Think Forward.

Performance sportive, l'Afrique n'a qu'un choix... 1311

L’expérience extraordinaire Nezha Bidouane, Hicham El Guerrouj, Khalid Skah, Brahim Boutayeb, Nawal El Moutawakel, Salah Hissou, Hasna Benhassi, Zahra Ouaziz, Said Aouita, Jawad Gharib, Ali Ezzine et tant d’autres a fait du Maroc une super puissance de l’athlétisme mondial. Le Maroc était à ce moment-là parmi les pays marquant de l’athlétisme mondial avec des résultats fulgurants et une continuité de près d’un quart de siècle. Le Maroc fut même cinquième au monde en 1999, lors des championnats du monde de Séville. Des performances de très haut niveau, des athlètes charismatiques, des entraineurs marocains formés convenablement au Maroc, une politique fédérale inspirée, un soutien inconditionnel de l’Etat, une sollicitude royale généreuse ont fait ce Maroc formidable de l’athlétisme. Au niveau mondial, pour la formation des sportifs de haut niveau, il y a deux expériences réussies et consacrées, deux façons de former et de produire de la performance et une troisième qui est en train de se faire une bonne place, qui devient même la plus productive, celle inventée et mise en place au Maroc. Cette méthode marocaine a fait des émules. Elle a été adoptée par l’IAAF de l’époque, par la Confédération Africaine et également par plus d’un pays. Grosso modo, vous avez le système américain avec de grandes universités très riches ayant tous les moyens de former des sportifs de très haut niveau. Les universités américaines développent la recherche scientifique en matière de performance sportive, investissent dans de grands laboratoires en physiologie de l’effort, en psychologie et autres sciences cognitives, en sociologie du sport et tout autre domaine de l’activité physique pour le bien être et pour la production de la performance sportive. Elles investissent dans la performance sportive pour améliorer et consolider leur image respective, dans une grande compétition inter-universités. Ainsi elles sont les plus productives mondialement, bénéficiant de la connaissance développée, d’un niveau d’encadrement inégalé et d’un cumul historique inspirant. Elles font figure de super puissance et font bénéficier les USA d’une puissance sportive tout azimut. Ainsi les USA ont toujours eu un tour d’avance sur le reste du monde. A côté du système américain il y a le système européen avec de grands clubs soutenus par des collectivités locales très riches et des sponsors très généreux. Ce système produit donc la seconde puissance sportive mondiale et cela se voit aux différents championnats du monde et aux jeux olympiques chaque quatre années. En Afrique nous n’avons ni l’un ni l’autre de ces systèmes, ni ne pourrions avoir un dans un avenir proche. Alors, au Maroc, nous avons inventé notre propre voie qui est celle de concevoir et de mettre en place une institution nationale qui regroupe des jeunes très talentueux sélectionnés à partir d’un bon système de prospection et de détection des talents. Les sélectionnés sont ensuite placés dans un environnement de haute compétence, de rendement optimisé, sous la houlette de cadres à 100% marocains. Avoir un encadrement exclusivement national est d’une grande importance au plan culturelle, sociologique et affectif. Il ne faut jamais oublier que la performance sportive est une expression culturelle. La motivation de tous étant la même : représenter dignement le pays. C’est ce qui nous a permis pendant plus de 20 ans de figurer parmi les dix plus grandes nations du monde, d’avoir des dizaines de titres et de records mondiaux. Je pense que c’est la voie pour les pays d’Afrique. Au Kenya aussi, la quasi-totalité des athlètes est issue d’un système similaire initié par certains équipementiers et par l’IAAF dans le passé. l4ethiope a adopté la même voie. C’est d’ailleurs la voie que développe actuellement la CAA en multipliant les African Athletics Developement Centers -AADC- . Il s'agit d'unités de formation des cadres et d’entrainement pour les jeunes athlètes. Hélas le système est menacé par manque de moyens, World Athletics ayant choisi de ne pas suivre la CAA dans cette voix. Un tel système ne peut marcher que sur la base d'un système de détection intelligemment pensé et efficacement menée. Pourquoi ne voyons-nous pas de nouvelles générations de grands athlètes marocains, serait la question que me poserait plus d’un ? La performance sportive, si elle dépend de la volonté des dirigeants et d’un environnement favorable, elle dépend surtout et avant tout des hommes qui travaillent dans le système, de leur engagement et de leur génie. Les structures et les financements ne sont pas suffisantes pour générer de la haute performance. Nous sommes ici dans un domaine culturel de créativité permanente, basée sur une vision qui combine la volonté aux aspects culturels mais sans négliger les prises en compte des avancés scientifiques au plus haut niveau. La clairvoyance des décideurs, le niveau confiance dans l’encadrement, la continuité du système sont autant de facteurs qui vont impacter le processus de production de la performance sportive. Dès lors que l’un des ces facteurs venait à être perturbé alors la machine coince. Force donc est de conclure que pour produire de la performance sportive, le continent n'a qu'un seul et unique choix: celui de centres de formation. C'est ce que fait le football avec brio dans certains pays d'Afrique dont le Maroc. Aziz Daouda
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Mauritania Facing Security, Diplomatic, and Geopolitical Recomposition Challenges in the Sahel.. 68

After four years of intervention, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner officially announced its withdrawal from Mali in June 2025. It had been active in the region since 2021. This departure occurs in a context marked by a resurgence of jihadist attacks weakening Malian and regional stability. Wagner’s departure does not signify a Russian disengagement, as its missions are being taken over by a new paramilitary organization, the Africa Corps, directly controlled by the Russian Ministry of Defense. This group, born after the failed coup attempt by former Wagner leaders in 2023, continues Russia’s strategy of influence in Africa, notably in what is declared to be the training of Malian forces to face the rising terrorist threats. This transition illustrates the complexity of the security context in the Sahel, where Wagner’s relative failure to stabilize Mali and contain Tuareg and jihadist armed groups forces Moscow to readjust its methods while maintaining its strategic influence. This new situation raises serious questions about the real capacity to contain terrorism in the region, especially at Mali’s border with Mauritania. Meanwhile, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement, is increasingly associated with terrorist activities. In Spain, a militant affiliated with the Polisario was arrested for preparing terrorist acts against Morocco, with evidence of incitement to jihadism and acquisition of explosive materials. This radicalization fits into a dynamic where the Polisario cooperates more closely with Islamist groups, notably benefiting from the support of Iran and its proxies including Hezbollah. Well-documented longstanding links exist between the Polisario and terrorist groups in the Sahel, such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, whose founders were former Polisario fighters. This collusion manifests through logistical support, arms transfers, and increased militarization, including the use of suicide drones supplied by Iran. These facts reinforce the perception of the Polisario not only as a separatist actor but also as a vector of instability and terrorism in the region. At the same time, Morocco has recorded numerous diplomatic breakthroughs and growing international pressure to formalize Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara provinces. In 2024, Morocco achieved several major victories in the international recognition of its sovereignty over its southern provinces. More than 116 countries, including powers like France, now support the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only viable solution to the conflict. This position was recently shared by the United Kingdom following the United States. Influential African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire and, more recently, Ghana have done the same. The fresh stance of Zuma’s party in South Africa further confirms this evolution. Morocco’s diplomatic progress relies on skilled international relations management and active engagement in regional security, notably in the Sahel. The Kingdom’s tact is evident as it avoids embarrassing its southern neighbor Mauritania, which has long recognized the so-called RASD puppet entity. It is also important to recall the U.S. intention to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization, a measure supported by analyses documenting its links with Hezbollah, the PKK, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Cuba, Venezuela, and other states unfriendly to the U.S. This classification aims to reveal the true nature of the Polisario. In this context, Mauritania finds itself in turmoil. Things have moved too fast. The comfort it once enjoyed is gone. The conjunction of these developments forces the country’s authorities to rethink their political positioning. Faced with the recurring fragility caused by the Polisario, which hinders its development and threatens its stability, and observing Algeria’s inability to move beyond Boumediene’s legacy to ensure effective security, Mauritania is inevitably pushed toward rapprochement with Morocco. Morocco is perceived as the only actor capable of guaranteeing lasting security in the region, especially against rising terrorist threats and current geopolitical challenges. Some Mauritanian publications already address this question very directly. This shows that Mauritanian decision-makers are indeed embracing this paradigm shift. Recent movements by the Mauritanian army align with this trend, especially as some Polisario cadres no longer hesitate to threaten Mauritania, which they label as a traitor. This tension further complicates Mauritania’s capacity to secure its borders, a young country whose resources remain very limited given the vastness of its borders, notably with Mali and Algeria. In this environment, Algeria, a blind and staunch supporter of the Polisario, today appears more trapped in rhetoric without real capacity for action, which weakens its regional position. Mauritania seems to have understood this for some time, though perhaps not openly. Conversely, Morocco, strengthened by its diplomatic successes and proven commitment to counterterrorism, appears as an indispensable partner for Mauritania in its quest for stability and prosperity. It would therefore not be surprising to see Mauritania in the very near future withdraw its recognition of the so-called RASD puppet entity or at least move away from what it has so far called a positive neutrality. In fact, Mauritania has already distanced itself somewhat from the separatists, which does not please Algeria, which is losing influence. The withdrawal of Wagner from Mali, the radicalization of the Polisario which seems overwhelmed, Morocco’s diplomatic successes, and the likely imminent designation of the Polisario as a terrorist organization by the U.S. clearly redraw the geopolitical map of the Sahel and the Maghreb. Mauritania is probably preparing for this and even taking the lead. In this shifting context, it is pushed toward a natural strategic realignment with Morocco, the only actor capable of offering a credible security alternative against terrorist threats and development challenges. This repositioning marks a major step in the reshaping of regional alliances, with profound implications for the future stability of the Sahel and the reconfiguration of North Africa.

His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity 73

Long before the major transformations of the 1920s, Morocco experienced significant attempts at modernization under the reign of Hassan I (1873-1894). A visionary Sultan, Hassan I undertook reforms of the administration, strengthened the army, and developed infrastructure, notably roads and communications. His efforts encountered a conservative internal context, marked by resistance from the fouqahas (Islamic scholars) and elites attached to traditional structures. He also faced increasing pressure from European powers seeking to establish themselves in Morocco. These dual obstacles limited the scope of the reforms but nevertheless laid the foundations for gradual modernization. Before him, Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, an enlightened 18th-century Sultan, had already played a major role in opening Morocco to the world. He notably founded and developed the port of Essaouira (then Mogador) in 1765, conceived as a strategic commercial hub to control foreign trade. Thanks to its geographic position and infrastructure, Essaouira quickly became an essential crossroads for exchanges between Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Mediterranean, thereby strengthening the kingdom’s economic and diplomatic ties. Other sovereigns continued this dynamic. Moulay Abdelaziz (1894-1908) pursued certain military and administrative reforms despite increasing instability. Under the French protectorate, Moulay Youssef (1912-1927) had to navigate colonial domination while trying to preserve some Moroccan sovereignty. Ascending the throne in 1927 at only 19 years old, Mohammed V became a symbol of Moroccan resistance against the French protectorate. Rejecting colonial domination, he supported the nationalist movement, notably during his historic speech in Tangier in 1947, where he called for Moroccan unity and independence. Exiled from 1953 to 1955, his triumphant return marked the beginning of the end of the protectorate. In 1956, he proclaimed independence and laid the foundations of a sovereign Morocco. He then engaged in building a modern state by reforming institutions, unifying the territory, developing education, and initiating economic modernization, creating the Royal Armed Forces and other security bodies while affirming national cultural identity. Son of Mohammed V, Hassan II (1961-1999) consolidated the Moroccan state by establishing a constitutional monarchy and developing essential infrastructure. He skillfully combined tradition and modernity, strengthening national sovereignty while opening the country to foreign investment and international exchanges. Under his reign, Morocco made major advances in economic, social, and cultural fields, laying the groundwork for sustainable modernization and preparing the terrain for current transformations. Hassan II is remembered for gradually recovering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom in a difficult, even hostile, internal and international context. Under Mohammed VI, Morocco is undergoing a profound transformation, comparable in scale to that of the 1920s but within a sovereign and globalized context. His reign, marked by a clear vision and firm will, combines respect for traditions with openness to modernity. The country is investing massively in transport infrastructure: roads, high-speed trains, airports, and public and private facilities throughout the territory. Integration with Western economies has strengthened, making Morocco a preferred destination for foreign direct investment, attracting billions of dollars annually. Flagship projects, especially in preparation for the 2030 World Cup, are stimulating the development of sports, tourism, and cultural infrastructure, affirming the country’s international influence. At the same time, social and economic modernization is underway, with initiatives to improve education, health, innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Morocco within a global and modern dynamic. The country has simply tripled its GDP in less than twenty years. All this reflects continuity and renewal. Morocco is, in fact, in perpetual reinvention. The parallel between the major transformations of the 1920s and the era of Mohammed VI reveals a Morocco capable of constant reinvention. While the metamorphosis of the 1920s was dictated by a colonial context, today’s transformation is the fruit of a sovereign ambition, focused on balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development. It embodies the will of a sovereign with a multilateral vision. No domain is left aside or forgotten. The great projects of yesterday and today testify to an even stronger and more determined energy for transformation, with different goals: to move from a Morocco under tutelage, dependent and powerless in the face of circumstances, to a major player on the international stage, capable of attracting and cooperating with the world and building its future with confidence. Today, Morocco fits into a long tradition of historical metamorphoses. Each era has shaped a dynamic country, attempting modernity and ambitions, sometimes successful, sometimes aborted. Yet it has remained faithful to its millennial history and cultural heritage. Today it is rising, modernizing, and asserting itself as an emerging country on which one can rely. The Kingdom of Mohammed VI is thus ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century with boldness and determination, armed this time with institutions, clear and powerful visions and strategies. The royal will thus guides the country toward genuine development benefiting all, an indispensable geostrategic position, sustainable economic breakthroughs, a reliable political system, and truly irreversible progress.

The Greek Magical Papyri 188

The Greek Magical Papyri (Latin: Papyri Graecae Magicae, abbreviated PGM) represent one of the most important and enigmatic bodies of esoteric literature from the ancient world. Comprising a collection of spells, rituals, hymns, and invocations compiled between the 2nd century BCE and the 5th century CE, these papyri offer an extraordinary glimpse into the syncretic spiritual practices of Greco-Roman Egypt. Preserved mainly on fragile scrolls and manuscripts written in Greek (with occasional Coptic, Demotic, and even Hebrew terms), the PGM bridge the realms of religion, folk magic, and mystery traditions. They are not only historical artifacts but also bear witness to a time when the boundaries between magic, religion, and science were fluid and deeply interconnected. The texts were discovered primarily in Egypt, particularly in the city of Thebes, and made their way to European collections during the 19th century. They were finally compiled and published in the early 20th century, most notably by Karl Preisendanz, and later translated into English by scholars such as Hans Dieter Betz. The rituals recorded in the PGM range from practical spells—such as those for healing, protection, love, and curse-breaking—to theurgic operations intended to invoke divine beings and achieve ecstatic union with the cosmos. One of the most distinctive features of the Greek Magical Papyri is their religious syncretism. The practitioner calls upon gods and spirits from various traditions: Greek deities like Hermes, Hekate, and Apollo appear alongside Egyptian gods such as Thoth and Isis, and even Jewish and Gnostic elements—like references to Iao (YHWH) or archons—are present. This reflects the religious pluralism of Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, where practitioners saw divine power not as confined to one pantheon, but as accessible through many forms, names, and languages. In this sense, the papyri reflect a universalist approach to the sacred, a distinctive characteristic of late antiquity’s mystery cults and Hermeticism. The goals of the rituals varied widely. Some texts focus on personal gain—attracting lovers, gaining favor from rulers, or acquiring wealth. Others describe elaborate invocations of daemons or spirits, often accompanied by complex visualizations, sacred names (called voces magicae), and symbolic gestures. One famous category of these rituals is the “Headless Rite”, an invocation of a cosmic spirit that transcends the gods themselves. The magician declares mastery over heaven and earth and seeks personal transformation and empowerment through divine contact. This ritual later influenced Western ceremonial magic, especially in the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and Thelemic traditions. The PGM also contain magical alphabets, sigils, amulets, and magical words—often long, untranslatable sequences of syllables intended to carry vibrational power. These expressions may represent remnants of older oral traditions or attempts to imitate divine or non-human speech. The importance of divine names—often in long, hybrid strings—is central, reflecting the ancient belief that knowing the true name of a deity conferred control or communion with that entity. Rather than being fringe documents, the Greek Magical Papyri reveal that magic was integrated into daily life and spiritual aspiration in antiquity. Priests, philosophers, and laypersons alike sought access to divine power through these rites. Far from the later Christian demonization of magic, the practitioners of these texts viewed themselves as mystai—seekers of truth and harmony with the cosmos. In modern times, the PGM have become an essential source for scholars of religion, anthropology, and occultism. They offer direct insight into ancient ritual techniques, influencing contemporary esoteric traditions such as Hermeticism, Neopaganism, and Chaos Magic. Moreover, they have helped to reconstruct ancient mystery practices that had otherwise been lost to time. In conclusion, the Greek Magical Papyri stand as a testament to the richness, complexity, and spiritual depth of ancient magical traditions. They are not merely spells or superstitions, but part of a larger sacred worldview in which humanity, the gods, and the cosmos were intimately connected. In these texts, we hear the voices of ancient magicians calling out to the stars—not just for power, but for divine communion and wisdom.

Moroccan cybersecurity dangerously undermined by successive attacks 366

Since April 2025, Morocco has been facing a series of major cyberattacks claimed by a collective of hackers allegedly Algerian, named "JabaRoot DZ." These cyberattacks have targeted key economic and administrative institutions, notably the Ministry of Employment, the National Social Security Fund (CNSS), and more recently the Ministry of Justice, as well as platforms related to land registry and property conservation. What is clear, let’s say it outright, is that Algeria does not possess the technological power or expertise for such operations. It is highly likely that its services call upon "skills," notably from Eastern Europe, to attack the Kingdom’s interests in its ongoing global war against its "classic enemy." If this hypothesis proves true, the question would then be who else might have the hacked information and for what purpose. The first intrusion, which occurred in early April 2025, began with the hacking of the Ministry of Employment’s website and quickly extended to the CNSS database. This attack led to the leak of thousands of sensitive documents, exposing the personal information of nearly two million employees and the administrative data of about 500,000 Moroccan companies. Among the leaked data were pay slips detailing names, social security numbers, salaries, and sometimes identity card numbers of very important personalities and leaders of Royal Air Maroc, Attijariwafa Bank, Banque Centrale Populaire, and the Mohammed VI Investment Fund. Less than two months later, in June 2025, JabaRoot DZ claimed a new "large-scale" cyberattack against the National Agency for Land Conservation, Cadastre, and Cartography (ANCFCC). Although the ANCFCC denied any direct intrusion into its servers, it was revealed that the vulnerability originated from an electronic platform used by some notary offices for archiving land documents. The hackers claim to have obtained about 4 terabytes of data, including millions of land titles, contractual documents, copies of identity cards, passports, as well as banking documents and information concerning high-ranking officials and public figures. This leak led to the temporary shutdown of the platform by the ANCFCC for security reasons. The hackers justify these attacks as retaliation for alleged Moroccan hacking attempts against Algerian institutions, notably the Twitter account of the Algerian Press Agency (APS). They also threatened further actions in case of future attacks against Algerian interests. These events occur in the context of geopolitical tensions between Morocco and Algeria, exacerbated by recent developments related to the Sahara issue and regional rivalries; Morocco has been recording victory after victory at a rapid pace. Algeria, in its official and unofficial media, no longer hides and even implicitly claims responsibility for the hacking, ignoring that this amounts to a form of state terrorism. These cyberattacks have had serious consequences: they have eroded citizens’ trust in digital public services, increased the risks of identity theft and banking fraud, and damaged the reputation of the affected companies. The Moroccan government has condemned these acts as "criminal" and announced measures to strengthen cybersecurity while launching internal investigations. The series of attacks especially highlights major vulnerabilities in the cybersecurity of Moroccan institutions. The massive centralization of sensitive data on single platforms and the creation of junctions between multiple actors and platforms facilitate things for citizens and institutions in the context of digitalization, but also make it easier for hackers to gain massive access in case of a breach. It is therefore crucial to thoroughly and promptly review the national data protection strategy. To better distribute its data and strengthen its security, Morocco could adopt several complementary strategies, relying notably on the 2030 National Cybersecurity Strategy and international best practices. It should likely avoid excessive centralization by distributing sensitive data across multiple secure systems, segment networks to limit lateral movements by hackers, and use data transmission techniques through several distinct channels to reduce the risk of simultaneous theft. Morocco must also integrate decentralized cybersecurity solutions based on blockchain and collective intelligence, establish a national sovereign cloud with local hosting and end-to-end encryption guaranteeing the protection of critical information. Moreover, the country should develop an agile and adapted legal framework, build a national pool of qualified cybersecurity professionals through specialized curricula and certifications, and establish a high-performance Security Operations Center combining advanced detection tools and local teams capable of managing threats specific to the Moroccan context. A higher cybersecurity school, where carefully selected students—true specialists—would be trained, could be a major strategic advance guaranteeing both competence and independence in this field. Faced with rising cyber threats, it is urgent for Morocco to adopt a proactive and innovative cybersecurity policy based on a decentralized technical architecture. Strengthening regional and international cooperation is not a luxury here. The real-time exchange of critical information is crucial; as is encouraging public-private collaboration through threat intelligence-sharing platforms to anticipate and respond quickly to incidents. Today, it is clear that many claim to master the issue, offering services that will soon expose their limits and incompetence. Administrations and companies must be very cautious before engaging or hiring skills in this very sensitive domain. This sphere relies on agile governance, the development of human skills, and active cooperation at national and international levels. An integrated approach is essential to build a resilient, sovereign cyberspace capable of supporting the country’s ambitious digital transformation while effectively protecting its security, institutions, citizens, and economy.

The Polisario Front Confronted with Increasing Accusations: Moving Towards Being Designated as a Terrorist Organization 916

For several years now, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement supported and armed, as everyone knows, by Algeria, which has provided it with an entire territory in the Tindouf area, has been at the center of a growing international controversy. In the United States, Japan, and Europe, voices are rising to have this group officially classified as a terrorist organization. This shift is based on tangible evidence of its links with actors qualified as terrorists, its involvement in violent actions, but also on a network of international alliances that go beyond the regional framework. While Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah are often cited as the main supporters of the Polisario, as well as South Africa, Cuba has also played a historic and decisive role in the military and logistical training of separatist fighters. As early as 1977, under the impetus of Fidel Castro and at the request of Algeria, a tripartite military agreement was signed between Cuba, Algeria, and the Polisario, paving the way for intensive cooperation. This agreement allowed the sending of many separatist fighters to Cuba to receive specialized military training. Dedicated military schools were created on the island, where Polisario recruits were trained in guerrilla tactics, special operations, and military logistics. A Cuban delegation even went to Tindouf in 1988 to study Moroccan defenses and help develop strategies to breach the defense wall erected by the Kingdom. Cuba also provided naval logistical support, notably in the waters near the Canary Islands, where Cuban ships were involved in operations to facilitate Polisario infiltrations. Between 1975 and 1991, Cuba delivered to the Polisario a significant arsenal including assault rifles, mortars, rocket launchers, and ammunition, thus strengthening its military capabilities. Even after the 1991 ceasefire, Cuba maintained its support, continuing to train warriors especially in special operations. The last known class trained in Cuba dates back to 2003. More recently, six-month training courses have been given to groups of about forty separatists, focused on special forces tactics. Moreover, for a long period, damning testimonies report the kidnapping of children from the Tindouf camps, sometimes as young as 9 years old, to send them to Cuba on a "youth island" under high military surveillance. They undergo intensive military training mixed with strong political indoctrination. These children, isolated from their families, are trained to become soldiers in the service of the Polisario, under conditions denounced as inhumane by witnesses and former detainees. Some recent signals suggest a possible repositioning of Havana. Indeed, at the 2019 Non-Aligned Movement summit, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel omitted any reference to the Polisario, marking a break with the tradition of support displayed by Fidel and Raúl Castro. This evolution could reflect a diplomatic realignment, notably after the resumption of diplomatic relations between Morocco and Cuba in 2017, relations broken for nearly 37 years due to Cuban support for the Polisario. However, to date, the aforementioned tripartite agreement has not yet been repealed. Cuba's role is part of a larger network of Polisario alliances. Algeria, the main political and military supporter, continues to arm and shelter the movement. Iran, through Hezbollah, provides military and logistical support, notably also training fighters and delivering sophisticated weapons. This is well documented. There are also hundreds of Polisario mercenaries captured in Syria, where they operated alongside Assad's army, reinforcing the image of a group involved in international terrorist conflicts. On the ground, the Polisario is also accused of violence against civilians in southern Morocco. The missiles launched against the city of Smara bear witness to this, in addition to the blockage of the strategic Guerguerat passage. The sequestration of Sahrawi populations in the Tindouf camps, where it refuses, with Algerian support, any official census, is another proof of the true nature of the movement. Faced with these elements, several American, European, and Asian political leaders advocate for the Polisario Front to be quickly listed as a terrorist organization. American Congressman Joe Wilson has proposed a bill to this effect, denouncing the use of the Polisario by Algeria and its accomplices to destabilize the Kingdom of Morocco, a long-standing strategic ally of the United States in the region. This eminent designation would deal a major blow to Algeria, which seems tireless in supporting the Polisario for nearly 50 years, while it simply costs the country development. It would further strengthen Morocco's position on the international stage, notably after the American recognition in 2020 of Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces, that of Spain, France, the recent one of the United Kingdom, and many other African and Latin American countries. The historical, military, and educational support of Cuba, combined with the role played by Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah, places the Polisario in a network of actors with manifest destabilizing and terrorist activities. The rise in calls for its classification as a terrorist organization fits into a logic of regional and international security, requiring a coordinated response to restore stability in North Africa, the Sahel, and beyond. This page must be quickly turned for the good of the populations of the entire region

A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East 959

The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable. Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last. The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism. In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors. At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters. Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world." The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers. Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position. Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm. The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion. Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.

Blind love 959

Blind love To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and setbacks Yet she confesses to others that she loves me who believes Leaning on her balcony every evening She doesn't care that I always be there at my perch Waiting for a signal from her, a hope To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my setbacks In spite I keep drinking And drinking get drunk every night Sitting in front of her window on the sidewalk To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my disappointments I say that this story is over now And that elsewhere I will go to see Dr Bouchareb Fouad July 5, 2022 Inspired by a piece of Andalusian music All rights reserved

Closing a Year, Opening Paths ... 1172

Some endings mean more than just the conclusion of an academic calendar. The final session with my Royal Army students young women I’ve guided through two intense years will remain etched in my memory as a suspended moment, full of emotion, meaningful silences, and eyes that said everything. They are now being deployed across the Kingdom. Some will find themselves in remote units, far from one another, but I know that an invisible, unbreakable bond will continue to connect us. These two years weren’t easy. The demands of military training, the discipline of the institution, the academic expectations... But through it all, I made a point of keeping something alive; their humanity. Alongside knowledge, structure, and rigor, I wanted them to preserve and protect their capacity for empathy, presence, and sensitivity. On the last day, they briefly broke with military protocol. In the middle of their march, they stopped. A rare gesture. Almost forbidden. But deeply sincere. They wanted to say goodbye. To show me, in their own way, that something had mattered in our shared journey. I know they wanted to hug me. And even though they didn’t, I am certain they will now know how to offer those “hugs” differently through kind words, quiet support, and a respectful gaze to anyone in need. As I left the center, I realized something essential; to teach is often to plant a seed in soil we may never see again. But we do it with the faith that it will grow. See you next year with new students, new souls to guide.

“Sport for All”: A Shared Space for Humanity 1179

During the training I recently led for sports coordinators and facilitators, my goal wasn’t simply to transfer knowledge. I aimed for something deeper: to inspire. To encourage these men and women to wear different hats not just as instructors, but as educators, mediators, trusted figures… and most of all, as conveyors of meaning. The concept of “sport for all” goes far beyond facilities and access. It is, first and foremost, a human project. At its core lie two essential foundations: - self-acceptance, - acceptance of others. From this dual acceptance arises the possibility of truly inclusive spaces, where everyone feels legitimate to participate, to grow, and to belong. Throughout the training, I saw something rare in the eyes of the participants; a genuine interest, a hunger for understanding. They weren’t just passively absorbing models, tools, or theories. They wanted to go deeper. They wanted each concept to connect with the complex human realities they encounter every day in their communities and sport programs. This experience reminded me once again that sport reflects the human condition. It can exclude or unite. It can reinforce inequality or break it down. It can become a space of judgment or a space for healing and resilience. The individuals we train today will shape what "sport for all" becomes tomorrow. To capture the spirit of this training, I’m sharing below a short recap video that reflects both the energy and the shared humanity we experienced.
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Le ciel et la lune 1279

SOUVENT JE SCRUTE LE CIEL ET CE DEPUIS MON JEUNE AGE JE CONTEMPLE LA LUNE JE VOIS SI ELLE SEMI OU PLEINE JE COMPTE LES ÉTOILES JE CHERCHE CELLE DU NORD JE DEVINE MARS JE CHERCHE JUPITER JE SURVEILLE LES ÉTOILES FILANTES JE RECHERCHE LES OVNIS ET AUTRES EXTRA TERRESTRES JE REFAIS LE COMPTE DES ÉTOILES JE RECHERCHE D'AUTRES LUNES JE PASSE DES HEURES COMME CA A COMPTER ET RECOMPTER A VÉRIFIER LE NOMBRE D’ÉTOILES ET FINALEMENT JE REPLONGE DANS LA RÉALITÉ ET LE QUOTIDIEN LE TRAIN TRAIN ET QUAND LA NUIT REVIENDRA JE REGARDE MON CIEL DE NOUVEAU JE COMPTE ET RECOMPTE LES ÉTOILES JE SCRUTE LA LUNE JE LA DÉVISAGE JE LA REGARDE EN FACE BIEN EN FACE ELLE ROUGIT JE ROUGIS ELLE S’ÉCLIPSE JE SUIS SES TRACES ELLE SE COUCHE JE LA LAISSE ROUPILLER JE ME LÈVE ALORS ET JE SCRUTE LE CIEL BLEU JE DÉTESTE LE SOLEIL QUI ÉBLOUIE JE METS DES LUNETTES POINT D’ÉTOILES POINT DE LUNE SOUDAIN LE SOLEIL EST CHASSE SES RAYONS AUSSI SON ÉBLOUISSEMENT DISPARAIT ET LA LUNE SE LÈVE ET SE RELÈVE MAJESTUEUSE COMME D'HABITUDE ET EN DOUCEUR ELLE ENVOIE SES DOUX RAYONS POINT D’ÉBLOUISSEMENT ET SOUS SON CLAIR VOYONS LE CLAIR DE LUNE JE SCRUTE LE CIEL A LA RECHERCHE DE JUPITER MARS ET AUTRE NEPTUNE SANS LASSITUDE NI AMERTUME JE LA DÉVISAGE ENCORE ET ENCORE SANS REPIS JE LA FIXE ELLE ROUGIT JE ROUGIS JE COMPTE LES ÉTOILES JE COMPTE ET RECOMPTE ET JE VOIS SI LE COMPTE Y EST LA LUNE SE CACHE SOUS UN VOILE ENFIN UN NUAGE MAIS ELLE NE TARDE PAS A REPARAITRE POUR SE CACHER DE NOUVEAU JE LA FIXE ET REFIXE AVEC MON REGARD PATHÉTIQUE ELLE ROUGIT ET VIRE AU JAUNE SA COULEUR MAGNIFIQUE ET TOUTES LES AUTRES ÉTOILES EN FONT DE MÊME Dr Bouchareb Fouad Tous les droits sont protégés

John Bolton and His Controversial Op-Ed Against Morocco: Hostility with Troubled Roots... 1625

John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor under Donald Trump, has just published an op-ed in the Washington Times, notably favorable to the Polisario thesis and thus to the Algerian position. The text recycles arguments Bolton has already put forward in the past. He notably defends the outdated idea of a self-determination referendum and accuses Morocco of obstructing the implementation of UN resolutions. It should be recalled once again that the referendum proposal, which Morocco had put forward in Nairobi, has been obsolete and abandoned by the Security Council since 2007; as for accusing Morocco of hindering the process, this is simply false in light of the UN resolutions over the past 20 years. Bolton lies, and he knows it. He is accustomed to it. How can one not think that this is clearly an attempt by this forgotten figure of history to regain relevance, a will to manipulate public opinion, but above all an intention to harm by pleasing the enemies of the Kingdom. This position strangely fits, without surprising, into the continuity of the official rhetoric of the Algerian military junta, the main supporter of the Polisario. It is a blatant alignment and rapprochement that raises questions about Bolton’s integrity. Let us just recall that Bolton was abruptly dismissed by Donald Trump in 2019, officially for strategic disagreements, but according to some observers, also due to questionable connections. Regarding the matter concerning the Kingdom, Bolton regularly frequents Algiers and collaborates with well-paid Algerian lobbyists such as David Keene, former NRA president, engaged in defending the Algerian cause in the United States. This closeness fuels suspicions of a relay role for Algerian interests, aiming to influence American policy. Nothing to be proud of for the jubilant military junta. It is used to contradiction and blunt communication turning the slightest detail into a victory. Bolton no longer counts and has no impact. In his rhetoric, Algiers pretends to ignore that the same Bolton supports the use of force against Iran, Algeria’s strategic ally. Iran, which the Algerian president will soon visit... It is also this same Bolton who pushed for the transfer of the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem... A strange supporter of the Palestinians to take one of their enemies as a reference. Bolton’s article fits into a morbid continuity. He shamelessly and unashamedly tries to discredit Moroccan policy and its growing influence on the international stage while defending separatism. He ignores the terrorist nature of the Polisario, opposing an entire faction of Republicans with Joe Wilson as spokesperson. The latter is logically pushing for a vote very soon in the U.S. Congress on a law designating the Polisario as a terrorist organization. Paradoxically, Bolton’s desperate offensive comes at a time when Morocco is achieving major diplomatic successes. The Kingdom has recently further strengthened its ties with several African countries, Kenya being the latest example. Thanks to its autonomy plan for the Sahara, widely recognized and supported by the international community, Morocco is reaping success after success. The vote on the latest Security Council resolution on the issue shows that even countries that once voted out of ideological principle against anything favorable to Morocco no longer do so, quite the opposite. Moreover, the closure of the Polisario Front’s office in Damascus illustrates Morocco’s growing influence in the Middle East. Thus, unanimity is almost reached in favor of Morocco at the Arab League today, with the obvious exception of Algeria alone, perfectly isolated, even neutralized and weakened in everyone’s eyes. At heart, Bolton’s op-ed seems intended to soothe the wounds of Algiers and the separatists, who are losing ground to Morocco’s assertion. The autonomy plan proposed by Rabat is increasingly endorsed on the international stage, while the Polisario sees its influence diminish. It is becoming inaudible and has no other escape than to cling to a few fringe extremist demonstrations here and there. This stance therefore appears as a last gasp from a retreating camp. Lacking any real leverage to influence American or global policy, Algiers and the separatists quench their thirst by drinking the words of marginal figures without substance. To better understand this posture, it must be recalled that John Bolton is a controversial figure in American politics, known for his ultra-conservative positions and aggressive foreign policy approach, often described as neoconservative. His dismissal in 2019 was marked by major disagreements with the Trump administration, but also by suspicions of dubious connections with certain foreign circles. Bolton is suspected of involvement in several controversial international operations, including organizing coups d’état, reinforcing the image of a man with brutal methods and strongly marked convictions. In sum, John Bolton’s recent op-ed in the Washington Times illustrates a persistent hostility towards the Kingdom by a fading figure; a pontiff driven by an outdated political vision. The signatory’s stance is disconnected from current geopolitical developments. It once again shows that Algiers, through its parrot media, is ready to cling to any nonsense, provided it fits its outdated narrative. Above all, it highlights the irreversible decline of the Polisario and Morocco’s growing success on the international stage.