Think Forward.

Trump, le Maroc et la fin du mythe Polisario 2213

Aziz Daouda, 8 mon.
Depuis quelques semaines à peine, la question du Sahara occidental enregistre une série de rebondissements d’une intensité rare, marquant une véritable accélération dans un dossier longtemps figé par les pesanteurs diplomatiques, les inerties stratégiques et les calculs occultes. L’administration Trump, chef de file d’un courant international lassé de ce conflit d’un autre temps, a clairement affiché sa volonté de passer à une nouvelle ère, rompant avec des décennies d’attentisme, alimenté par la Guerre froide et ses prolongements idéologiques. Pour Washington, il n’est plus question de tolérer les jeux de déstabilisation d’un régime militaire algérien en perte de repères, qui instrumentalise ce conflit pour masquer ses propres échecs internes, politiques, économiques et sociaux et freine ainsi les ambitions de développement, les bonnes relations régionales dans la complémentarité et le respect d’un voisin marocain qu’il jalouse aussi pour ses réussites et ses alliances solides avec l’Occident. L’élection de Donald Trump a rebattu les cartes. Exit les postures prudentes et les équilibres fragiles entre belligérants : l’heure est à l’action, à la transparence des alliances, et à la recherche de solutions concrètes. Dans cette logique, le soutien de l’administration Trump à la proposition marocaine d’autonomie est sans équivoque. L’initiative marocaine est désormais qualifiée par la Maison-Blanche comme la seule base « juste et durable » pour une résolution du conflit. Lors d’une rencontre riche en symbolique entre le ministre marocain des Affaires étrangères, Nasser Bourita, et le sénateur Marco Rubio, ce dernier a réaffirmé l’engagement des États-Unis envers une solution fondée exclusivement sur l’offre marocaine. Les signaux sont clairs : pour Washington, la fin de la récréation a sonné. Le Maroc est solide et fiable. Il est dans son droit. C’est le meilleur ami et partenaire dans la région. C’est aussi le premier pays à avoir reconnu les américains et protégé leur flotte dans les moments difficiles de ce pays naissant alors. Ce réalignement américain reconfirmé s’accompagne de propositions audacieuses. Plusieurs membres influents du Congrès envisagent désormais de désigner officiellement le Front Polisario comme organisation terroriste. Et ils ont sur quoi reposer leur argumentaire, notamment : les attaques contre des civils à Smara et du côté de El Mahbas, la rupture unilatérale du cessez-le-feu de 1991, mais aussi les liens supposés avec des puissances hostiles comme l’Iran ou la Russie, sans omettre la présence avérée de combattants du Polisario en Syrie d’ailleurs toujours détenus là-bas. Le 11 avril, faut-il le rappeler le représentant républicain Joe Wilson a annoncé son intention de déposer un projet de loi en ce sens. Selon lui, le Front Polisario constitue une porte d’entrée pour ce qu’il appelle « l’Axe de l’agression » en Afrique, reliant l’organisation séparatiste à des ambitions géopolitiques iraniennes et russes sur le continent et c’est menaçant pour la sécurité des USA. Il a entre les mains aujourd’hui l’étude étayée de l’Hudson Institute qui conclue aux relations étroites du Polisario avec le Hezboallah et même avec le PKK. Il serait actif dans des trafics d’armes avec les groupes terroristes au Sahel, compromis dans les détournements d’aides humanitaires etc. Il ne faut pas penser qu’il n’ait que des américains qui seraient dans cette logique. En fin de semaine dernière par exemple, Liam Fox ancien secrétaire d’état britannique à la défense qualifiait à son tour le Polisario d’organisation terroriste. L’idée est en train de faire sérieusement son chemin. La récente Cette dynamique met l’Algérie face à ses responsabilités : le Polisario est hébergé, soutenu et financé, sur son territoire. Qualifier le Polisario d’organisation terroriste c’est aussi l’éjecter de l’équation. Sa marginalisation diplomatique isolerait encore davantage Alger, désormais confondu être la partie intégrante du conflit, et non plus la simple actrice tierce qu’elle prétend être. Le masque est définitivement tombé. Autre pays dans la tourmente : l’Afrique du Sud. Soutien traditionnel du Polisario, Pretoria commence à ressentir les effets de cette bascule stratégique. La presse locale s’interroge, des voix au sein de l’ANC appellent à une réévaluation de la politique étrangère du pays. Plusieurs ONG sont connues pour mener là encore des activités de collecte de fonds pour le Polisario, mais des think tanks comme l’Institut Hudson, encore lui, estiment qu’une désignation terroriste les contraindrait à cesser ces opérations sous peine de sanctions internationales. Les conséquences pourraient être lourdes pour les institutions sud-africaines. Déjà sous la surveillance du GAFI (Groupe d’action financière), le pays ne peut se permettre d’être soupçonné de complicité avec une entité classée terroriste. Les banques, en particulier, redoutent les contrôles et pourraient exiger du gouvernement un changement de cap. Le climat entre Washington et Pretoria, déjà froid depuis l’arrivée de Trump au pouvoir, risque ainsi de se détériorer davantage. L’administration américaine ne cache pas sa défiance envers le gouvernement sud-africain. Une éventuelle désignation du Polisario comme groupe terroriste serait alors un point de rupture dans une relation déjà fragilisée, avec à la clé des sanctions, des pressions économiques et une surveillance diplomatique renforcée. Le dossier du Sahara occidental entre dans une nouvelle phase. La logique de statu quo ne tient plus face aux réalignements internationaux, et les manœuvres dilatoires perdent en efficacité. Le monde ne veut plus de conflits congelés, et les puissances aspirent à un continent africain stable, fiable, et ouvert aux échanges. Dans cette dynamique, le Maroc semble avoir gagné la bataille de la clarté. Reste à voir si ses adversaires sauront lire les nouveaux équilibres. C’est sans doute ce qui explique et motive l’optimisme du représentant marocain à l’ONU, Omar Hilale… Il n’a pas hésité à insinuer en des termes à peine voilés que le dossier serait annoncé clos en concomitance avec les célébrations par le peuple marocain du cinquantième anniversaire de la Marche Verte, le 6 novembre prochain…
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Agentic AI Beyond Benchmarks: Meta-Agents & the Future of AI Evaluation with Khalil Mrini 372

Tariq Daouda, 2 d.
I recently sat down with Khalil Mrini to talk about his work and international experiences. He has spent time in Marrakech, Switzerland, India, and the United States, each place influencing his perspective in different ways. We also mentioned his visit at the UM6P, his experience of the university, students and innkvative AI curriculum. Khalil presented his new paper on agentic AI. The paper focuses on the use of autonomous agents to evaluate and benchmark other agents: essentially, systems that can test one another’s capabilities. He described how this approach could provide a more dynamic and optimal method for measuring progress in AI research. We ended the conversation by discussing AI ethics. Our exchange raised open questions about responsibility, transparency, and how the field can ensure that increasingly autonomous systems align with human values.
youtu.be/zE7PKRjrid4

A Historical Triptych: How Morocco, Spain, and Portugal are Forging the Success of the 2030 World Cup 469

Imad Khater, 3 d.
The assignment of the 2030 FIFA World Cup hosting rights to the unprecedented trio of Morocco, Portugal, and Spain marks the opening of a new chapter in the history of international and sporting relations. The joint organization of this event confirms an unparalleled dynamic, engaging the three nations in a triangular cooperation whose efficiency will be the decisive marker of this global event's success. This trilateral partnership transcends mere logistical collaboration to become a true lever for strategic development. The question is no longer whether bilateral relations are ready, but how their integration into a strengthened trilateral framework will guarantee the success of a mega-event poised to connect, for the first time, two continents through the medium of sport. Historical ties and geographical proximity provide a fertile ground for a remarkable intensification of relations between these three partners. The announcement of their tripartite bid has, in fact, elevated the need for harmonized coordination in the logistical, economic, and security domains to the level of a strategic imperative. I. The Political and Economic Foundations of Enhanced Cooperation The alignment around the 2030 project is not fortuitous; it is rooted in deep political and economic considerations that mutualize the interests of the three countries. •⁠ ⁠The Imperative of Convergence suffers no ambivalence: Spain and Portugal, while operating within the structural framework of the European Union, recognize Morocco as an essential strategic partner, a genuine gateway and pivot to the African continent. This dynamic is not unilateral; the Kingdom is consolidating its Euro-African anchor with heightened clarity through this same alliance. The World Cup deadline, far from being a simple calendar constraint, acts as a powerful lever, forcing the acceleration—often judged too slow—of regulatory, customs, and security convergence processes among the three capitals. Crucially, the political will displayed at the highest level—symbolized by the direct monitoring of Moroccan commitments by His Majesty King Mohammed VI—stands as a decisive catalyst, ensuring the establishment of a unified and enduring policy line, even in the face of contingencies and fluctuations in political majorities within the allied states. •⁠ ⁠Mutualization of Investments and Benefits: On the economic front, the World Cup represents an unprecedented opportunity to boost trade and investment. The trilateral agreements directly influence the planning of major works: the goal is no longer to build isolated infrastructures, but integrated networks (ports, air links, potential high-speed rail connections) designed for interoperability. The harmonization of tourism offerings and incentivizing fiscal regimes for sponsors and investors is crucial to maximize shared benefits. The success of coordination in the logistical, economic, and security domains will not be merely a performance indicator; it will be the symbol of a collective capacity to manage a complex event on a transcontinental scale. II. Managing Complexities: The Challenges of Co-Development An event of this magnitude, operated by three sovereign states, naturally generates frictions and coordination challenges that require first-rate diplomatic and technical management. •⁠ ⁠The Challenge of Global Security and Integrated Transport: The primary obstacle is the creation of a unified security space for the millions of supporters on the move. This demands real-time information sharing, coordination of law enforcement agencies, and the harmonization of emergency protocols. Concurrently, the transport system must be conceived as a single network. The transit of teams and supporters between Europe and Africa must be fluid, reliable, and ecological, necessitating targeted investments in airport capacity and maritime services. •⁠ ⁠The Cultural and Civilizational Vector: Beyond sport, the World Cup is a diplomatic platform. The secondary, but fundamental, challenge is to move beyond simple technical organization to present an ideal model of intercultural coexistence. Morocco, Spain, and Portugal must invest in promoting their cross-cultural heritages, consolidating the values of peace and mutual respect. This involves qualifying national institutions not only in logistics but also in public management and global media interaction, to avoid the pitfalls of fragmented or sensationalist coverage. III. The Structuring Influence of Bilateral Agreements on Logistics The influence of existing agreements between the three countries is vital for infrastructure development. The current stage is characterized by high anticipation from the private sectors and sports observers, who are watching for the concrete acceleration of construction projects. The overall efficiency of the operation—whether considering the pre-event phase, execution during the tournament, or the post-realization legacy—rests entirely on the solidity of the triangular commitment. The transformation of infrastructures, from stadiums to training centers and reception areas, must be carried out in a spirit of normative alignment. In conclusion, the 2030 World Cup is not merely the sum of three national organizations; it is a project of strategic co-development. The strong historical relations uniting the Kingdom of Morocco, Portugal, and Spain, amplified by a constant and high-level political will, constitute the decisive element for transforming this bid into a resounding success, offering the world a precedent of successful integration between two shores.

Law 30-09: A “Tree with Bitter Fruits” Hindering the Development of Moroccan Sports 471

Imad Khater, 3 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.5 min read.
While Morocco’s recent performances on the international stage—particularly in football—demonstrate its growing dynamism, the legal framework governing the sports sector seems unable to keep pace with this evolution. Conceived in the wake of the 2008 Royal Letter and enacted in 2010, Law No. 30-09, which was meant to modernize the national sports system, now reveals—fifteen years after its delayed implementation—serious limitations. Marked by internal inconsistencies, deficient enforcement, and pervasive state interference, the law ultimately undermines its original purpose: to professionalize Moroccan sport and align it with international standards. I. Excessive Requirements and Forgotten Sanctions Born from a clear political will to reform Moroccan sport and provide it with a modern legal framework, Law 30-09 has quickly become a rigid and impractical instrument. One of its most emblematic—and controversial—provisions is the obligation imposed on certain sports associations to establish sports corporations (Sociétés Anonymes). While the intent was to ensure sound governance, fiscal transparency, and executive accountability, practice has revealed the limits of this approach. •⁠ ⁠A disproportionate constraint. Most associations lack the financial and organizational capacity to comply with such structural obligations. •⁠ ⁠A flawed and inapplicable framework. The law establishes three non-cumulative conditions triggering the obligation to form a sports company. Only the first has been clarified by regulation, while the other two—relating to turnover and payroll—were never defined by governmental decree. As a result, the rule remains largely inoperative, especially since the penalties for non-compliance are systematically ignored. •⁠ ⁠An unfinished reform. Even among the few clubs that have complied, the parent association still holds the majority of the share capital. This structural lock prevents the opening of capital to private investors, thus maintaining dependency on the old associative model rather than promoting professionalization. II. The Persistent Shadow of the State: An Interference Contrary to Autonomy Principles By its very nature, sport is a sphere of autonomy, an ethos enshrined in the Moroccan Constitution and in the regulations of international organizations such as FIFA. Yet Law 30-09 establishes the supervising ministry as the true guardian of the sector, concentrating significant and often excessive powers: •⁠ ⁠An extensive right of scrutiny. The ministry approves statutes, grants accreditation, and confers authorization to national federations. •⁠ ⁠A pronounced power of interference. The administration may impose standard contracts and, more seriously, revoke authorization or dissolve a federation in the event of a “serious violation.” Such prerogatives contradict the spirit of the Constitution, which reserves this power to the judiciary. •⁠ ⁠Institutional omnipresence. A state representative must sit within the governing bodies of both the national federations and the Moroccan National Olympic Committee (CNOM), reinforcing state oversight at the expense of autonomy. This predominant executive control contradicts the principles of independence that underpin both national constitutional law and the global sports governance model. III. The Ambiguous Status of Athletes: The Law’s Major Omission Beyond institutional deficiencies, Law 30-09 exposes a serious legal vacuum regarding the status of athletes. The professional athlete’s contract is treated as an ordinary employment contract—an assimilation that raises significant difficulties. •⁠ ⁠The legislator had to create several exceptions to the Labour Code (five-year fixed-term contracts, exclusivity clauses, conditions for unilateral termination), resulting in an incoherent hybrid regime. •⁠ ⁠Although classified as “employees,” professional athletes do not enjoy the social protection and retirement benefits normally afforded to workers. •⁠ ⁠As for amateur athletes, their status remains completely unaddressed by the law. The provisions aimed at supporting athlete training and post-career reconversion are equally deficient. They are neither mandatory nor widely implemented, few training centers exist, and many athletes lack the educational background needed to benefit from such programs. IV. The Need for a Moroccan Sports Code Faced with these structural weaknesses, a piecemeal revision of the law is no longer adequate. The codification of sports law—through the adoption of a comprehensive Moroccan Sports Code—is now an imperative step toward supporting the country’s international ambition. Drawing inspiration from the French model, such a reform would serve several key purposes: 1.⁠ ⁠Clarifying and consolidating the dispersed legal texts, regulations, and case law to facilitate specialization among legal practitioners. 2.⁠ ⁠Correcting inconsistencies by redefining the jurisdictional competences of the State and creating a sui generis legal status for professional and amateur athletes. 3.⁠ ⁠Modernizing the legal framework by integrating fiscal and social regimes specific to sports entities and individuals. Despite its initial promise of modernization, Law 30-09 has become a “tree with bitter fruits.” Instead of fostering professionalism, it has constrained the sector and amplified its institutional fragility. Only a complete codification—reflecting Morocco’s socio-economic realities and the principles of good governance—can ensure a coherent, autonomous, and sustainable framework for the country’s sports development.