigm shift and find solutions for separatists whose hands are stained with blood. Disarming the Polisario, far from a mere military operation, will be a major turning point in regional dynamics and a decisive test for Algerian diplomacy. This will require great courage and perhaps new leadership.*

Morocco’s Heatwave Exposes Critical Failures in Train Air Conditioning Systems 10049

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Thriller -
2.2 min read.
Morocco has just experienced an exceptional heatwave, like many other countries in the region, including those further north. While temperatures exceeded 45°C in several areas, train passengers expressed strong anger over the air conditioning failures on many trains operated by the National Office of Railways (ONCF), especially on conventional lines connecting the main cities of the Kingdom. On social media, increasing testimonies of frustration described train cars as true “walking ovens.” For many, some journeys, particularly the heavily trafficked line between Casablanca and Rabat, have become nearly unbearable. Numerous travelers are outraged, going as far as to call this situation a clear sign of disrespect toward passengers. This failure mainly affects classic trains, often over twenty years old, whose air conditioning systems are outdated and frequently out of order. In contrast, the high-speed Al Boraq line, which connects Casablanca to Tangier, is better equipped to handle these extreme conditions, offering a striking contrast between modernity and obsolescence. The National Meteorological Directorate recorded historic peaks: 47.3°C in Marrakech, 46°C in Fès, and 45.5°C in Kénitra. Under these conditions, inside a non-air-conditioned carriage, temperatures far exceed the tolerable threshold, endangering not only passengers’ comfort but also their health, especially the most vulnerable such as the elderly and children. In this context, it is often the controllers, powerless, who bear the brunt of passengers’ anger and verbal outbursts. It is important to recall that international railway transport standards require functional air conditioning systems, especially during heatwaves. In several countries, prolonged absence of air conditioning can even lead to financial compensation for travelers. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case in Morocco, where no regulations provide for compensation, which is absurd: citizens do not receive a service commensurate with their expense, while the law should protect them, especially in a monopoly situation. And this is indeed the case. Facing a flood of criticism, the ONCF acknowledges the technical difficulties related to old train sets and announces maintenance operations. However, these explanations fail to convince users, who denounce a lack of structural investment in renewing the railway fleet, despite regular fare increases. The question also arises whether the problem lies solely in the obsolescence of equipment, or if it also stems from a lack of maintenance team skills, or even negligence. Elsewhere, sometimes older trains still provide good ventilation and air conditioning service. In 2025, traveling without air conditioning in a country where heatwaves have become the norm is no longer acceptable. An emergency plan must be implemented, especially as summer has just begun, with holidays and major travel ahead. The ONCF regularly communicates about its future acquisitions of modern trains, but will any be in service this summer? In any case, the current rolling stock must be better maintained to improve passenger comfort. It is a basic right. Beyond the obvious discomfort, this situation raises a deeper issue related to respect for passengers and the quality of public service. In a context where the government encourages the use of public transport to reduce the carbon footprint, trains should be a reliable and attractive alternative. However, recurring failures tarnish the ONCF’s credibility, widening the gap between the Al Boraq line, Morocco’s technological showcase, and the conventional lines, perceived as outdated and uncomfortable despite visible efforts in seat comfort and station organization, especially at newer stations. Faced with this crisis, it is imperative that the ONCF revise its strategy. While significant investments have been made in high-speed rail, it is urgent to give equal attention to conventional lines that serve thousands of Moroccans daily. During heatwaves, the absence of air conditioning on trains is not a mere oversight but a crucial public health and dignity issue for travelers. A clear action plan, including a precise schedule for renovating train sets, better maintenance of existing systems, and a revision of passenger rights in case of failure, must be adopted without delay and made public. Everyone knows that the ONCF aims to transform its services by 2030, but until then, millions of Moroccans will take the train and deserve dignity and respect.

No Religion in Science But Ethics in Citizenship 5186

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 1 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
0.9 min read.
I write these words with deep respect and a sense of emotion. Professor Jamal Fezza my former high school philosophy teacher and later my thesis co-supervisor is currently facing an unfair wave of criticism. And I feel the need to publicly express my support. Those who know him understand how deeply he embodies intellectual rigor, ethical integrity, and an unwavering commitment to what science is meant to be: a space for free thought, beyond identity-based boundaries. In emotionally charged moments, it’s easy to withdraw into national or personal reactions. I know this I’ve experienced it myself. Once, I was faced with a difficult decision, and I chose not to attend a scientific event, out of loyalty to my country. But that decision was mine alone. I never asked anyone else to follow suit, nor did I demand that scientific spaces be shaped to reflect my personal stance. That’s what Jamal Fezza is reminding us of today and that’s what I stand by: science should never be confused with foreign policy. Refusing to engage with researchers based on nationality is not an act of resistance it’s a step away from dialogue and intellectual integrity. This doesn’t mean turning a blind eye to injustice. It means preserving the university as a place where ideas, not identities, are confronted. I am proud to have had Professor Fezza as a teacher, and later as a mentor. But beyond the personal bond, I am above all grateful for the example he continues to set with clarity, honesty, and courage. We need voices like his, especially when they are inconvenient.
youtu.be/RsfDelvjatA

The Smara Attack: A Reflection of Power Struggles in Algeria... 4499

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The recent Polisario attack on Smara, in the Moroccan Sahara, takes place within a context of deep divisions within the Algerian military hierarchy, which directly influence the policy of the Algerian state. These internal tensions, marked by strategic rivalries, impact the Algiers-Polisario strategy vis-à-vis Morocco. This offensive, targeting notably a MINURSO base and the small airport of Smara, reflects the will of certain sectors of the Algerian army, supporting the Polisario, to challenge the international community and counter American diplomatic pressure, particularly the bill in Congress aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization. This move also likely reflects a disagreement within the Algiers-Polisario alliance, exacerbated by the request of the Algerian Chief of Staff, Said Chengriha, to return the Iranian weapons supplied to the Polisario, signaling a probable change of course under international pressure. The Polisario, dependent on Algerian authorities for its actions, illustrates through this attack the fractures within the Algerian military hierarchy. Several currents oppose each other: some advocate rapprochement with France, others maintain the historic relationship with Russia, while others seek to appease the United States. These divergences are amplified by regional geopolitical stakes, notably the war in Ukraine, and by Morocco’s rapprochement with Sahel countries, which exasperates certain members of the general staff. Moreover, the concentration of military, political, economic, and diplomatic powers in the hands of General Chengriha fuels tensions with the civilian presidency. President Tebboune, although formally head of state, sees his authority challenged, as demonstrated by the private meeting with Emmanuel Macron held without prior consultation of the general staff, causing a cooling of relations at the top before the ‘president’ was reprimanded. These internal conflicts directly influence the management of the Sahara dossier. The Polisario attack appears as an expression of power struggles: some officers favor an aggressive posture to preserve their influence, while others prioritize caution in the face of risks of diplomatic isolation and sanctions. The increasing integration of the military into the civilian administration, reinforced by a recent presidential decree, illustrates the general staff’s desire to control all levers of power, accentuating the politicization of the army and internal tensions. Finally, the fact that the attack did not achieve its major objectives seems deliberate, constituting a kind of “signature” with Iranian rockets. This gesture can also be seen as a sign of despair from a diplomatically isolated movement and an indicator of divisions at the military top, with some seeking to show that a change of power could open other regional options. This operation, far from unanimous, weakens Algiers’ position and strengthens the arguments of figures like Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta. Highlighting that major national decisions occur within a context of internal rivalries within the military institution, a pillar of power in Algeria, no one can believe that the decision to launch rockets against Morocco was made in a unanimous conclave.

Council of Europe Conference on Human Rights in Sport Held in Rabat, Morocco. 4622

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3 min read.
The Council of Europe, in collaboration with the Ministry of Preschool Education and Sports, and with the support of the Swiss Embassy to the Kingdom, organized in Rabat on June 23 and 24 a conference dedicated to Human Rights in Sport. All relevant departments and administrations, the national sports movement, as well as researchers specializing in the field were invited. The choice of date was no coincidence: we are just a few months away from the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, and a few years from the FIFA World Cup co-hosted by Morocco, Spain, and Portugal. These major sporting events require the Kingdom to strengthen and update its legal and institutional framework regarding human rights in sport. For the Council of Europe, sport is not only an essential physical and social activity but also a fundamental vector of human rights, embodying values such as respect, non-discrimination, solidarity, and justice. To protect and promote these rights, it relies on several key conventions: the Macolin Convention, the Anti-Doping Convention, and the Saint-Denis Convention. These legal instruments form the cornerstone of its commitment to ethical, safe, and inclusive sport. Morocco has signed the Macolin Convention, which is awaiting ratification. It has also acceded to the provisions of the Anti-Doping Convention but remains an observer regarding the Saint-Denis Convention. The conference therefore addressed these different legal frameworks, further explained them, and reviewed the Kingdom’s progress in these areas. Following the official opening and presentations by the departments of the Ministry of National Education, Preschool and Sports, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the representative of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Swiss ambassador and the Head of the Council of Europe Office in Rabat, several experts took the floor to elaborate on the theme: Prof. Younes Lazrak Hassouni presented the Moroccan national legal framework concerning human rights in sport. Dr. Fatima Abouali, President of the Moroccan Anti-Doping Agency (AMAD), spoke about AMAD’s commitment to respecting human rights. The Anti-Doping Convention (1989, amended in 2002) seeks to preserve health and sporting fairness by eradicating doping, which is considered a violation of sports ethics and a threat to athletes’ health. It supports the fundamental right to healthy and fair sport, guaranteeing the dignity of participants. Mr. Younes El Mechrafi, General Director of Moroccan Games and Sports, addressed the fight against illegal betting in light of the Macolin Convention, highlighting recent developments, particularly in combating illegal betting. The Macolin Convention (2014) aims to strengthen national coordination and international cooperation to prevent and combat the manipulation of sports competitions, whether related to criminal activities or sports betting. It protects the integrity of sport, ensuring a fair environment for athletes and spectators—an essential aspect of human rights in sport. The Moroccan presentations were followed by those of Council of Europe experts: Ms. Elena Caser, from the Sports Division, outlined the Council’s priority areas for preserving sports integrity. Mr. Nicolas Sayde detailed the implementation of the Macolin Convention to combat competition manipulation, using concrete examples. Ms. Marie Françoise Glatz, Secretary of the Saint-Denis Convention, presented the principles and standards of this convention, emphasizing its integrated and multi-institutional approach to the secure management of sporting events. Mr. Paulo Gomes, Head of the Convention Unit, stressed the added value of this convention for Morocco, especially regarding a strengthened legal framework and the security of upcoming major sporting events. The objective was clear: to convince Morocco to fully adhere to the Saint-Denis Convention. To date, this convention is the only binding international instrument that establishes an integrated approach to ensure the safety, security, and quality of services at sporting events. It promotes close cooperation between public authorities, private actors, and supporters to create welcoming, safe sporting events that respect human rights, particularly in combating violence, racism, and discrimination. This last convention sparked extensive debate, especially among representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the General Directorate of National Security, as Morocco is currently preparing its legal arsenal for hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup, in accordance with the requirements of various specifications. Beyond international conventions, Morocco is one of the few countries in the world to have enshrined sport and physical activity in its Constitution. It establishes these as a right for citizens and an obligation for the State. Physical activity constitutes the primary pillar of any comprehensive health system, both physical and mental. Sport plays a crucial role through its recreational, social, political, and geopolitical dimensions. It is also an important economic sector, contributing significantly to GDP, directly or indirectly. The Kingdom has a solid normative framework: Law No. 30-09 on physical education and sports, Law No. 84-12 on the organization of sports activities, Law No. 09-09 against violence in stadiums, and Law No. 97-12 on anti-doping, which regulates controls and sanctions. These laws are complemented by Decree No. 2-10-628 of 2011 relating to Law 30-09. This fairly comprehensive system aims to make sport a space of respect, fairness, and solidarity, in line with the universal values of human rights. The proper organization of sporting events, the fight against doping, and the fight against violence form a fundamental triptych guaranteeing integrity, health, safety, and respect for fundamental rights in sport. This integrated vision places sport at the heart of public policies promoting human rights, making it a powerful lever for a fairer, more inclusive, and more united society. Holding this conference in Rabat confirms the Kingdom’s determination to comply with the highest international standards in this field and demonstrates its openness to cooperation with its partners, notably the European Union and its dedicated bodies.

Mauritania’s Ambiguous Stance on the Western Sahara Conflict 4474

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The Mauritanian Minister of Culture, Arts, Communication, and Relations with Parliament, Government Spokesperson El Houssein Ould Meddou, recently spoke on France 24 regarding Mauritania’s position on the so-called Western Sahara conflict. Clearly uncomfortable, to the point of appearing surprised by the journalist’s question, he seemed to stammer while affirming that Mauritania adopts a policy of neutrality, introducing a new concept: that of “positive and active neutrality” in this matter. Very clumsily, he reduced the issue to a matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara,” without specifying who exactly he meant. He got further bogged down when he claimed that his country does not limit itself to a passive stance but is sincerely committed to contributing to a fair political solution, serving regional stability and the interests of all parties involved. Again, no clarification was given on who these parties are, and whether his own country is included or not. This borders on contradiction with his earlier statements. According to the Minister, this neutrality is expressed notably by Mauritania’s willingness to play a central role in facilitating dialogue between the conflict’s actors, fostering a climate of trust and overcoming political deadlock. However, he seemed not to have carefully read the Security Council resolutions since 2007. The Minister showed more irritation when the journalist asked about the closure of Lebriga, the border post between Mauritania and Algeria. He appeared unaware of this closure, which is surprising given that the decision sparked major controversy and strong reactions from separatists against his own country and government. After some hesitation, he awkwardly stated that the recent Mauritanian decision to close the Lebriga crossing on the Algerian border was a measure taken for internal security reasons, aimed at controlling crossings and protecting national sovereignty. His attempt to recover only entrenched him further. For him, this decision has no political significance and targets no particular party but responds to a state approach to securing borders. Quite astonishing. The Mauritanian Minister thus explicitly reduced the so-called Western Sahara conflict to a simple matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara.” Did he realize at that moment the sensitive political repercussions he was causing? Indeed, this position was perceived as indirect support for the Algerian version of the conflict. Algeria quickly reacted by officially inviting the minister and bestowing many honors on him. This instant Algerian response can only be interpreted as a reward for the minister’s risky stance. He thus placed himself in a situation where he contradicted himself. The “positive neutrality” he mentioned becomes clear: it is actually alignment with the Algerian position. This situation embarrassed the Mauritanian government and presidency, which did not officially endorse the minister’s remarks. Several government members expressed discomfort with this statement, emphasizing that it does not reflect Mauritania’s official position. Moreover, within Mauritanian civil society, critical voices emerged, denouncing the apparent ignorance of the minister on sensitive issues, notably the border with Algeria. During the interview, the journalist noted that the minister seemed poorly informed on this subject, which heightened the discomfort around his statements. On the Moroccan side, the reaction to the Mauritanian government spokesperson’s remarks was very measured, even officially nonexistent. Morocco, as usual, chose not to publicly respond to this declaration, probably considering that the Mauritanian minister is only a marginal actor, not part of Mauritania’s true leadership circle. This silence can be interpreted as a strategy to avoid giving importance to these remarks, so as not to fuel unnecessary controversy or unduly embarrass Mauritania’s real leaders. It should be noted that this interview took place before recent Polisario strikes near Smara, close to MINURSO positions, which officially complained. The mercenaries operated by passing through Mauritanian territory, where they were neutralized by the Royal Armed Forces. The clumsy declaration of the so-called spokesperson created implicit diplomatic tension, revealing internal divisions in Mauritania and illustrating the regional complexities surrounding the so-called Western Sahara conflict, where every stance is scrutinized and can have significant diplomatic consequences, without hindering the inevitable and confirmed historical evolution: the progress and consolidation of the solution proposed by Morocco, reinforced by the recognition of the Moroccan sovereignty over the territories in question by nearly all key countries, among others. By his posture, the minister thus disregarded recent developments, notably the bipartisan introduction in the U.S. Congress of the “Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act,” which a political leader in his position could not have ignored. He simply sidelined his own country, which is directly impacted.

Bipartisan U.S. Bill Seeks to Designate Polisario Front as Foreign Terrorist Organization 4708

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- World Politics - Politics -
2.4 min read.
A promis is a promise. As he had already announced a few weeks ago, Joe Wilson, a Republican senator representing South Carolina, has just introduced a bipartisan bill in the United States House of Representatives aimed at designating the Polisario Front as a foreign terrorist organization. This bill is bipartisan because it is also signed and proposed by California Democratic Senator Jimmy Panetta. The project, titled "Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act," aims to list the Polisario on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations. Being on this blacklist automatically triggers severe sanctions, such as the prohibition of any material or financial support, freezing of assets under U.S. jurisdiction, and entry bans to the United States for members of the organization. By extension, the vote on this bill will also have a direct and significant impact on the host country of the Polisario and its potential supporters. The content of the bill is simple and clear. The Polisario is described as a Marxist militia supported by Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia. It is asserted that this militia destabilizes the Western Sahara region and threatens the security of the Kingdom of Morocco, a steadfast historical ally of the United States. The bill also highlights alleged links between the Polisario and extremist groups in the Sahel, while mentioning serious accusations of human rights violations committed by the militia. Senators could have enriched the text by recalling the origins of the movement, notably the support from Cuba and the generosity of Gaddafi towards it for decades. This will likely be discussed during debates. In the current geopolitical context, the Polisario is perceived as an Iranian proxy hostile to regional stability, particularly due to its involvement in smuggling networks and terrorist activities in the region, facts that are well documented. The text thus seeks to officially recognize the Polisario as a terrorist entity, which would allow, besides international sanctions, to strengthen security cooperation against this separatist movement. The initiative has a very strong chance of succeeding after, of course, satisfying all necessary steps and procedures. The bill was introduced on June 24, 2025, and is currently under review by the Foreign Affairs and Judiciary Committees of the House of Representatives. The U.S. legislative process involves several steps: committee review and approval, House vote, Senate passage, and then the President's signature. The exact duration of the process varies, but committee review usually takes several weeks or months, followed by votes in plenary sessions. The bill seems to enjoy strong support, as it is sponsored by both a Democrat and a Republican, eliminating partisan division at this level. It could be adopted in the coming months, although nothing guarantees a rapid or certain progression, as political and geopolitical debates could influence the timeline. Adopting this law would mark a historic shift in U.S. policy on Western Sahara, with significant diplomatic and security implications. The United States, having already officially recognized the Moroccan sovereignty over the concerned provinces, would thus strengthen its position and lead to increased support for Morocco. The resolution of the artificial conflict, which has lasted half a century over the southern provinces of the Kingdom, has never been closer. The Republican majority controls both the House and the Senate, with 218 seats out of 435 in the House and 53 out of 100 in the Senate, which would facilitate the bill's passage. Moreover, Republicans are very disciplined and strongly support this initiative, notably due to their loyalty to Donald Trump and the expressed support of Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who aligns with Moroccan positions. The bill introduced by Senators Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta therefore has a strong chance of quickly succeeding. The text benefits from bipartisan support, increasing its chances of adoption without major obstacles. The geopolitical context, reinforced by recent reports from American think tanks Heritage Foundation and Hudson Institute demonstrating the terrorist nature of the Polisario and its links with Iran and other hostile actors, politically legitimizes this proposal. The bipartisan bill aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization thus finds its full justification given the proven links with actors hostile to American and Moroccan interests, as well as its destabilizing activities in the region. Once the law is adopted by both chambers, the President has ten days to sign it, which can accelerate its enactment if the executive is favorable, which seems very likely.

Human Rights Council: International Support for Morocco’s Sovereignty over Its Southern Provinces, a Setback for the Separatists... 5218

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
At the opening of the 59th regular session of the United Nations Human Rights Council, held in Geneva at the Palais des Nations from June 16 to July 9, 2025, the Moroccan ambassador Omar Zniber delivered a solemn statement on behalf of about forty countries, reaffirming their full and complete support for Morocco’s sovereignty over its Southern provinces. The ambassador boldly emphasized that Morocco has maintained for years a “constructive, voluntary, and profound” cooperation with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), tirelessly working to promote and respect human rights throughout its entire territory, including, of course, in the said provinces. Zniber did not hesitate to underline, on behalf of the group, that the UN Security Council has consistently praised in its resolutions the key role of the national and regional human rights commissions in Dakhla and Laâyoune, as well as the Kingdom’s transparent and efficient collaboration with the OHCHR’s special mechanisms and procedures. Furthermore, the ambassador highlighted the recent opening of multiple consulates general in Laâyoune and Dakhla, describing this dynamic as an “essential lever” to stimulate economic cooperation, investment, and local development for the benefit of the populations, thereby contributing to regional and continental development. He did not mince words in recalling that the so-called Western Sahara issue falls exclusively under the Security Council’s remit, which unequivocally recognizes the relevance and credibility of the Moroccan autonomy plan presented in 2007; a plan that the Security Council acknowledges as a serious and pragmatic solution to the artificial dispute, a legacy of bygone times. On behalf of the same group, the ambassador expressed unconditional support for UN efforts aimed at reviving the political process within the framework of the Geneva roundtables and in accordance with Security Council resolutions, notably resolution 2756 of October 31, 2024. This resolution, it should be recalled, advocates a realistic, pragmatic, and durable political solution based on compromise. Finally, Ambassador Zniber stressed that resolving this dispute will “undeniably respond to the legitimate aspirations of the peoples of the region in terms of integration and development,” a vision that Morocco strives to realize through sincere and continuous efforts. This timely intervention comes as the World Human Rights Council and the United Nations Security Council have recently addressed the so-called Western Sahara issue in a context marked by the nervousness and incoherence of separatists and their sponsor. The Security Council had extended the mandate of MINURSO until October 31, 2025, emphasizing the importance of continuing negotiations under UN auspices. Resolution 2756 was adopted, it must be noted, by 12 votes in favor, 2 abstentions, and no votes against. The Security Council insists on a “realistic, pragmatic, durable, and mutually acceptable” political solution based on compromise. The text supports the action of the Secretary-General and his personal envoy to facilitate negotiations. It also encourages cooperation with the OHCHR to improve the human rights situation, while completely disregarding and rejecting the amendments proposed by Algeria aimed at expanding MINURSO’s mandate to “record human rights violations.” All recent Security Council resolutions and reports tend to recognize the Moroccan autonomy initiative as a serious and credible solution and strongly emphasize the necessity of including Algeria in the roundtables, highlighting and confirming its essential role in the dispute, which it strives to perpetuate by any means. This orientation is seen as favorable to Morocco, which enjoys growing international support, notably with the opening of numerous consulates in the two major cities of the concerned provinces and, of course, with the backing of three permanent Security Council members and more than 116 other countries. Paradoxically, so-called Sahrawi human rights defenders dared the perilous exercise of testifying before the UN Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24), alleging serious violations committed by Moroccan forces, violations of which they seem to be the only ones aware. They denounced abuses described as war crimes and crimes against humanity, nothing less. In ridiculous language excesses that the audience paid no attention to, they spoke of systemic repression, harassment, and marginalization of Sahrawi activists. Undoubtedly, they had in mind what happens in the Tindouf camps. Despite the audience’s indifference, which never took them seriously, these pseudo-defenders called for the urgent establishment of a UN mechanism to monitor and protect human rights in the region. Short of arguments and constructive proposals, Algeria makes them repeat talking points that only they seem to believe, and even then, barely. The Polisario Front, in its delirium, goes as far as to consider Morocco’s candidacy for the presidency of the UN Human Rights Council as an affront, speaking of illegality and Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. These tribulations will obviously remain without follow-up or effect, except to deceive the Algerian people into swallowing numerous bitter pills and enormous budgets wasted on a cause from which they do not benefit; colossal sums sunk into a lost cause since 1976. The Polisario and the so-called petitioners also aimed to soothe the wounded hearts of the Tindouf detainees, making them believe they live in a better world than on the other side of the border. The World Human Rights Council and the UN Security Council have actually adopted very clear texts that, while recognizing the need for a political solution, lean in favor of the Moroccan position, notably by recognizing its autonomy initiative and maintaining a negotiation framework including Algeria. These decisions and resolutions have all remained insensitive to the pleas of the separatists, ironically supported by Algeria, of course, and by countries all flagged by the World Human Rights Council for serious violations committed against their own nationals, which is not the case for the Kingdom, including, of course, in its Southern provinces, hence the ease with which Moroccan diplomats intervene before these bodies, it must be recalled.

Morocco 2030: Football as a Geopolitical and Strategic Lever While Waiting for Other Sports Disciplines... 4962

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3.2 min read.
The Kingdom of Morocco, through football, is today establishing itself as a major player in sports geopolitics. It clearly demonstrates its determination to carve out a prominent place on the international stage in this field. This vision comes from the highest levels of the State and is also shared by the Moroccan people, who have embraced this choice. This dynamic is notably illustrated by the co-hosting of the 2030 World Cup with Spain and Portugal, a historically significant event symbolizing a major political and diplomatic victory. This co-organization of the 2030 World Cup alongside two European states is the result of a long, patient, and determined strategy. It stems from an enduring conviction that has never wavered. After five unsuccessful bids, the Kingdom managed to convince FIFA and its member federations, becoming the second African country to host the tournament after South Africa in 2010. In fact, aside from the political contingencies of the time, the global sympathy for Nelson Mandela, and the questionable practices of FIFA decision-makers then, South Africa would never have been able to host the World Cup before Morocco for obvious footballing reasons. The Kingdom has nonetheless been rewarded for its patience, resilience, and conviction. It will host the centennial World Cup, an edition exceptional in every respect and designed under a cost-sharing logic. It will have a considerable economic and diplomatic impact, strengthening ties between Europe and Africa and highlighting football’s role in bringing peoples closer, as well as in the social and sporting development of the region. Never has Europe been so close and cooperative with the African continent—and vice versa. Morocco is organizing on behalf of an entire continent. Football is a true soft power tool that Morocco wields to strengthen its diplomatic relations in Africa. Did His Majesty the King not order the Local Organizing Committee to include expertise from across the continent? The Royal Moroccan Football Federation has long multiplied partnerships with African federations, providing financial and logistical support and inviting many countries to use the country’s numerous modern infrastructures for their training or competitions. This proactive and positive policy naturally consolidates Moroccan influence on the continent, in a context where the country seeks to counter the influence of other regional powers that do not look upon it favorably. From a purely footballing standpoint, Morocco is gradually asserting itself as an African powerhouse. It wins or participates in all major continental finals with a steady rise in the performance of its national teams. This success is supported by massive investments in player development, with the construction of high-performance training centers such as the Mohammed VI Academy in Salé. The Kingdom is also increasingly exporting players and coaches to leagues in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. This contributes to strengthening its image and influence. For example, Jamal Selami recently qualified Jordan for the World Cup for the first time in its history, a team propelled by his compatriot Houcine Amouta. Moreover, the Moroccan diaspora plays a key role: many players born or trained abroad enthusiastically choose to wear the Moroccan colors, proud and unashamed to represent their country of origin. This mobilization of diaspora talent is a strategic asset that enriches the national teams and enhances their reach. Morocco therefore does not limit itself to mere sporting ambition in football. It conceives football as a vector of international influence, a territorial marketing lever, as evidenced by the strategic agreement “Morocco, Land of Football” signed between the FRMF and the Moroccan National Tourism Office. This alliance reflects the Kingdom’s desire to build a strong, inspiring image and attract enthusiasts and tourists from around the world. It is a continuation of the policy of building and strengthening the Morocco brand, which is increasingly asserting itself globally in the economic sphere. Morocco no longer hesitates to admit it is an industrial power asserting itself more and more every day. This approach fits into a global geostrategic perspective where football is called upon to reinforce Morocco’s position on the African and international stage, assert its continental leadership, and support its diplomatic advances, notably on the sensitive issue of the southern provinces. By using sport as a diplomatic and economic tool, Morocco aims to consolidate its alliances, extend its influence, and prepare a future where it occupies a central position in relations between Africa, Europe, and the world—and it makes no secret of this. Everyone today understands that to engage with Africa, especially on economic issues and certain political aspects, the Kingdom is indispensable. The question now arises for other sports disciplines. In fact, this football policy could only be implemented and succeed thanks to the royal vision in this domain, understood by a federation that, before all others, corrected its course following the royal letter addressed to the world of sport in 2008. The FRMF has smartly set itself in motion, now reaping the first results of its commitment. Unfortunately, other federations have remained in the shadows, mired in a certain mediocrity or even lethargy that makes them increasingly ineffective and criticized. Some, and not the least, are simply insignificant at the continental and global level, or have become so due to lack of foresight and competence, despite the available resources and the green light for sports in general. Developing other disciplines could diversify the country’s sports soft power, strengthen its diplomatic ties, and better distribute the economic and cultural benefits of sporting events across the national territory. Diversification is precisely at the heart of the royal vision. Meanwhile, Morocco is making football a major political asset, blending sport, diplomacy, and economic development to establish itself as an unavoidable player in sports geopolitics. The 2030 World Cup is both a symbol and a catalyst of this ambitious strategy, which promises to reshape regional and international balances around a ball rounder than ever—while awaiting the awakening of other sports disciplines.

Mauritania Facing Security, Diplomatic, and Geopolitical Recomposition Challenges in the Sahel.. 5229

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
After four years of intervention, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner officially announced its withdrawal from Mali in June 2025. It had been active in the region since 2021. This departure occurs in a context marked by a resurgence of jihadist attacks weakening Malian and regional stability. Wagner’s departure does not signify a Russian disengagement, as its missions are being taken over by a new paramilitary organization, the Africa Corps, directly controlled by the Russian Ministry of Defense. This group, born after the failed coup attempt by former Wagner leaders in 2023, continues Russia’s strategy of influence in Africa, notably in what is declared to be the training of Malian forces to face the rising terrorist threats. This transition illustrates the complexity of the security context in the Sahel, where Wagner’s relative failure to stabilize Mali and contain Tuareg and jihadist armed groups forces Moscow to readjust its methods while maintaining its strategic influence. This new situation raises serious questions about the real capacity to contain terrorism in the region, especially at Mali’s border with Mauritania. Meanwhile, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement, is increasingly associated with terrorist activities. In Spain, a militant affiliated with the Polisario was arrested for preparing terrorist acts against Morocco, with evidence of incitement to jihadism and acquisition of explosive materials. This radicalization fits into a dynamic where the Polisario cooperates more closely with Islamist groups, notably benefiting from the support of Iran and its proxies including Hezbollah. Well-documented longstanding links exist between the Polisario and terrorist groups in the Sahel, such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, whose founders were former Polisario fighters. This collusion manifests through logistical support, arms transfers, and increased militarization, including the use of suicide drones supplied by Iran. These facts reinforce the perception of the Polisario not only as a separatist actor but also as a vector of instability and terrorism in the region. At the same time, Morocco has recorded numerous diplomatic breakthroughs and growing international pressure to formalize Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara provinces. In 2024, Morocco achieved several major victories in the international recognition of its sovereignty over its southern provinces. More than 116 countries, including powers like France, now support the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only viable solution to the conflict. This position was recently shared by the United Kingdom following the United States. Influential African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire and, more recently, Ghana have done the same. The fresh stance of Zuma’s party in South Africa further confirms this evolution. Morocco’s diplomatic progress relies on skilled international relations management and active engagement in regional security, notably in the Sahel. The Kingdom’s tact is evident as it avoids embarrassing its southern neighbor Mauritania, which has long recognized the so-called RASD puppet entity. It is also important to recall the U.S. intention to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization, a measure supported by analyses documenting its links with Hezbollah, the PKK, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Cuba, Venezuela, and other states unfriendly to the U.S. This classification aims to reveal the true nature of the Polisario. In this context, Mauritania finds itself in turmoil. Things have moved too fast. The comfort it once enjoyed is gone. The conjunction of these developments forces the country’s authorities to rethink their political positioning. Faced with the recurring fragility caused by the Polisario, which hinders its development and threatens its stability, and observing Algeria’s inability to move beyond Boumediene’s legacy to ensure effective security, Mauritania is inevitably pushed toward rapprochement with Morocco. Morocco is perceived as the only actor capable of guaranteeing lasting security in the region, especially against rising terrorist threats and current geopolitical challenges. Some Mauritanian publications already address this question very directly. This shows that Mauritanian decision-makers are indeed embracing this paradigm shift. Recent movements by the Mauritanian army align with this trend, especially as some Polisario cadres no longer hesitate to threaten Mauritania, which they label as a traitor. This tension further complicates Mauritania’s capacity to secure its borders, a young country whose resources remain very limited given the vastness of its borders, notably with Mali and Algeria. In this environment, Algeria, a blind and staunch supporter of the Polisario, today appears more trapped in rhetoric without real capacity for action, which weakens its regional position. Mauritania seems to have understood this for some time, though perhaps not openly. Conversely, Morocco, strengthened by its diplomatic successes and proven commitment to counterterrorism, appears as an indispensable partner for Mauritania in its quest for stability and prosperity. It would therefore not be surprising to see Mauritania in the very near future withdraw its recognition of the so-called RASD puppet entity or at least move away from what it has so far called a positive neutrality. In fact, Mauritania has already distanced itself somewhat from the separatists, which does not please Algeria, which is losing influence. The withdrawal of Wagner from Mali, the radicalization of the Polisario which seems overwhelmed, Morocco’s diplomatic successes, and the likely imminent designation of the Polisario as a terrorist organization by the U.S. clearly redraw the geopolitical map of the Sahel and the Maghreb. Mauritania is probably preparing for this and even taking the lead. In this shifting context, it is pushed toward a natural strategic realignment with Morocco, the only actor capable of offering a credible security alternative against terrorist threats and development challenges. This repositioning marks a major step in the reshaping of regional alliances, with profound implications for the future stability of the Sahel and the reconfiguration of North Africa.

His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity 5125

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
2.6 min read.
Long before the major transformations of the 1920s, Morocco experienced significant attempts at modernization under the reign of Hassan I (1873-1894). A visionary Sultan, Hassan I undertook reforms of the administration, strengthened the army, and developed infrastructure, notably roads and communications. His efforts encountered a conservative internal context, marked by resistance from the fouqahas (Islamic scholars) and elites attached to traditional structures. He also faced increasing pressure from European powers seeking to establish themselves in Morocco. These dual obstacles limited the scope of the reforms but nevertheless laid the foundations for gradual modernization. Before him, Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, an enlightened 18th-century Sultan, had already played a major role in opening Morocco to the world. He notably founded and developed the port of Essaouira (then Mogador) in 1765, conceived as a strategic commercial hub to control foreign trade. Thanks to its geographic position and infrastructure, Essaouira quickly became an essential crossroads for exchanges between Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Mediterranean, thereby strengthening the kingdom’s economic and diplomatic ties. Other sovereigns continued this dynamic. Moulay Abdelaziz (1894-1908) pursued certain military and administrative reforms despite increasing instability. Under the French protectorate, Moulay Youssef (1912-1927) had to navigate colonial domination while trying to preserve some Moroccan sovereignty. Ascending the throne in 1927 at only 19 years old, Mohammed V became a symbol of Moroccan resistance against the French protectorate. Rejecting colonial domination, he supported the nationalist movement, notably during his historic speech in Tangier in 1947, where he called for Moroccan unity and independence. Exiled from 1953 to 1955, his triumphant return marked the beginning of the end of the protectorate. In 1956, he proclaimed independence and laid the foundations of a sovereign Morocco. He then engaged in building a modern state by reforming institutions, unifying the territory, developing education, and initiating economic modernization, creating the Royal Armed Forces and other security bodies while affirming national cultural identity. Son of Mohammed V, Hassan II (1961-1999) consolidated the Moroccan state by establishing a constitutional monarchy and developing essential infrastructure. He skillfully combined tradition and modernity, strengthening national sovereignty while opening the country to foreign investment and international exchanges. Under his reign, Morocco made major advances in economic, social, and cultural fields, laying the groundwork for sustainable modernization and preparing the terrain for current transformations. Hassan II is remembered for gradually recovering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom in a difficult, even hostile, internal and international context. Under Mohammed VI, Morocco is undergoing a profound transformation, comparable in scale to that of the 1920s but within a sovereign and globalized context. His reign, marked by a clear vision and firm will, combines respect for traditions with openness to modernity. The country is investing massively in transport infrastructure: roads, high-speed trains, airports, and public and private facilities throughout the territory. Integration with Western economies has strengthened, making Morocco a preferred destination for foreign direct investment, attracting billions of dollars annually. Flagship projects, especially in preparation for the 2030 World Cup, are stimulating the development of sports, tourism, and cultural infrastructure, affirming the country’s international influence. At the same time, social and economic modernization is underway, with initiatives to improve education, health, innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Morocco within a global and modern dynamic. The country has simply tripled its GDP in less than twenty years. All this reflects continuity and renewal. Morocco is, in fact, in perpetual reinvention. The parallel between the major transformations of the 1920s and the era of Mohammed VI reveals a Morocco capable of constant reinvention. While the metamorphosis of the 1920s was dictated by a colonial context, today’s transformation is the fruit of a sovereign ambition, focused on balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development. It embodies the will of a sovereign with a multilateral vision. No domain is left aside or forgotten. The great projects of yesterday and today testify to an even stronger and more determined energy for transformation, with different goals: to move from a Morocco under tutelage, dependent and powerless in the face of circumstances, to a major player on the international stage, capable of attracting and cooperating with the world and building its future with confidence. Today, Morocco fits into a long tradition of historical metamorphoses. Each era has shaped a dynamic country, attempting modernity and ambitions, sometimes successful, sometimes aborted. Yet it has remained faithful to its millennial history and cultural heritage. Today it is rising, modernizing, and asserting itself as an emerging country on which one can rely. The Kingdom of Mohammed VI is thus ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century with boldness and determination, armed this time with institutions, clear and powerful visions and strategies. The royal will thus guides the country toward genuine development benefiting all, an indispensable geostrategic position, sustainable economic breakthroughs, a reliable political system, and truly irreversible progress.

Moroccan cybersecurity dangerously undermined by successive attacks 5048

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Since April 2025, Morocco has been facing a series of major cyberattacks claimed by a collective of hackers allegedly Algerian, named "JabaRoot DZ." These cyberattacks have targeted key economic and administrative institutions, notably the Ministry of Employment, the National Social Security Fund (CNSS), and more recently the Ministry of Justice, as well as platforms related to land registry and property conservation. What is clear, let’s say it outright, is that Algeria does not possess the technological power or expertise for such operations. It is highly likely that its services call upon "skills," notably from Eastern Europe, to attack the Kingdom’s interests in its ongoing global war against its "classic enemy." If this hypothesis proves true, the question would then be who else might have the hacked information and for what purpose. The first intrusion, which occurred in early April 2025, began with the hacking of the Ministry of Employment’s website and quickly extended to the CNSS database. This attack led to the leak of thousands of sensitive documents, exposing the personal information of nearly two million employees and the administrative data of about 500,000 Moroccan companies. Among the leaked data were pay slips detailing names, social security numbers, salaries, and sometimes identity card numbers of very important personalities and leaders of Royal Air Maroc, Attijariwafa Bank, Banque Centrale Populaire, and the Mohammed VI Investment Fund. Less than two months later, in June 2025, JabaRoot DZ claimed a new "large-scale" cyberattack against the National Agency for Land Conservation, Cadastre, and Cartography (ANCFCC). Although the ANCFCC denied any direct intrusion into its servers, it was revealed that the vulnerability originated from an electronic platform used by some notary offices for archiving land documents. The hackers claim to have obtained about 4 terabytes of data, including millions of land titles, contractual documents, copies of identity cards, passports, as well as banking documents and information concerning high-ranking officials and public figures. This leak led to the temporary shutdown of the platform by the ANCFCC for security reasons. The hackers justify these attacks as retaliation for alleged Moroccan hacking attempts against Algerian institutions, notably the Twitter account of the Algerian Press Agency (APS). They also threatened further actions in case of future attacks against Algerian interests. These events occur in the context of geopolitical tensions between Morocco and Algeria, exacerbated by recent developments related to the Sahara issue and regional rivalries; Morocco has been recording victory after victory at a rapid pace. Algeria, in its official and unofficial media, no longer hides and even implicitly claims responsibility for the hacking, ignoring that this amounts to a form of state terrorism. These cyberattacks have had serious consequences: they have eroded citizens’ trust in digital public services, increased the risks of identity theft and banking fraud, and damaged the reputation of the affected companies. The Moroccan government has condemned these acts as "criminal" and announced measures to strengthen cybersecurity while launching internal investigations. The series of attacks especially highlights major vulnerabilities in the cybersecurity of Moroccan institutions. The massive centralization of sensitive data on single platforms and the creation of junctions between multiple actors and platforms facilitate things for citizens and institutions in the context of digitalization, but also make it easier for hackers to gain massive access in case of a breach. It is therefore crucial to thoroughly and promptly review the national data protection strategy. To better distribute its data and strengthen its security, Morocco could adopt several complementary strategies, relying notably on the 2030 National Cybersecurity Strategy and international best practices. It should likely avoid excessive centralization by distributing sensitive data across multiple secure systems, segment networks to limit lateral movements by hackers, and use data transmission techniques through several distinct channels to reduce the risk of simultaneous theft. Morocco must also integrate decentralized cybersecurity solutions based on blockchain and collective intelligence, establish a national sovereign cloud with local hosting and end-to-end encryption guaranteeing the protection of critical information. Moreover, the country should develop an agile and adapted legal framework, build a national pool of qualified cybersecurity professionals through specialized curricula and certifications, and establish a high-performance Security Operations Center combining advanced detection tools and local teams capable of managing threats specific to the Moroccan context. A higher cybersecurity school, where carefully selected students—true specialists—would be trained, could be a major strategic advance guaranteeing both competence and independence in this field. Faced with rising cyber threats, it is urgent for Morocco to adopt a proactive and innovative cybersecurity policy based on a decentralized technical architecture. Strengthening regional and international cooperation is not a luxury here. The real-time exchange of critical information is crucial; as is encouraging public-private collaboration through threat intelligence-sharing platforms to anticipate and respond quickly to incidents. Today, it is clear that many claim to master the issue, offering services that will soon expose their limits and incompetence. Administrations and companies must be very cautious before engaging or hiring skills in this very sensitive domain. This sphere relies on agile governance, the development of human skills, and active cooperation at national and international levels. An integrated approach is essential to build a resilient, sovereign cyberspace capable of supporting the country’s ambitious digital transformation while effectively protecting its security, institutions, citizens, and economy.

The Polisario Front Confronted with Increasing Accusations: Moving Towards Being Designated as a Terrorist Organization 5561

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
For several years now, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement supported and armed, as everyone knows, by Algeria, which has provided it with an entire territory in the Tindouf area, has been at the center of a growing international controversy. In the United States, Japan, and Europe, voices are rising to have this group officially classified as a terrorist organization. This shift is based on tangible evidence of its links with actors qualified as terrorists, its involvement in violent actions, but also on a network of international alliances that go beyond the regional framework. While Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah are often cited as the main supporters of the Polisario, as well as South Africa, Cuba has also played a historic and decisive role in the military and logistical training of separatist fighters. As early as 1977, under the impetus of Fidel Castro and at the request of Algeria, a tripartite military agreement was signed between Cuba, Algeria, and the Polisario, paving the way for intensive cooperation. This agreement allowed the sending of many separatist fighters to Cuba to receive specialized military training. Dedicated military schools were created on the island, where Polisario recruits were trained in guerrilla tactics, special operations, and military logistics. A Cuban delegation even went to Tindouf in 1988 to study Moroccan defenses and help develop strategies to breach the defense wall erected by the Kingdom. Cuba also provided naval logistical support, notably in the waters near the Canary Islands, where Cuban ships were involved in operations to facilitate Polisario infiltrations. Between 1975 and 1991, Cuba delivered to the Polisario a significant arsenal including assault rifles, mortars, rocket launchers, and ammunition, thus strengthening its military capabilities. Even after the 1991 ceasefire, Cuba maintained its support, continuing to train warriors especially in special operations. The last known class trained in Cuba dates back to 2003. More recently, six-month training courses have been given to groups of about forty separatists, focused on special forces tactics. Moreover, for a long period, damning testimonies report the kidnapping of children from the Tindouf camps, sometimes as young as 9 years old, to send them to Cuba on a "youth island" under high military surveillance. They undergo intensive military training mixed with strong political indoctrination. These children, isolated from their families, are trained to become soldiers in the service of the Polisario, under conditions denounced as inhumane by witnesses and former detainees. Some recent signals suggest a possible repositioning of Havana. Indeed, at the 2019 Non-Aligned Movement summit, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel omitted any reference to the Polisario, marking a break with the tradition of support displayed by Fidel and Raúl Castro. This evolution could reflect a diplomatic realignment, notably after the resumption of diplomatic relations between Morocco and Cuba in 2017, relations broken for nearly 37 years due to Cuban support for the Polisario. However, to date, the aforementioned tripartite agreement has not yet been repealed. Cuba's role is part of a larger network of Polisario alliances. Algeria, the main political and military supporter, continues to arm and shelter the movement. Iran, through Hezbollah, provides military and logistical support, notably also training fighters and delivering sophisticated weapons. This is well documented. There are also hundreds of Polisario mercenaries captured in Syria, where they operated alongside Assad's army, reinforcing the image of a group involved in international terrorist conflicts. On the ground, the Polisario is also accused of violence against civilians in southern Morocco. The missiles launched against the city of Smara bear witness to this, in addition to the blockage of the strategic Guerguerat passage. The sequestration of Sahrawi populations in the Tindouf camps, where it refuses, with Algerian support, any official census, is another proof of the true nature of the movement. Faced with these elements, several American, European, and Asian political leaders advocate for the Polisario Front to be quickly listed as a terrorist organization. American Congressman Joe Wilson has proposed a bill to this effect, denouncing the use of the Polisario by Algeria and its accomplices to destabilize the Kingdom of Morocco, a long-standing strategic ally of the United States in the region. This eminent designation would deal a major blow to Algeria, which seems tireless in supporting the Polisario for nearly 50 years, while it simply costs the country development. It would further strengthen Morocco's position on the international stage, notably after the American recognition in 2020 of Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces, that of Spain, France, the recent one of the United Kingdom, and many other African and Latin American countries. The historical, military, and educational support of Cuba, combined with the role played by Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah, places the Polisario in a network of actors with manifest destabilizing and terrorist activities. The rise in calls for its classification as a terrorist organization fits into a logic of regional and international security, requiring a coordinated response to restore stability in North Africa, the Sahel, and beyond. This page must be quickly turned for the good of the populations of the entire region

A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East 5456

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable. Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last. The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism. In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors. At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters. Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world." The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers. Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position. Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm. The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion. Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.

John Bolton and His Controversial Op-Ed Against Morocco: Hostility with Troubled Roots... 5770

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor under Donald Trump, has just published an op-ed in the Washington Times, notably favorable to the Polisario thesis and thus to the Algerian position. The text recycles arguments Bolton has already put forward in the past. He notably defends the outdated idea of a self-determination referendum and accuses Morocco of obstructing the implementation of UN resolutions. It should be recalled once again that the referendum proposal, which Morocco had put forward in Nairobi, has been obsolete and abandoned by the Security Council since 2007; as for accusing Morocco of hindering the process, this is simply false in light of the UN resolutions over the past 20 years. Bolton lies, and he knows it. He is accustomed to it. How can one not think that this is clearly an attempt by this forgotten figure of history to regain relevance, a will to manipulate public opinion, but above all an intention to harm by pleasing the enemies of the Kingdom. This position strangely fits, without surprising, into the continuity of the official rhetoric of the Algerian military junta, the main supporter of the Polisario. It is a blatant alignment and rapprochement that raises questions about Bolton’s integrity. Let us just recall that Bolton was abruptly dismissed by Donald Trump in 2019, officially for strategic disagreements, but according to some observers, also due to questionable connections. Regarding the matter concerning the Kingdom, Bolton regularly frequents Algiers and collaborates with well-paid Algerian lobbyists such as David Keene, former NRA president, engaged in defending the Algerian cause in the United States. This closeness fuels suspicions of a relay role for Algerian interests, aiming to influence American policy. Nothing to be proud of for the jubilant military junta. It is used to contradiction and blunt communication turning the slightest detail into a victory. Bolton no longer counts and has no impact. In his rhetoric, Algiers pretends to ignore that the same Bolton supports the use of force against Iran, Algeria’s strategic ally. Iran, which the Algerian president will soon visit... It is also this same Bolton who pushed for the transfer of the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem... A strange supporter of the Palestinians to take one of their enemies as a reference. Bolton’s article fits into a morbid continuity. He shamelessly and unashamedly tries to discredit Moroccan policy and its growing influence on the international stage while defending separatism. He ignores the terrorist nature of the Polisario, opposing an entire faction of Republicans with Joe Wilson as spokesperson. The latter is logically pushing for a vote very soon in the U.S. Congress on a law designating the Polisario as a terrorist organization. Paradoxically, Bolton’s desperate offensive comes at a time when Morocco is achieving major diplomatic successes. The Kingdom has recently further strengthened its ties with several African countries, Kenya being the latest example. Thanks to its autonomy plan for the Sahara, widely recognized and supported by the international community, Morocco is reaping success after success. The vote on the latest Security Council resolution on the issue shows that even countries that once voted out of ideological principle against anything favorable to Morocco no longer do so, quite the opposite. Moreover, the closure of the Polisario Front’s office in Damascus illustrates Morocco’s growing influence in the Middle East. Thus, unanimity is almost reached in favor of Morocco at the Arab League today, with the obvious exception of Algeria alone, perfectly isolated, even neutralized and weakened in everyone’s eyes. At heart, Bolton’s op-ed seems intended to soothe the wounds of Algiers and the separatists, who are losing ground to Morocco’s assertion. The autonomy plan proposed by Rabat is increasingly endorsed on the international stage, while the Polisario sees its influence diminish. It is becoming inaudible and has no other escape than to cling to a few fringe extremist demonstrations here and there. This stance therefore appears as a last gasp from a retreating camp. Lacking any real leverage to influence American or global policy, Algiers and the separatists quench their thirst by drinking the words of marginal figures without substance. To better understand this posture, it must be recalled that John Bolton is a controversial figure in American politics, known for his ultra-conservative positions and aggressive foreign policy approach, often described as neoconservative. His dismissal in 2019 was marked by major disagreements with the Trump administration, but also by suspicions of dubious connections with certain foreign circles. Bolton is suspected of involvement in several controversial international operations, including organizing coups d’état, reinforcing the image of a man with brutal methods and strongly marked convictions. In sum, John Bolton’s recent op-ed in the Washington Times illustrates a persistent hostility towards the Kingdom by a fading figure; a pontiff driven by an outdated political vision. The signatory’s stance is disconnected from current geopolitical developments. It once again shows that Algiers, through its parrot media, is ready to cling to any nonsense, provided it fits its outdated narrative. Above all, it highlights the irreversible decline of the Polisario and Morocco’s growing success on the international stage.

Kenya Inaugurates Its Embassy in Rabat: A Major Diplomatic Turning Point Favoring Morocco on Western Sahara 5461

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
The official inauguration of Kenya’s embassy in Rabat, conducted by Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita and Kenyan Foreign Minister Musalia Mudavadi, marks a historic milestone in bilateral relations between the two countries. This ceremony, coinciding with the 60th anniversary of diplomatic ties between Kenya in East Africa and Morocco in the far west of the continent, symbolizes a significant strengthening of political, economic, and cultural exchanges in pursuit of continental continuity. Most importantly, it signifies Kenya’s strategic repositioning on the sensitive issue of the Moroccan Sahara. For the first time, Kenya has opened an embassy in Morocco, demonstrating Nairobi’s firm commitment to consolidating its relations with Rabat. Even more crucially, Kenya has officially recognized Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as “the only sustainable approach” to resolving the Western Sahara dispute. This represents a radical shift in Kenyan policy, as until recently, Kenya maintained relations with the self-proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), supported by Algeria, which is increasingly losing ground internationally. Under President William Ruto’s leadership, this diplomatic shift began taking shape in March 2024 with the appointment of Jessica Muthoni Gakinya as Kenya’s first ambassador to Morocco. Since then, several memorandums of understanding have been signed covering key areas such as housing, urban development, youth, trade, and diplomatic training, significantly strengthening cooperation between the two nations. Kenya’s repositioning on the Sahara issue aligns with a broader global trend of growing support for Morocco’s stance, while the Polisario Front loses international recognition. Over fifty countries have withdrawn recognition of the SADR since the Cold War’s end, and no African country has recognized it since 2011. Recent developments include Syria’s official closure of the Polisario office in Damascus, signaling a strategic distancing from the Algerian-Iranian axis and a clear rejection of support for Sahrawi separatists. This is a major setback for Algeria on the Arab world stage. In Latin America, key countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and Panama have also withdrawn recognition of the SADR, adopting neutral or pro-Moroccan sovereignty positions consistent with UN resolutions. This shift is notable given the region’s past role as a haven for separatist propaganda. In Europe, nearly all countries, including France, Spain, Germany, and many EU members, now explicitly support Morocco’s Autonomy Plan as a serious basis for a lasting political solution. Algeria, increasingly powerless, is losing influence and reputation worldwide due to its persistent backing of the Polisario. Despite this international momentum favoring Morocco, Algeria continues to support the Polisario, exemplified by President Abdelmadjid Tebboune’s recent reception of the “new Sahrawi ambassador” Khatri Adouh. While Bourita and Mudavadi forged strong friendship ties, the Algerian-hosted ambassador boasted of supposed “diplomatic victories” for the separatists, ignoring Polisario’s growing isolation. Algeria and its proxy even disregard UN Security Council Resolution 2756 adopted in October 2024, which explicitly recognizes Algeria as a party to the dispute and calls for respect of the ceasefire and a durable political solution, endorsing Morocco’s initiative led by King Mohammed VI. Morocco is capitalizing on this favorable context by multiplying bilateral agreements, notably with strategic African countries like Kenya. The signing of five memorandums of understanding during Mudavadi’s visit reflects a shared vision of enhanced cooperation based on historical, cultural, and economic ties. Africa is thus showing a new face marked by pragmatism and mutual interests. The opening of the Kenyan embassy in Rabat and Nairobi’s official support for Morocco’s territorial integrity represent a major diplomatic victory for the Kingdom. Algeria can no longer ignore this development without risking even greater isolation on the continent and globally. Adding to Algeria’s woes, Ivory Coast recently reiterated its position sidelining the separatist movement and its sponsor. Morocco is consolidating its diplomatic leadership and advancing toward a peaceful and lasting resolution of the artificial Western Sahara conflict. In contrast, the Polisario is increasingly isolated, supported only by a stubborn Algeria and perhaps, for now, South Africa, whose economy and business ties with Morocco are growing. The international community is converging toward greater recognition of Moroccan sovereignty and its Autonomy Plan, supported by two permanent UN Security Council members and many regional economic powers. This irreversible momentum heralds a new era in African diplomacy, with the African Union likely to expel the SADR in the near future, removing a burdensome member that meets no criteria for international organization membership except Algeria’s excessive sponsorship, itself in notable decline. Omar Hilal, Morocco’s representative to the UN, does not hesitate to remind his Algerian counterparts of this anachronistic and untenable situation at every opportunity, making the international community a witness to this increasingly ridiculous stalemate that cannot last.

Beatrice Chebet, Soufiane El Bekkali, Femke Bol, Masalela: inaugurate The Rabat Olympic Stadium: A showcase of excellence for high-level athletic performances 5512

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.6 min read.
The core of the profession in sports is undoubtedly the gesture, the exercise, or the action performed by an athlete or a group of athletes. This achievement is extremely complex due to the numerous factors involved and their relative importance. The gesture begins with an image the athlete forms of themselves performing it. For this, they need energy, meaning physiological stimulation. They execute a precise movement engaging part or all of their body, which constitutes mechanical solicitation. To perform this gesture, the athlete thinks and exerts mental effort: this is a psychological dimension and stimulation. Once this process is initiated, the athlete obtains a final image which they evaluate by comparing it to the initial image they had formed of their gesture. This feedback allows them to be satisfied, to question themselves, and to improve their performance. The gesture is never isolated: it takes place before an audience that appreciates the performance, the achievement, and the result. While sports regulations impose, besides ethical behavior, dimensions and specificities of playing areas, that is, rules common to all without discrimination. These rules and other standards condition the technical performances of athletes. However, the environment and context: stadium, hall, or competition venue bring other influencing factors on the performance and thus on the outcome. Among these factors are: • The type of surface; • The comfort, visibility, and proximity of spectators; • Aerodynamic conditions, such as wind exposure; • Lighting and illumination; • Acoustics, including sound treatment and crowd noise; • Visual and material markers on the field for athletes and the audience; • External climatic factors, depending on whether the infrastructure is enclosed or open; • Internal climate, depending on ventilation or air conditioning; and so on. All these elements impact the aforementioned psychological dimension, which in turn influences the physiological and mechanical dimensions, directly affecting the athlete’s performance. But that’s not all: the type and configuration of a sports facility also generate a particular sociological relationship. The atmospheres vary from one stadium to another. The layout, amenities, and comfort offered influence spectator behavior, and by extension, that of the entire audience. This behavior fosters a specific way of appreciating the athlete’s performance. For example, the proximity between the audience and players plays an important role: close supporters with unobstructed visibility are more empathetic than distant spectators. The nearby supporter better appreciates the effort and becomes more tolerant toward the athlete. Thus, the employment programs and architecture of a sports facility become an influencing factor on athletes’ performance. A well-studied final configuration is a factor that promotes performance, highlighting the importance of considering these data before any study or proposal for the construction of a sports facility. These facts were probably taken into account during the design and construction of the Athletics Stadium, known as the Olympic Stadium, built in only 8 months at the Prince Moulay Abdallah Sports Complex, replacing the National Institute of Athletics, erected in the early 1990s, where nearly all of Morocco’s great athletics talents emerged. This explains the exceptional results achieved during the latest edition of the Mohammed VI Diamond League Meeting in Rabat: three world-leading performances and five meeting records, a remarkable feat. The 8 minutes 11.49 seconds by Kenyan Beatrice Chebet, the second-best global performance ever in the 3000m, perfectly illustrate the symbiosis between the athlete’s potential and the conditions offered for her to express it. She made history in world athletics. The same applies to the performance of Moroccan champion Soufiane El Bekkali in the 3000m steeplechase, in front of his home crowd and on a track whose qualities he praised. He had never achieved such a performance so early in the season: 8 minutes 00.47 seconds, a very strong time for May, pulling along German Frederick Ruppert, who will never forget his race in Rabat, smashing his country’s record and posting the third-best European performance of all time. He is now a serious contender for a medal at the World Championships planned in Tokyo. The performance of Femke Bol in the women's 400m hurdles is also noteworthy: 52.46 seconds, a heavy-hitting time. Another notable performance was by Tshesipo Masalela from Botswana, who clocked 1 minute 42.70 seconds. These are just some examples among many outstanding performances achieved for the inauguration of this Moroccan Olympic stadium. In short, Morocco can be proud of such an accomplishment, which will surely enter the Guinness records, as never before has a sports facility of such scale been completed in so little time, while respecting the required standards and quality. The President of the African Athletics Confederation and CASOL, the very recent Association of African Olympic Sports Confederations, did not hide his pride, framing this achievement as part of Morocco’s support for the African sports movement in general, and athletics in particular. He recalled that the Kingdom is the only African country to host a Diamond League athletics stage. Naturally, he hopes to see the African Athletics Championships held there soon.

Morocco–United States and Côte d’Ivoire: The New Strategic Framework to Strengthen the Counterterrorism Fight in the Sahel 5291

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
On April 24, 2025, in Abidjan, the Ivorian Minister of Defense, Téné Birahima Ouattara, received the United States Ambassador to Côte d’Ivoire, Jessica Davis Ba, accompanied by General Michael Langley, the renowned AFRICOM commander. This meeting clearly fits into a major geostrategic dynamic where Côte d’Ivoire, Morocco, the United States, and the G5 Sahel countries are strengthening their cooperation to combat the transnational terrorist threat that has long destabilized the Sahel and North Africa. It is worth recalling that the pact concluded in Algeria under Bouteflika with armed groups shifted the threat southward within the country, exacerbating instability in the Sahel after a war that caused more than 250,000 Algerian deaths. In this new security architecture, Côte d’Ivoire positions itself as a key player south of the unstable zones. Washington is intensifying its military presence there with a drone base in Bouaké and a donation of 12 armored vehicles to reinforce Ivorian defense, especially in areas exposed to terrorism. This partnership also includes training for Ivorian forces and the establishment of maintenance infrastructure, illustrating cooperation expected to endure over time. Joint exercises in Bingerville, still in Côte d’Ivoire, demonstrate the growing strength of Ivorian forces in synergy with the United States, consolidating an essential link in West African security. Côte d’Ivoire, historically allied with Morocco, thus becomes a central actor in this regional cohesion. This could not happen without Rabat being informed and possibly even playing a facilitating role beforehand. Morocco asserts itself as a key actor in the counterterrorism fight in North Africa and the Sahel, coordinating its actions with the G5 Sahel, the most effective platform against various jihadist groups—essentially mere gangsters. Its intense participation in military exercises such as African Lion 2025, notably in its southern provinces, strengthens coordination with American, African, and other forces. Training in handling the mobile HIMARS artillery system, for example, testifies to the strategic depth of the Morocco–United States partnership. This new regional cohesion makes the Kingdom a major stabilizer, promoting a multilateral approach to terrorism, illicit trafficking, and hybrid conflicts. The Sahelo-Saharan region, now aligned with Morocco, faces complex threats, including the porous links between separatist movements like the Polisario Front and terrorist networks. Southern Algeria has become a lawless zone conducive to trafficking and multifaceted jihadism, threatening regional stability. Mali increasingly denounces Algerian interference and its support for terrorist groups, while Mauritania recently closed its border with Algeria near Tindouf, the Polisario’s stronghold. Algeria, at worst, if not openly encouraging, tolerates its territory as a strategic fallback zone and a supplier—particularly of fuel—vital for the survival and activities of various groups. The G5 Sahel Joint Force, even after the French withdrawal from the region, remains limited by funding and equipment deficits, highlighting the urgent need for strengthened international support. The growing military power of Côte d’Ivoire, cooperation with Morocco, and American support thus fit into a comprehensive regional strategy to contain these threats. Algeria, despite itself, is a pressured partner, hosting the Polisario Front for over 50 years. Increasingly, this group is being labeled a terrorist organization and will soon be so in the USA by law. In May 2025, the American destroyer USS Forrest Sherman’s stopover in Algiers and joint naval exercises with the country reflect the US desire to maintain a strategic Mediterranean presence, thereby involving Algiers more in counterterrorism. The memorandum of understanding signed in January 2025 between Washington and Algiers underscores this increased responsibility regarding threats on Algeria’s southern borders. The region is thus heading toward a new security architecture. The Abidjan meeting and the scale of maneuvers south of Morocco illustrate a profound transformation of security cooperation in West and North Africa. Morocco’s rise as a central actor, combined with strengthened partnerships between Côte d’Ivoire, the United States, and the G5 Sahel, shapes this new, more coherent and effective geostrategic architecture. In the same vein, one can also mention recent visits by Emirati officials in the region and the very recent visit of Marshal Haftar’s son, General Saddam Haftar, to Niger, following previous visits to Burkina Faso and even Israel some time ago. The noose is tightening around terrorist groups, now cut off from their strategic refuges. Their last resort remains the north via Algeria and Libya, where internal conflicts complicate the fight. This multilateral regional approach appears as the best response to restore stability and security in a region rapidly evolving due to recent political changes. Morocco, the first to adapt to these developments, is reaping the benefits of its non-interference strategy by forging strong economic and strategic complementarity with its partners. From Rabat to Abidjan, no zone escapes this economic and security dynamic desired by His Majesty the King. Algeria’s now shaky stance and its belligerent rhetoric toward neighbors no longer impress. The death knell has sounded for desert extremist groups, notably the Polisario and its ambiguous role for over half a century.

Informal Economy in Morocco: Wealth-Creating Liberalism and a Social Pillar 5354

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
- Politics - Society - Business -
2.5 min read.
The World Bank’s regional report, published in April 2025, presents the informal economy in Morocco as a major obstacle to economic development, highlighting that 83% of businesses operate outside the legal framework. According to this institution, this situation limits growth, productivity, and the formalization of the private sector. This viewpoint, which likely conflates informal economic activity with economic fraud, while supported by data on sluggish growth and structural challenges, deserves a more nuanced critique. It should shed light on the positive and dynamic aspects of the informal economy—as an expression of wealth-creating liberalism, a social safety valve, a job creator, and a factor of political stability. The narrative advanced by the World Bank on this matter should be approached with caution. Recognizing the economic significance of the informal sector would allow for a more intelligent reassessment of growth metrics, making them more realistic and grounded. For example, Morocco’s growth rate would likely be much higher than officially reported. Contrary to the portrayal of the informal economy as a burden, it plays a crucial role in job creation and income generation, especially for a large segment of the population. Estimates suggest the informal sector accounts for between 60% and 70% of total employment in Morocco and contributes 40% to 60% of GDP, with a strong concentration in micro-services and micro-commerce, which make up 91% of informal jobs. This dynamic reflects a form of spontaneous economic liberalism, where individual actors—often sole artisans or small traders—engage in entrepreneurial activities without waiting for state intervention or regulation. Thus, the informal economy is a concrete manifestation of economic liberalism in the Adam Smithian sense, where the “invisible hand” organizes exchanges and harmonizes individual and collective interests, thereby contributing to overall wealth. It enables millions of Moroccans to survive, escape unemployment, and participate in economic life, representing a grassroots wealth-creating liberalism rather than a flaw. The informal economy also functions as an essential social safety valve. In the absence of strong social protections such as unemployment insurance or social welfare—which are only beginning to be implemented—it provides a safety net for vulnerable populations, particularly in rural and poor urban areas. This social function contributes to political stability by preventing frustrations linked to unemployment and poverty from escalating into major social tensions. Has the Economic, Social and Environmental Council (CESE) not emphasized that the informal sector supplies goods and services tailored to the purchasing power of modest-income classes, thereby avoiding deeper economic exclusion? This social regulation through informality is a factor of cohesion and resilience in the face of economic crises—a fact made evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. The informal economy also offers a flexibility that the formal sector cannot always guarantee. Formal enterprises sourcing from informal suppliers benefit from lower production costs, greater flexibility in volumes and deadlines, and can thus improve their competitiveness, including in export markets. This interplay between formal and informal sectors creates an economic ecosystem where economic liberalism fully expresses itself through freedom of initiative and the pursuit of efficiency. The dominant criticism linking informality to low productivity and unfair competition overlooks that the informal sector often reflects a pragmatic, intelligent, and innovative adaptation to heavy institutional and regulatory constraints. This is human ingenuity driven by survival instincts. Simplifying procedures, reducing tax burdens, and improving the institutional environment can encourage formalization, but it must also be acknowledged that informality is a creative and liberal response to existing obstacles. Morocco’s informal economy should not be viewed as a developmental hindrance but as a living expression of wealth-creating economic liberalism, a job engine, and an essential social safety valve. It contributes to political stability by offering economic opportunities to marginalized populations and fostering social cohesion. Confronting this economy with restrictive measures—while it creates wealth—instead of adopting flexible policies that adapt to real needs and constraints, risks stifling initiative and fueling social unrest. Rather than seeking to eliminate it, public policies would benefit from recognizing its role and supporting its gradual integration into the formal fiscal economy, while preserving its capacity for innovation and adaptation. In doing so, the informal sector could become a true lever for inclusive and sustainable development in Morocco. The World Bank and others—whether government officials or representatives of the so-called formal economy—are largely mistaken in condemning this creative economic sector without appreciating its real contributions to the population. The Moroccan government, and likely those of similarly situated countries, should disregard ill-informed or detached opinions. Instead, they should support this economy with accompaniment and tolerance, guided by a vision of progressive inclusion and integration into the formal economic fabric.