Think Forward.

Afrique du Sud, entre récit démocratique et zones d’ombre militaires... 67

Aziz Daouda, 2 d.
- World Politics -
3.3 min read.
L’Afrique du Sud aime à se présenter comme l’un des modèles démocratiques du continent africain. Héritière d’une transition saluée dans le monde entier après la fin de l’apartheid, elle revendique des institutions solides, une Constitution respectée et un débat public vigoureux. Pourtant, certains développements récents soulèvent une question troublante : le pays peut-il être aussi désorganisé dans la conduite de ses affaires stratégiques, notamment africaines ? La question « Qui décide vraiment ? » n’est pas purement rhétorique : plusieurs épisodes récents mettent en lumière un vrai problème de discipline au sommet de l’armée sud-africaine, notamment autour de la coopération navale avec l’Iran. L’état-major aurait ignoré des instructions claires de Cyril Ramaphosa demandant d’exclure Téhéran des exercices navals qui ont eu lieu au large du pays début 2026. L’Iran a pourtant bien été présent et visible. Au-delà des déclarations officielles donc, une interrogation persiste : qui décide réellement en Afrique du Sud lorsqu’il s’agit de positions diplomatiques sensibles ou de dossiers géopolitiques majeurs ? La question peut-elle être extrapolée au Sahara marocain ? Le pays a-t-il une diplomatie à plusieurs voix ? Un exercice militaire n'est pas un fait anodin surtout quand il s'agit de la présence d'un pays comme l'Iran... Officiellement, la politique étrangère sud-africaine relève du pouvoir exécutif, incarné par le président et son gouvernement. Sous la présidence de Cyril Ramaphosa, le pays affirme défendre les principes du droit international, de l’autodétermination des peuples et du multilatéralisme. Mais lorsque des acteurs militaires ou sécuritaires semblent prendre des initiatives ne correspondant pas clairement à la ligne affichée par les autorités élues, la cohérence institutionnelle interroge. Une démocratie mature peut-elle tolérer que des responsables militaires adoptent des postures ou prennent des décisions engageant indirectement la politique extérieure, sans validation politique explicite ? Dans toute démocratie consolidée, la subordination de l’armée au pouvoir civil est un principe cardinal. Or, toute impression d’autonomie stratégique des militaires, surtout sur des dossiers diplomatiques sensibles, envoie un signal préoccupant. Ces ambiguïtés internes ne passent pas inaperçues à l’international. Aux États-Unis, le président Donald Trump avait déjà exprimé par le passé son mécontentement à l’égard de certaines orientations sud-africaines. Dans un contexte géopolitique mondial marqué par la polarisation, chaque geste diplomatique et ici à caractère militaire est scruté. Si l’Afrique du Sud donne l’image d’un pays où les centres de décision sont flous, où la ligne diplomatique peut être contournée ou interprétée de manière opportuniste, cela affaiblit sa crédibilité. Le regard de Washington devient alors un facteur aggravant. Une démocratie perçue comme désorganisée devient vulnérable aux pressions extérieures. Elle perd sa capacité d’influence et voit son statut de puissance africaine s’éroder. On est en droit ici de s'interroger sur la position, depuis quelques années, de l’Afrique du Sud sur le dossier du Sahara. Est ce une question de cohérence ou une simple posture idéologique ? L’African National Congress (ANC), parti au pouvoir, a historiquement adopté une position alignée sur celle d’Alger, soutenant le Polisario au nom du principe d’autodétermination. Cette ligne s’inscrit dans une tradition idéologique héritée des luttes de libération. Pendant l’apartheid, l’ANC avait des liens idéologiques et militants avec d’autres mouvements de libération, dont le Polisario, notamment via l’Algérie et les camps de Tindouf. Après 1994, Pretoria démocratique consolide cette ligne et reconnaît officiellement la RASD en 2004, conformément à un engagement pris par Mandela Mais aujourd’hui, le contexte africain a évolué. De nombreux États du continent ont renforcé leurs relations avec le Maroc, reconnaissant de facto ou explicitement sa souveraineté sur ses provinces du Sud. La diplomatie marocaine, à la fois active et économique, s’est imposée comme un acteur structurant en Afrique. Dans ce cadre, la position sud-africaine mérite débat : est-elle le fruit d’une stratégie nationale mûrement réfléchie en fonction des derniers développements, validée par l’ensemble des institutions élues, ou le résultat d’influences internes spécifiques ou idéologiques, partisanes ou sécuritaires ? La question devient plus sensible encore lorsqu’est évoquée la proximité avec le régime algérien, marqué par une forte présence militaire dans la sphère décisionnelle. L’Algérie demeure l'acteur central du dossier saharien et entretient des relations historiques avec Pretoria. Si des responsables militaires sud-africains agissent avec une marge d’autonomie significative, cela peut nourrir l’idée d’une connivence entre appareils sécuritaires, au-delà des canaux diplomatiques classiques. Même si cette perception n’est pas entièrement fondée, elle peut s’imposer dans les analyses internationales. La frontière entre impunité militaire et affinités stratégiques s’effrite ici aisément. Or, en politique étrangère, la perception compte autant que la réalité. L’Afrique du Sud reste incontestablement une démocratie institutionnelle, avec des élections compétitives, une presse libre et une société civile dynamique. Mais la solidité d’un régime ne se mesure pas seulement à ses textes constitutionnels ; elle se juge aussi à la clarté de sa chaîne de décision et à la discipline de ses institutions. Si des décisions à portée diplomatique ou stratégique semblent échapper au contrôle politique direct, cela fragilise l’image d’un État unifié. Et dans un monde où les équilibres géopolitiques se redessinent rapidement, toute ambiguïté peut être exploitée. La question n’est donc pas de nier la nature démocratique sud-africaine, mais de s’interroger : cette démocratie est-elle pleinement cohérente dans sa pratique du pouvoir, notamment sur les affaires africaines sensibles ? Et surtout, qui parle réellement au nom de Pretoria lorsque les enjeux dépassent les frontières nationales ? Ou encore, qui dicte les décisions, et en fonction de quel intérêt ? Car, une fois encore, comment expliquer que le président dise une chose et que son armée fasse une autre ? C’est bien le cas ici. La position de l’Afrique du Sud sur le Sahara marocain pourrait, pourquoi pas, être le fruit de connivences entre les militaires de Pretoria et ceux d’Alger, plutôt que la volonté explicite des autorités politiques à Pretoria. Autant d’interrogations qui, loin d’être hostiles, s’inscrivent dans un débat légitime sur la maturité institutionnelle d’une puissance continentale appelée à jouer un rôle majeur en Afrique. En tout cas pour ce qui du Sahara Marocain, par les temps qui courent, il serait temps que l’Afrique du Sud se réexamine pour ne pas dire, se rachète.
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Le Monde and Morocco: Old Grudges and Media Neocolonialism from a Parisian Prosecutor... 774

Aziz Daouda, 4 d.
A certain Alexandre Aublanc recently penned a long article in Le Monde, the Parisian newspaper, with the evocative title: "Mohammed VI's Unfulfilled Democratic Promises." Nothing less. The tone is set: that of the self-proclaimed prosecutor, handing out good and bad marks to a sovereign state, as if the Moroccan monarchy had personally sworn an oath to him or the valiant Moroccan people had requested an audit from him. Pretentious and ridiculous. This exercise is nothing new. For decades, a segment of the French press, particularly the Parisian variety and especially this one, has maintained an ambiguous relationship with the Kingdom: fascination, condescension, and resentment. The impression is one of mourning a lost eldorado where everyone would have loved to live, but under a republic, probably the French kind. Indeed, the country is beautiful, the people welcoming, but they want neither a republic nor France. It's good living in Marrakech or strolling through the streets and fine avenues of Rabat, perfectly under a monarchy. For over 360 years, Moroccans have been attached to the world's oldest reigning dynasty. They love their King and the royal family, and this affection is perfectly and singularly reciprocal. It's a deliberate choice, and no one from abroad has the right to question it. Already under Hassan II, the Kingdom was regularly portrayed as the "troublesome pupil" of Western democracy, which they were desperate to impose on it. Today, it's Mohammed VI's turn to be summoned to account not to his people, but to a certain nostalgic Parisian intelligentsia. The posture here is neocolonial, barely veiled. One must recall a historical fact: the French protectorate ended in 1956. Morocco is no longer under tutelage, neither political nor moral. The recent years, before President Macron's visit to Rabat, are perfect proof for those who might have forgotten. The idea that a French editorialist could position himself as the guarantor of a foreign sovereign's "democratic promises" reeks of nostalgia for influence. That's called interference, and interference is unacceptable, as Jean-Noël Barrot was pleased to remind the Americans. He was beside himself: a close ally of President Trump had dared to comment on the murder of Quentin Deranque by far-left militants. Rest assured, this doesn't concern Moroccans. French affairs are for the French. Emmanuel Macron, for his part, will launch "To each his own, and the sheep will be well guarded"; France had just been criticized by Giorgia Meloni over the same affair. Charles de Gaulle, in founding the Fifth Republic amid decolonization, had sealed the end of an era. Yet some media discourses, particularly those in Le Monde, seem not to have fully freed themselves from this inherited moral verticality. It was the General himself who created Le Monde, need we remind you. It's not criticism that's the problem. It's legitimate. What raises questions is the lens: a partial, decontextualized reading that deliberately ignores the extraordinary institutional, social, and economic developments Morocco has experienced since 1999. A host of facts and achievements, simply extraordinary in the region under Mohammed VI's reign, are conveniently omitted: The 2011 constitutional reform, adopted by referendum, strengthening the head of government's powers and enshrining fundamental freedoms and rights. The establishment of governance and regulatory bodies: National Human Rights Council, National Integrity Authority, etc. An ambitious infrastructure policy. Unique social development indicators in the region. A structured African strategy, cemented by Morocco's return to the African Union in 2017. Nothing is perfect, no one claims otherwise. Morocco is a country in transformation, facing complex social, economic, and geopolitical challenges. But reducing 25 years of reforms to a curt formula of "unfulfilled promises" is more pamphlet than analysis. Let's call it folly. It's always delicate to hand out democracy certificates from a country itself racked by major social tensions: crisis after crisis, record distrust of institutions, rise of extremes, controversies over police violence or freedom of expression, unpopularity of institutions and leaders. Democracy isn't a patent one awards to others. It's a process, imperfect everywhere—and certainly in France. But here, regarding this article, it's just another manifestation of a recurrent Moroccan obsession. Le Monde, since its creation, has maintained a particular relationship with the Moroccan monarchy. Hassan II was long a central figure, often described with a mix of fascination and gratuitous severity. Today, the target changes, but the tone remains. The repetition of these attacks sometimes gives the impression of a frozen interpretive grid: Morocco is eternally summoned to "catch up" to a standard defined elsewhere, precisely in Paris, without acknowledging its own historical and institutional path. The author and his ilk are truly unaware of their own decadent system, the drift of their "democracy," yet still seek to export it. The line between legitimate criticism and ridiculous caricature is razor-thin. What shocks about the article in question isn't the existence of a debate on Moroccan governance. That's healthy. What raises questions is the accumulation of approximations, omissions, and shortcuts that end up sketching a tasteless caricature. Morocco is neither a frozen dictatorship nor a Scandinavian democracy, nor will it ever be. Morocco has its own personality, and its people don't want to resemble anyone, not even France or the French. It's a country in mutation, with its traditions, contradictions, advances, and delays. But it belongs first to Moroccans to debate it, judge it, and decide it. By insisting on speaking "in the name of" the Kingdom's democratic promises, certain editorialists mostly give the impression of speaking for Moroccans. And in 2026, that sounds singularly dated. Francophone Moroccan readers, for their part, read, compare, analyze, and often smile at these lessons dispensed from afar. Not out of blindness, but because they know a country's reality can never be reduced to the columns, however prestigious, of a Parisian daily. As for Mr. Aublanc, he'll have to learn to sweep in front of his own door before looking elsewhere. French-style democracy is hardly an ideal on this side of the Mediterranean.

Ramadan: When Morocco Gets Moving Between Devotion and Caution.. 985

Aziz Daouda, 6 d.
- Society - Lifestyle -
2.1 min read.
Every year, at the start of the holy month, a discreet but massive phenomenon transforms the streets of Moroccan cities. In Rabat, Casablanca, Marrakech, Tangier, or Fez, the corniches, parks, and local pitches fill up as iftar approaches. Clusters of walkers flood the boulevards, groups improvise soccer matches, gyms are packed, and beaches are overrun. The paradox is striking: while fasting imposes abstinence from food and drink from sunrise to sunset, physical activity surges dramatically. For many, Ramadan becomes a month of getting back in shape. People seek the benefits of aligning body and mind with natural discipline. Fasting structures the day, fixed schedules, visible excesses. This discipline fosters commitment to a sports routine. Many use this regularity to build habits that elude them the rest of the year. Indeed, physical exercise enables metabolic improvements, provided it is practiced moderately during fasting, by stimulating: - fat oxidation; - insulin sensitivity; - weight regulation; - reduction of oxidative stress. Walking 45 minutes before iftar or doing a light workout 1 to 2 hours after can promote better fat mass management and limit the weight gain often linked to lavish evening meals. Many people pack on pounds during Ramadan. Cardiovascular benefits are also significant. Brisk walking, light jogging, or cycling improve heart health, lower blood pressure, and boost endurance. Ramadan thus becomes an ideal time to introduce sedentary people to exercise and psychological and physiological well-being. Physical activity and sports during Ramadan also act as emotional regulators: - reduction of irritability from deprivation; - improved sleep quality; - sense of accomplishment; - social cohesion: neighborhood matches, group walks. In a month marked by spirituality, physical effort becomes an extension of moral striving. However, potential risks cannot be ignored, as the body has its limits. Crossing them can be seriously harmful. The sports fervor is not without danger, especially when improvised, poorly controlled, or excessive. The main risk remains water loss. Severe dehydration is never far off. Running in late afternoon under spring sun, without drinking, can cause: - dizziness; - hypotension; - muscle cramps; - concentration issues; - even fainting. Those pushing beyond a certain intensity are particularly prone to hypoglycemia. Intense effort while fasting can trigger a sharp drop in blood sugar, leading to: - tremors; - cold sweats; - blurred vision; - extreme fatigue. Diabetics or prediabetics, in particular, must exercise extra caution. There are also many risks of muscle injuries. Dehydration reduces muscle elasticity. Many dive into explosive soccer matches or intense weight sessions without gradual preparation. Result: strains, tears, ligament ruptures, lower back pain. Overloading the heart is another major risk if you ignore your body's signals. For the untrained or those with undiagnosed cardiovascular issues, intense fasting effort can be dangerous, even fatal. Thus, golden rules must be followed for a healthy sports-focused Ramadan, to maximize benefits and minimize risks: - Prioritize moderate intensity: brisk walking, light jogging, gentle strengthening. - Choose the right timing: 30 to 60 minutes before iftar, to rehydrate quickly; or 1 to 2 hours after iftar. - Strategic hydration between iftar and suhoor: sip water steadily, avoiding excess caffeine. - Balanced nutrition: proteins, fibers, complex carbs. - Listen to warning signs: dizziness, palpitations, unusual weakness. Beyond health, this activity surge reveals an intriguing reality—a sociological phenomenon: Ramadan acts as a collective catalyst. It creates an atmosphere conducive to behavior change. Where the rest of the year brings dispersion, the holy month provides structure, purpose, and motivation. Friendships and interest groups come alive again. The central question remains: why doesn't this momentum last after Ramadan? Perhaps because, more than a simple month of fasting, Ramadan is an accelerator of intention. It pushes everyone to become a better version of themselves, spiritually and physically. The challenge now is to transform this seasonal energy into a permanent culture of movement, physical exercise, and sports. If the body can fast, it must never stop moving, and thus living.

The Double Health-Demography Shock Threatening Morocco: It's Time to Act 1403

Aziz Daouda, 8 d.
- Politics - Society - Business -
3.1 min read.
The physical and mental health status of Moroccans, combined with an accelerated demographic transition, outlines a worrying trajectory for the Kingdom's future economic, social, and strategic outlook. These issues should become the core of political programs and electoral debates, well ahead of short-term promises on employment, infrastructure, or any other generic or hollow topics. Today, nearly 59% of Moroccan adults have a body mass index in the overweight category, and 24% are already obese, almost one in four adults. In other words, the majority of the adult population lives with excess weight that could very well pave the way for an explosion of chronic diseases: diabetes, cardiovascular illnesses, cancers, all within a healthcare system already under strain. This reality mechanically translates into a continuous rise in medical expenses, a multiplication of sick leaves, and a decline in national productivity in sectors that rely on workers' physical strength and good health. To this bodily fragility is added a silent crisis in mental health: 48.9% of Moroccans aged 15 and over have experienced, are experiencing, or will experience symptoms of mental disorders, according to national surveys relayed by the Economic, Social, and Environmental Council. Depression, anxiety disorders, psychotic disorders, and suicidal behaviors now affect one in two Moroccans, in a context where specialized facilities are scarce, professionals insufficient, and stigma omnipresent. This massive psychological distress reduces learning, concentration, and innovation capacities, while undermining social cohesion by fueling addictions, violence, and withdrawal. Added to this are statistically high rates of drug and alcohol consumption. This is no longer a taboo, but a genuine topic for societal discussion and a ticking time bomb to which the country risks exposure if nothing is done to reverse the trends. Meanwhile, demography, long a strategic asset for the country, is turning into a source of vulnerability: the fertility rate has fallen to 1.97 children per woman in 2024, below the generational renewal threshold of 2.1. Over five decades, Morocco has gone from 7.2 children per woman in the 1960s to under 2 today, joining countries facing accelerated aging. In fact, nothing exceptional: this is precisely the case in all developed societies. Morocco is in full development. The proportion of youth under 15 is starting to decline, and by 2040, their number should drop from 9.76 million to 7.8 million, while older people will occupy a growing place in the age pyramid, bringing with it challenges for social coverage and pension funding. Thus, the country is heading toward a triple shock: an adult population where 59% are overweight and 24% obese, thus vulnerable to chronic diseases; a society where nearly one in two inhabitants has been or could be affected by a mental disorder; and a demography that no longer renews its generations, with a fertility rate of 1.97 signaling rapid aging. A Morocco that is less numerous, less physically robust, and more psychologically fragile will, tomorrow, face greater difficulties in producing, innovating, funding its social protection, and even ensuring its defense capabilities. If these figures do not become the foundation of party programs and thus future governments, the country will wake up in less than twenty years with a dramatic shortage of skilled labor, an army of poorly cared-for retirees, and public finances suffocated by the cumulative cost of obesity, associated diseases, and mental disorders. Political debates must stop relegating these issues to the rank of "technical files" and instead embrace them as the matrix of all economic, educational, social, and security policies. This requires an ambitious national prevention strategy: nutritional education from school onward, reduction in the supply of ultra-processed products, surtaxation of sugar-based products and sugar itself, promotion of physical activity in cities and countryside alike, early management of mental disorders in workplaces and schools, and massive development of nearby psychiatry and psychology services. Every dirham invested in body and mind health will save tens of dirhams tomorrow in hospitalizations, disabilities, lost production, and social tensions. But even a healthier Morocco will face an implacable arithmetic equation: with fertility below the replacement level, the reservoir of labor and vital productive forces will shrink progressively. The country will thus not have the luxury of letting its expensively trained talents leave or depriving itself of selected immigration, particularly student immigration. A policy to attract new immigrants, especially African, Arab, and other students, must be designed as a structuring axis of the population strategy: simplification of residency procedures, integration into the labor market, recognition of diplomas, social support. In parallel, Morocco must offer attractive return conditions to its own students trained abroad: qualified jobs, career prospects, research environments, decent remuneration, and institutional stability, to turn academic mobility into a national return on investment rather than permanent exodus. The significant remittances from Moroccans abroad are essential, but keeping these same people in Morocco would be even more productive. Billions of dirhams are invested each year in training thousands of young people who, once graduated, leave the country to contribute to other economies' wealth—even in the key and strained health sector. 700 doctors leave the country annually for several years now, while our needs are enormous. As long as obesity, mental health, demography, and brain drain remain treated as peripheral issues, Morocco risks moving backward while appearing modernized on the surface but weakened from within. It is still time to make health and human capital the compass of all public policy; tomorrow, it will be a race against the clock whose stakes we will no longer control, let alone its outcomes. This is what should form the basis of party programs and debates during the electoral campaign, which has in fact already begun in a subdued way.

Stars and Sands 1465

Julius Melien, 8 d.
- Philosophy -
2.2 min read.
Today I can say without fear of being wrong that coincidences do not exist. Since I first became aware of my own existence, I have collected scattered and seemingly out-of-context events that, at the time, I could never have understood, given the randomness with which they presented themselves to me. Let me begin with my conviction that coincidences do not exist. When I was still a child, I was given an album by the band The Police titled "Synchronicity". I knew nothing about English and asked one of my mother’s cousins to tell me what it meant. She simply translated it into Portuguese, without explaining its meaning. I was satisfied with that answer and assumed it was the name of some kind of city. Later, that title would make perfect sense, because even before receiving that album, synchronicities were already happening to me. But what about the stars and sands? Where do they fit into this story? Well, I always watched many cartoons and films, and my favorites were those set in the desert. Cartoons like "Shazam"!, "The Arabian Knights", among others, truly captivated me. Those who have read my previous articles may have noticed that one of my passions is outer space. Therefore, it was only natural that films with this theme would deeply attract me. Then, for the first time on television, the film "Star Wars" was announced. I was thrilled, and on premiere day I was ready, sitting on the couch in front of the TV. The opening scene, with the Imperial ship pursuing the rebel vessel, was magnificent. And then, when the droids escape with the plans for the Death Star, where do they land? On the planet Tatooine, an entirely desert planet, and with two “suns”! A large portion of the story unfolds on that vast desert world. For my mind at the time, less than ten years old, how could I understand that a film about space battles, starships, and stations would spend so much time in a desert setting? I cannot explain it, but I absolutely loved it. Perhaps that explains why I later enjoyed the classic film "Dune" so much, a few years afterward. What surprised me was discovering that there was a film from which George Lucas had drawn inspiration, especially for the scenes on Tatooine. The name of that film is "Lawrence of Arabia". And there it was, another of my favorite movies. Continuing with the synchronicities, I learned about another film that was about to be released, called "Raiders of the Lost Ark". I do not even need to say where much of that film takes place, do I? As the years passed, the stars and sands were always with me. Until I discovered the books of Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, all inspired by the adventures of the early days of airmail. At the recommendation of a great friend, I read a book called "La Ligne", by Jean-Gérard Fleury, which tells in detail how airmail began, initially departing from France toward countries in West Africa, such as the enchanting Morocco. With every page, I could feel the dry wind, the scorching desert heat, as well as the freezing nights of the deep night. Thus, just like the stars, the sands are elements that compose and cradle my imagination. All of this thanks to the power of reading and the appreciation of the art found in great films. Today, with more than half a century of life behind me, I can carry my desert within my chest. It can be an important metaphor for the great adversities we face, not to mention the profound inspiration of the forty days spent in the desert by the Master of masters, a great lesson for all of us who intend to follow His steps. The sands move according to the will of the wind, sculpting natural works, reshaping landscapes, and even crossing oceans. It is estimated that there are more stars in the universe than grains of sand on our entire planet. Probably so. Should I understand this comparison as yet another synchronicity before me? Stars and sands? I believe so.

The Akashic Records 1834

Tupan, 11 d.
The Akashic Records are described in esoteric philosophy as a universal, non-physical field of memory in which all events, thoughts, emotions, and actions are preserved. The term Akasha comes from Sanskrit and is commonly translated as ether, space, or subtle substance, referring to a primordial medium that supports and permeates all existence. Within this framework, nothing that occurs in the universe is ever truly lost; every experience leaves an enduring imprint upon the underlying structure of reality. The concept entered Western esoteric thought primarily through Theosophy in the late nineteenth century. Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) described the Akashic Records as a form of cosmic memory inherent in nature itself. In this view, Akasha is not a physical location but a subtle plane of reality in which the history of the world and of humanity is inscribed. Rudolf Steiner (1861–1925) later expanded this idea within Anthroposophy, proposing that disciplined spiritual development could enable access to these records in order to study past civilizations, karmic processes, and the spiritual evolution of humanity. In esoteric literature, the Akashic Records are often portrayed metaphorically as a cosmic library or archive. This imagery is symbolic rather than literal, serving as a conceptual aid for understanding a non-material mode of information retention. The records are said to encompass not only the past but also potential futures, understood as tendencies or probabilities shaped by intention, moral choice, and collective action rather than as fixed or predetermined outcomes. Access to such information is typically associated with altered or heightened states of consciousness, including meditation, contemplative insight, or intuitive perception, and is understood as interpretive rather than mechanically exact. Comparable ideas appear across multiple intellectual and spiritual traditions, suggesting a recurring intuition that experience leaves enduring traces beyond individual memory. In Indian philosophical systems, Akasha functions as a subtle element associated with vibration and form; in Buddhist Yogācāra thought, the ālaya-vijñāna (storehouse consciousness) preserves karmic impressions; and in Western depth psychology, Carl Jung’s concept of the collective unconscious offers a symbolic parallel, framed in psychological rather than metaphysical terms. These parallels do not imply doctrinal equivalence but a shared effort to articulate how memory, causality, and meaning may persist beyond the individual mind. From a philosophical standpoint, the Akashic Records may also be interpreted through the lens of information metaphysics. Within this perspective, the concept functions as a hypothesis about the persistence of information in reality itself. Events, thoughts, and actions are understood to generate informational structures that are not annihilated but transformed, echoing broader philosophical debates about whether information is more fundamental than matter or energy. This approach does not require a literal cosmic archive; instead, it frames the Akashic Records as a symbolic model for the continuity of informational patterns across time and process. It is important to note that claims of direct access to the Akashic Records remain experiential and subjective, varying widely across traditions and individuals. Such claims are best understood as interpretive insights shaped by symbolic, cultural, and cognitive frameworks rather than as empirically verifiable observations. The Akashic Records represent an influential esoteric concept describing a universal field of memory that preserves the totality of experience. While central to Theosophical and related spiritual traditions, the idea is most productively approached as symbolic language for the persistence of information and meaning, or as a metaphysical hypothesis rather than as a defined or universally accepted spiritual mechanism.

Moroccan Sahara: The Algerian Lock Under American Pressure... 1905

Aziz Daouda, 11 d.
For half a century, Algeria's military power has sought neither to definitively end the Sahara conflict nor to truly satisfy the Polisario's claims. The central goal is perpetuating a *controlled status quo*, sufficiently conflictual to remain useful but well-contained to avoid escalation. **In this logic, the Polisario is not an end in itself, but an instrument: a regional pressure proxy, activated or muted according to Algiers' strategic needs. Its leaders are mere officials on a mission, and the detainees in the camps no more than accomplices.**The aim is neither to build a viable state in the south nor to secure a total diplomatic victory, but to maintain low-level permanent destabilization in the region. A cynicism all too evident in a "frozen" yet profitable conflict for the Algerian regime. It sustains permanent strategic tension with Morocco, effectively blocking any real Maghreb integration. It justifies ongoing militarization and massive defense budgets in the name of a lasting threat. It nurtures the narrative of an external enemy, useful for diverting attention from internal economic, social, and political blockages. *In this framework, Morocco becomes a "structural enemy," not because it poses an objective existential threat, but because the Algerian system needs a designated adversary to cement internal cohesion and channel popular frustrations. The imaginary enemy as a method of governance.* The image of an expansionist and aggressive Morocco forms one of the pillars of Algeria's official discourse. It installs constant psychological pressure: externally, a neighbor portrayed as threatening; internally, the proclaimed need for strong power and an omnipresent security apparatus. This setup is not conjunctural; it is inherent to the regime's nature. In this political architecture, full and complete normalization with Rabat would be counterproductive, as it would deprive the military power of a central lever of legitimation. Some consider it suicidal for the regime. Thus, even when a "managed freeze" seems to settle in, as recently described by former Mauritanian Foreign Minister Ould Bellal, it is not a step toward peace, but a modality for managing the conflict. The status quo is adjusted, modulated, never abandoned. **This is where Washington becomes a true accelerator of the dossier. President Trump having made conflict resolution the nodal point of his term.** The Mauritanian reading is lucid on one point: the dossier only moves when Washington gets directly involved. Ould Bellal, a seasoned observer, emphasizes that "the direct American presence in recent meetings" marks a notable evolution from mere principled support for the UN process. The US has broken with its former posture. This dynamic confirms a strategic reality: the conflict's center of gravity is neither in Tindouf, nor in Laâyoune, nor even in Nouakchott, but in Algiers. This is what American officials have fully grasped. The repeated visits by Massad Boulos to Algiers, along with his firm yet coded statements, systematically recall the American line: support for a realistic political solution affirming Moroccan sovereignty over the territories; insistence on regional stability and Algiers' involvement as a stakeholder. *The implicit message is clear: without constructive engagement from the Algerian power, no lasting progress is possible, regardless of the UN framework or negotiation format.* What of Mauritania, between neutrality and vulnerability? It too is a stakeholder in the talks. Ould Bellal recalls that his country is "objectively concerned" by the conflict's outcomes, particularly due to the Lagouira area and the security and economic stakes linked to Nouadhibou. Lagouira indeed emerges as a strategic lock, both for Mauritania's security depth and for the configuration of Atlantic trade corridors. His proposal to organize an international conference aimed at clarifying and legalizing Mauritania's "positive neutrality" reflects acute awareness of the risks: a prolonged and instrumentalized conflict weakens the entire Sahelo-Maghreb continuum. Nouakchott knows the Algerian status quo is not neutral; it shapes regional balances and can turn into a factor of diffuse destabilization. It has been since 1976. If there is a lock here, it is indeed Algerian. At the end of the current sequence, the diagnosis is clear: the central problem is in Algiers, and a decisive part of the solution as well. As long as Algeria's military power views the Sahara as a lever for internal management and regional projection, no purely UN dynamic will suffice; the Polisario will remain a tool, not a sovereign decision-making actor. Under these conditions, only sustained, coherent, and if necessary coercive American pressure can alter Algiers' strategic calculus. Otherwise, the "managed freeze" evoked by Ould Bellal risks turning into diplomatic eternity, where the process's form changes, but the blocking logic persists. A kind of near-mathematical constancy. **The status quo is not an accidental impasse: it is an assumed policy. And as long as this policy remains profitable for Algiers, the conflict will stay suspended, not for lack of a solution, but for lack of will from the true decision-maker.** To break the lock, Washington is multiplying pressures on Algiers. *The latest is appointing a chargé d'affaires in Algiers, not an ambassador.* The chargé d'affaires status allows marking a form of "under-calibration" of representation, which can be interpreted as reflecting tensions over sensitive dossiers: Sahara, rapprochement with Moscow, counterterrorism; without escalating to open crisis. It is a signal from Washington showing that the relationship with Algiers is important, but not to the point of immediately dedicating a full ambassador while certain political adjustments are not made. Chevron will certainly do business with Sonatrach, but in politics, that is not enough. Algiers must move to earn American diplomatic trust: Trump's order. **In essence, the conflict is not a matter of maps or revolutionary slogans. It boils down to a simple equation: Algiers feeds on the status quo, but under President Trump's impetus, the "Sahara problem" will cease to be a historical drama to become what it should always have been: a settled dossier. The lock is about to break.**

Ramadan in Morocco: The Holy Month in the Mirror of Our Excesses... 1981

Aziz Daouda, 12 d.
- Politics - Society - Business -
2.3 min read.
As Ramadan is here, Morocco shifts its rhythm and clock. Streets slow down by day and light up at night. Mosques fill up, hearts tighten around the essentials: faith, patience, solidarity, piety. *On paper, Ramadan is a month of restraint, piety, and self-focus. In economic reality, it paradoxically becomes a month of excess and waste. In fact, one must conclude with the paradox of the Moroccan table.* A few hours before iftar, markets burst with activity. Bags overflow. Baskets grow heavy. Bills do too. According to data from the High Commission for Planning, food already accounts for the largest share of Moroccan household budgets, especially for modest classes. **During Ramadan, food spending rises sharply, sometimes significantly, per consumption surveys, due to concentrated purchases over a short period and social pressure around the iftar table. Social pressure, but also pressure from the media, particularly television.Citizens are bombarded with messages promoting consumption as a marker of social success.** This translates to an 18% increase in spending. That's no small thing. It also means a sharp rise in demand for food products, not always necessities, putting upward pressure on prices. Yet, a non-negligible portion of this food sadly ends up in the trash. Levels can be alarming. Dumpsters overflow with prepared foods, cakes, pastries, bread, and other flour, butter and sugar based preparations. **According to a FAO study, this waste can reach nearly 85%.** In other words, a citizen spending 1,000 dirhams on food staples throws away the equivalent of 850 dirhams as waste. Astonishing. *Food waste in Morocco is structural, as highlighted by several FAO-backed studies. Ramadan amplifies it through multiplied dishes, domestic overproduction, impulse buys, and abundance seen as synonymous with hospitality and well-being.* The paradox is cruel: at the very moment spirituality calls for moderation, society settles into a display of abundance, in response to a silent social pressure. *Waste isn't just an economic issue. It's become cultural. Overall, a Moroccan citizen throws away about 132 kg of food per year, per a UNEP study. The FAO says 91 kg. Ramadan contributes significantly.* **The ftour or Iftar table has become a space of social representation. Failing to multiply dishes is sometimes seen as a lack of generosity, even stinginess. Chebakia, briouates, harira, multiple juices: the implicit norm demands variety. People put on airs. Ramadan's founding values take a serious hit. Sobriety is forgotten.** This pressure weighs even more on modest households, as recent years' food inflation has eroded purchasing power. When budgets are tight eleven months out of twelve, Ramadan becomes a month of disproportionate financial strain. The holy month turns into a tough budgetary equation. The media have crafted a "Ramadan spectacle." At nightfall, a near-generalized ritual begins: television. National channels concentrate their prime programming around the post-iftar slot. Light series, repetitive sitcoms, hidden cameras, family-oriented telefilms. All backed by unprecedented advertising bombardment. Ramadan has become peak advertising season. Food ads multiply, processed products invade screens, and commercial logic overshadows educational or cultural missions. The month of spirituality becomes an audience battle. Television doesn't create overconsumption alone, but it accompanies it, normalizes it, and sometimes celebrates it. Spirituality is thus put to the test. Ramadan is meant to teach hunger to better understand those who suffer from lack. Yet the contrast is striking: while some families struggle to provide essentials, others throw away surpluses. This contradiction raises questions about the responsibility of public authorities and media figures. Morocco isn't alone. In several Muslim countries, international organizations warn annually about the waste peak during the holy month. It's a recurring issue in regional public policies. But beyond the numbers, the question is moral: how to reconcile fasting and excess? How to preach restraint while practicing abundance? How to refocus the holy month? The solution isn't guilt-tripping or punitive. It's cultural. The duty today is to: - Rehabilitate simplicity in religious discourse. - Value modest tables as a sign of awareness, not poverty. - Encourage food redistribution initiatives. - Rebalance audiovisual programming with more educational, social, and spiritual content. Ramadan doesn't need to be spectacular to be intense. It doesn't need to be costly to be noble. It doesn't need to be abundant to be generous. Ultimately, the question isn't just economic. It's existential: Do we want to *live* Ramadan... or *consume* it? **Waste is unacceptable. Religion explicitly condemns it.**

Why doing more makes life worst? 1982

Safaa Ouahid, 12 d.
- Lifestyle - Philosophy -
1.1 min read.
it is strange how 'busy' has become the default answer to 'how are you?'. Somehow, being overwhelmed turned into a sign that we are doing something right. But beneath that there is often a quiet exhaustion we do not talk about. But productivity, in itself, is not the problem and setting goals and working toward them can be meaningful and energizing. The problem begins when doing more becomes the only way we measure our worth or value. When a day without an achievement feels wasted or when we cannot watch a movie, take a walk, or just sit in silence without feeling guilty for having a rest or thinking about what else we should be doing. We start treating our lives like projects that need constant optimization. Every task and every hobby must be useful, every hour must be efficient. Even self-care becomes something to perfect. Instead of asking whether we are happy or fulfilled, we ask whether we have done enough. And the definition of enough keeps expanding.. There is also something deeper happening. Sometimes, staying busy can become a way of avoiding ourselves. When our minds are always occupied, we don’t have to sit with uncomfortable thoughts or unanswered questions. and productivity can feel like control. As long as we are achieving something, we don’t have to face the fear that we might not be enough without it. that is the issue. But maybe life is not a performance review. Some of the most important parts of being human cannot be measured in output. They do not show up on a checklist. They require time that is not optimized and moments that are not productive. So doing less does not mean giving up on ambition. It means remembering that achievement was never meant to replace living. Sometimes the most radical thing we can do in a world obsessed with output is to pause without guilt. Not because we have earned it, but because we are human.

The Emotional Algorithm: Are we training our brains like AI? 1982

Safaa Ouahid, 12 d.
- Technology - Science -
1.3 min read.
What if emotions aren't random, but learned? We usually assume, anxity, happiness or sadness simply appear as natural reactions to life. But what if our emotional responses could be shaped the same way artificial intelligence is shaped? Through repetitions, patterns and exposures. AI learns from the data it consumes, and over time, it becomes better at predicting outcomes based on what it seen before. In a similar way, the human brain learns from what it experiences every day. The more often we react with stress, overthinking, or fear, the more our mind strengthens those pathways, until they become automatic. Without realizing it, we may be training our emotional system every single day. This is where the concept becomes powerful. Our daily life is our 'training dataset'. The conversations we engage in, the content we scroll through, the way we interpret situations, and even the thoughts we repeat in our minds all contribute to what our brain learns to expect. If we constantly consume negativity, compare ourselves to others, or assume the worst, the brain starts to treat these patterns as normal. Just like an algorithm trained on biased data will produce biased results, a mind trained on stress will start to generate stress even in moments that don’t truly require to be stressed in. The most dangerous part is that emotional patterns create feedback loops. If we believe the world is unsafe, we will definitely notice every sign of danger, and over time, the brain becomes incredibly efficient at producing the same emotional outputs, not because they are accurate, but because they are familiar. And familiarity often feels like truth. This is why breaking negative habits is so difficult. But the good thing is that if emotions can be trained, they can also be retrained. Which means we can change our emotional algorithm by changing its inputs. This doesn’t mean forcing positivity or pretending life is PERFECT, but becoming more intentional about what we feed our mind. And this can be done by starting with simple habits: questioning repetitive thoughts, limiting toxic environments, practicing mindfulness, and building habits that create calmer mental pathways. In the same way AI improves with better data, our emotional world improves when we choose better mental patterns. So, I think the real question is not why we feel the way we do, but the real question is: what have we been training our mind to become?

Patrice Motsepe: A CAF Presidency Undermined by Opacity and Conflicts of Interest... 2091

Aziz Daouda, 13 d.
Elected in March 2021 to head the Confederation of African Football (CAF) during the General Assembly held in Rabat, Morocco, or should we remind you?, South African billionaire Patrice Motsepe promised a radical break from a past riddled with scandals and mismanagement. Absolute transparency, financial rigor, modernization of practices: these were the hallmarks of his campaign. Four years later, those commitments ring hollow. The institution languishes between smooth reform rhetoric and glaring opacities, amid internal tensions, refereeing controversies, and recurring suspicions of collusion between power and personal interests. The businessman's profile lies at the heart of a blatant conflict of interest. Owner of the South African club Mamelodi Sundowns, which he has entrusted to his son with FIFA's approval, Motsepe embodies the image of a thriving "corporate" manager, backed by colossal financial capital and international connections. But this profile reveals a major flaw: the virtually nonexistent boundary between his CAF presidency and his private interests. The CAF oversees the awarding of Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournaments, interclub competitions, and World Cup qualifiers, wielding immense power over Africa's 54 federations. Motsepe thus navigates an ecosystem where every decision can favor his economic alliances or his club. This porosity fuels doubts: does he primarily serve African football, or is he consolidating a network of opaque personal influences for his business gain? The CAF is no ordinary administrative body. It generates hundreds of millions of viewers per AFCON, negotiating with governments, broadcasters, and sponsors. Yet under Motsepe, sports diplomacy remains a minefield of murky alliances, where decisions seem dictated by political balances and criteria tied to the president himself. His style increasingly relies on governance by ambiguity, masking inaction with a "strategy of permanent consensus." Structural decisions are endlessly deferred; signals of listening, profuse compliments, and radiant smiles everywhere conceal deliberate indifference. Federations, zonal unions, partners, and politicians struggle to grasp the man or discern any genuine policy for development and fairness. The result: chronic inability to decide. Refereeing controversies, organizational disputes, and contested awards pile up without public clarifications. Commissions are seized, reports announced... but nothing concrete or educational emerges. This technico-political dilution perpetuates opacity, shielding the presidency from direct accountability. In short, a facade of democracy and a dilution of reckoning. On paper, the Executive Committee, specialized commissions, and statutory votes promise modern governance. In practice, these bodies serve as a smokescreen. By referring sensitive files to commissions, Motsepe positions himself "above the fray," invoking "collective responsibility" to dodge criticism. His goal: emerge unscathed from every scandal or misstep, and there are many. No one is identifiable, no one is held accountable. Such a culture of impunity is incompatible with a serious sports institution, especially when the president combines private business with executive power. He keeps both the cabbage and the goat safe. Since 2021, fragilities have exploded: administrative tensions, complaints against executives, internal probes into mismanagement. The case of Secretary General Véron Mosengo-Omba, involving a Swiss investigation and internal audits, exemplifies this amateurism. The CAF touts a compliance department and "zero tolerance," but responses remain minimal: laconic press releases, no detailed public reports. No catharsis, no acknowledgment of flaws, no lessons learned or imposed reforms. Suspicions persist, fueled by presumed ties between the presidency and economic interests. This scandal highlights enduring opacities, where crises are handled in a closed circle, stoking doubts about governance and equity. Administratively, the CAF survives: competitions launched, sponsors reassured. But on the ground, the fiasco is evident. Vague rules, non-independent refereeing: these ills breed resentment among aggrieved federations, furious clubs, and disillusioned fans. The latest statement from the head of refereeing perfectly illustrates the situation following the scandal of the last AFCON final. This structural instability undermines the commercial and sporting credibility of continental football. The facade of balance conceals real frustrations; leadership is seen everywhere as complicit in the regrettable status quo. Motsepe has the network and influence to reform. Instead, his obsession with compromise preserves balances at the expense of the rupture promised in Rabat in March 2021: codifying transparency, publishing decisions, strictly framing conflicts of interest, starting with his own. By placating all sides, he satisfies none, nurturing toxic distrust. A deliberate behavior. In globalized football, where trust equals revenue, this drifting presidency risks costing Africa dearly. *Let's connect this to what happened in Morocco. The Kingdom promises grand things to Africa and delivers. It is rewarded in the worst way: its party is ruined, with no respect for the country, its efforts, or football itself. A pitiful image of African football circles the world. The responsible person, the one who must decide, remains indifferent as usual in such situations.* What does Motsepe do? He expresses discontent and promises reforms. More hollow promises. Has he truly kept a single one since 2021? Here too, he keeps the cabbage and the goat: business oblige, he sympathizes with Morocco, and everyone knows why, but says nothing about what must be done. He sails in his obsessive neutrality. He has still managed to disgust Moroccan citizens—and not only them. Many now demand turning their backs on the CAF. **A majority protests no longer want the Women's AFCON in Morocco or other competitions on national soil. Motsepe's response: the Women's AFCON will take place as scheduled. Some read this as a threat...** Moroccans are kind, welcoming, generous, *but above all not naive.* They are fed up with the man's and his institution's hypocrisy, and demand justice. He responds half-heartedly: "Go to the CAS if you want justice..." The lack of courage is blatant. The CAF under Motsepe is adrift.

Where Have Our Ministers Gone? When the Operational State Fills in for a Silent Government... 2093

Aziz Daouda, 13 d.
- Politics - Society -
2.5 min read.
The recent floods provided a striking demonstration of the effectiveness of Morocco's security and territorial apparatus. On the high instructions of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, agents from the Ministry of the Interior, elements of the Royal Armed Forces, and various intervention forces mobilized impressive human and logistical resources in just a few hours. Nearly 180,000 people were evacuated, transported, and relocated from disaster-stricken areas with a speed that commanded admiration, including abroad. In Portugal, for example, where some observers praised Morocco's promptness, deputies heatedly questioned the government over its handling of the country's own floods, urging it to take a leaf out of the Moroccans' crisis management book. But behind this undeniable efficiency lies a disturbing question: where were the other ministers and their bloated departments? Especially those in charge of social affairs and solidarity. The Moroccan government is not limited to the sovereign ministries alone. It includes numerous ministries officially responsible for social affairs, solidarity, inclusion, family, territorial cohesion, and the fight against precariousness. Yet once again, these departments shone by their absence. No notable initiatives. No visible measures. Not even reassuring communication. Silence as the only response to the distress of those affected and the justified curiosity of citizens. This is not an isolated episode. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the bulk of the response had already rested on the security architecture and exceptional mechanisms driven from the highest levels of the State. During the El Haouz earthquake, the same scenario: remarkable mobilization of rescue forces and territorial administration, but worrying silence from several departments supposed to embody national solidarity. This repetition raises questions. It challenges not only the performance of the current government but also the very architecture of our successive governments. What is the point of an inflation of ministries if, in critical moments, they are invisible? What good is multiplying state secretariats, attached agencies, and thematic departments if their real impact is undetectable when the country faces a trial? The debate is not ideological; it is budgetary and ethical. Every ministry, every cabinet, every central directorate represents salaries, vehicles, premises, operating expenses. When these structures provide no measurable added value, they become budget-devouring. They absorb public resources without tangible return for the citizen. Some provocatively invoke Argentine President Javier Milei's "chainsaw." Obviously, this is not about caricaturally copying foreign models, and certainly not that one. But the question of rationalizing the governmental apparatus deserves to be raised seriously. An effective government is not a hypertrophic, colossal one; it is a coherent, streamlined, responsible, and efficient formation. Beyond the symbolism, there is a macroeconomic stake. A civil servant or high official paid without measurable output mechanically contributes to unproductive public spending. When public spending rises without corresponding wealth creation, it fuels imbalances, tax pressure, and ultimately inflation. Distributing income financed by taxes or debt to structures that produce neither tangible services nor social efficiency weakens the purchasing power of the very citizens one claims to protect. An unacceptable, unfair contradiction. God knows the subject is sensitive. The Moroccan citizen is not happy with price hikes and the erosion of his purchasing power. With the September elections approaching, political parties can no longer settle for sectoral promises and catalogs of social programs. They must commit to reforming the governmental architecture itself: reducing the number of departments, clarifying competencies, mandating results, and public evaluation of performance. The next head of government and all those aspiring to be—should clearly announce their visions: how many ministries? With what precise missions? According to what performance indicators? And above all: with what political responsibility in case of inaction during crises? It is time to break with the logic of satisfying partisan balances at the expense of public efficiency. Multiplying posts to appease coalitions can no longer be financed by the taxpayer with impunity and without real counterpart. Every public dirham must be justified. The exemplary mobilization of intervention forces proves that the Moroccan State knows how to act with rigor and speed when the chain of command is clear and responsibility is assumed. The government, for its part, must now prove that it can exist beyond its organigram. Citizens, finally, bear a share of responsibility. Voting should not just be an act of adherence to slogans, but a rational choice in favor of sober, effective, and responsible governance. The stakes go beyond the conjuncture: they concern the sustainability of our public finances and the credibility of our institutional model. The question thus remains, simple and relentless: in moments when the nation faces great difficulty, as is the case today, who really acts, who coasts along, contenting themselves with existing on paper and collecting salaries and perks without reason?

At Night We Dream 2239

Julius Melien, 14 d.
Once I watched a film about Frédéric Chopin, whose original title is: "A Song to Remember", which in my country was translated as “At Night We Dream.” I believe that the nocturnes composed by Chopin, which are truly beautiful, stand as musical references of the Romantic period. His nocturnes are perfect invitations to meditation, as they sharpen our minds to reflect upon the mysteries of the night. It is no coincidence that many poets have long drawn inspiration from the night and its elements, whether it be a clear sky sprinkled with stars, the light and refreshing breeze that not only caresses us, giving us a sense of pleasure as it touches our faces, but also moves the vegetation, the trees, and hanging objects, producing characteristic sounds with truly calming effects, much like the sounds of nocturnal wildlife. Not to mention the principal element, present in so many poems: our natural satellite, the Moon. I consider myself a selenophile, for ever since I can remember, the Moon has cast a kind of spell over me. In my moments of greatest distress, a simple glance at it is capable of bringing me to a halt, producing a kind of “reset” effect, essential for gathering strength and continuing to face life’s adversities. And what about dreams? Well, on countless occasions, I have awakened in the middle of the night after a dream, sometimes good, sometimes troubling, and I would rise and go to the outdoor area of my old house. In the silence of that hour, I felt as though I could open a kind of channel to another reality, which allowed me to sense the presence of other beings I could not see, some benevolent, others not so much. Yet on one of those occasions, I was certain that someone was with me, assuring my safety. I even received, in thought, the following message: “Do not forget, I am here.” Perhaps that certainty encouraged me for a long time to explore those moments. I can say that I have moved between different realities in dreams, and even when awake in the middle of the night, I felt that I was still living an extension of what I had seen and experienced in my dream. So what, then, is the purpose of sharing these experiences now? Today I am certain that much of what moves me is based on the inspirations I draw both from these dreams and from the moments immediately after waking, when I meditate upon them. I am, by nature, a contemplative person. I spend much of my time admiring what the Creator places before me, and my dreams, and the meditations that follow them, are like fuel for my imagination which I have spoken of so often in other articles and will certainly continue to speak about. I say to everyone: cherish the night. It is full of beauty and mystery. It is in the night that we most often find calm, silence, and peace, and these are the best conditions for looking within ourselves, evaluating what we have done throughout the day, and preparing our bodies for rest and our spirits to soar, renewing our strength for a new day and new experiences.