Think Forward.

Applied Machine Learning Africa! 2481

Tariq Daouda, 1 y.
1 min read.
I have been to more scientific conferences than I can count. From to smallest to the biggest like NeuRIPS (even back when it was still called NIPS). Of all these events AMLD Africa is my favorite, by far. I first met the team two years ago when they organized the first in-person edition of the conference at the University Mohammed VI Polytechnic. I was immediately charmed by the warmth and professionalism, ambition and fearlessness of the team. So much that I joined the organization. AMLD Africa is unique on every aspect. By its focus on Africa, by its scope and ambition, by its incredibly dynamic, young, passionate, honest and resourceful team, all volunteers. It is hard to believe that this year in Nairobi was only the second in-person edition. AMLD Africa does the impossible without even realizing it. It has an old school vibe of collegiality, community and most importantly **__fun__** that is so lacking in most conferences today. All without compromising on the quality of the science. It offers one of the best windows into everything AI and Machine learning happening in Africa. Africa is a continent on the rise. But a very hard continent to navigate because of information bottlenecks. Traveling across Africa is not easy (it took me 28H from Nairobi to Casablanca), there are language barierers separating the continent into different linguistic regions (French, English, Portuguese being the main ones). And just the fact that all too often we do not look to Africa for solutions. AMLD Africa is solving all that, by bringing everybody together for a few days in one of the best environments I got to experience. Thank you AMLD Africa.
appliedmldays.org/events/amld-af...
Tariq Daouda

Tariq Daouda

CEO, co-founder & Head Software Architect of Bluwr. Professor at the Faculty of Medical Sciences of the University Mohammed VI Polytechnic, I specialize in AI for Biomedical applications.


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Morocco 2030: Football as a Geopolitical and Strategic Lever While Waiting for Other Sports Disciplines... 114

Aziz Daouda, 7 h.
3 min read.
The Kingdom of Morocco, through football, is today establishing itself as a major player in sports geopolitics. It clearly demonstrates its determination to carve out a prominent place on the international stage in this field. This vision comes from the highest levels of the State and is also shared by the Moroccan people, who have embraced this choice. This dynamic is notably illustrated by the co-hosting of the 2030 World Cup with Spain and Portugal, a historically significant event symbolizing a major political and diplomatic victory. This co-organization of the 2030 World Cup alongside two European states is the result of a long, patient, and determined strategy. It stems from an enduring conviction that has never wavered. After five unsuccessful bids, the Kingdom managed to convince FIFA and its member federations, becoming the second African country to host the tournament after South Africa in 2010. In fact, aside from the political contingencies of the time, the global sympathy for Nelson Mandela, and the questionable practices of FIFA decision-makers then, South Africa would never have been able to host the World Cup before Morocco for obvious footballing reasons. The Kingdom has nonetheless been rewarded for its patience, resilience, and conviction. It will host the centennial World Cup, an edition exceptional in every respect and designed under a cost-sharing logic. It will have a considerable economic and diplomatic impact, strengthening ties between Europe and Africa and highlighting football’s role in bringing peoples closer, as well as in the social and sporting development of the region. Never has Europe been so close and cooperative with the African continent—and vice versa. Morocco is organizing on behalf of an entire continent. Football is a true soft power tool that Morocco wields to strengthen its diplomatic relations in Africa. Did His Majesty the King not order the Local Organizing Committee to include expertise from across the continent? The Royal Moroccan Football Federation has long multiplied partnerships with African federations, providing financial and logistical support and inviting many countries to use the country’s numerous modern infrastructures for their training or competitions. This proactive and positive policy naturally consolidates Moroccan influence on the continent, in a context where the country seeks to counter the influence of other regional powers that do not look upon it favorably. From a purely footballing standpoint, Morocco is gradually asserting itself as an African powerhouse. It wins or participates in all major continental finals with a steady rise in the performance of its national teams. This success is supported by massive investments in player development, with the construction of high-performance training centers such as the Mohammed VI Academy in Salé. The Kingdom is also increasingly exporting players and coaches to leagues in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. This contributes to strengthening its image and influence. For example, Jamal Selami recently qualified Jordan for the World Cup for the first time in its history, a team propelled by his compatriot Houcine Amouta. Moreover, the Moroccan diaspora plays a key role: many players born or trained abroad enthusiastically choose to wear the Moroccan colors, proud and unashamed to represent their country of origin. This mobilization of diaspora talent is a strategic asset that enriches the national teams and enhances their reach. Morocco therefore does not limit itself to mere sporting ambition in football. It conceives football as a vector of international influence, a territorial marketing lever, as evidenced by the strategic agreement “Morocco, Land of Football” signed between the FRMF and the Moroccan National Tourism Office. This alliance reflects the Kingdom’s desire to build a strong, inspiring image and attract enthusiasts and tourists from around the world. It is a continuation of the policy of building and strengthening the Morocco brand, which is increasingly asserting itself globally in the economic sphere. Morocco no longer hesitates to admit it is an industrial power asserting itself more and more every day. This approach fits into a global geostrategic perspective where football is called upon to reinforce Morocco’s position on the African and international stage, assert its continental leadership, and support its diplomatic advances, notably on the sensitive issue of the southern provinces. By using sport as a diplomatic and economic tool, Morocco aims to consolidate its alliances, extend its influence, and prepare a future where it occupies a central position in relations between Africa, Europe, and the world—and it makes no secret of this. Everyone today understands that to engage with Africa, especially on economic issues and certain political aspects, the Kingdom is indispensable. The question now arises for other sports disciplines. In fact, this football policy could only be implemented and succeed thanks to the royal vision in this domain, understood by a federation that, before all others, corrected its course following the royal letter addressed to the world of sport in 2008. The FRMF has smartly set itself in motion, now reaping the first results of its commitment. Unfortunately, other federations have remained in the shadows, mired in a certain mediocrity or even lethargy that makes them increasingly ineffective and criticized. Some, and not the least, are simply insignificant at the continental and global level, or have become so due to lack of foresight and competence, despite the available resources and the green light for sports in general. Developing other disciplines could diversify the country’s sports soft power, strengthen its diplomatic ties, and better distribute the economic and cultural benefits of sporting events across the national territory. Diversification is precisely at the heart of the royal vision. Meanwhile, Morocco is making football a major political asset, blending sport, diplomacy, and economic development to establish itself as an unavoidable player in sports geopolitics. The 2030 World Cup is both a symbol and a catalyst of this ambitious strategy, which promises to reshape regional and international balances around a ball rounder than ever—while awaiting the awakening of other sports disciplines.

Blind love 474

Boucharfou, 4 d.
Blind love To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and setbacks Yet she confesses to others that she loves me who believes Leaning on her balcony every evening She doesn't care that I always be there at my perch Waiting for a signal from her, a hope To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my setbacks In spite I keep drinking And drinking get drunk every night Sitting in front of her window on the sidewalk To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my disappointments I say that this story is over now And that elsewhere I will go to see Dr Bouchareb Fouad July 5, 2022 Inspired by a piece of Andalusian music All rights are reserved

Mauritania Facing Security, Diplomatic, and Geopolitical Recomposition Challenges in the Sahel.. 818

Aziz Daouda, 5 d.
After four years of intervention, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner officially announced its withdrawal from Mali in June 2025. It had been active in the region since 2021. This departure occurs in a context marked by a resurgence of jihadist attacks weakening Malian and regional stability. Wagner’s departure does not signify a Russian disengagement, as its missions are being taken over by a new paramilitary organization, the Africa Corps, directly controlled by the Russian Ministry of Defense. This group, born after the failed coup attempt by former Wagner leaders in 2023, continues Russia’s strategy of influence in Africa, notably in what is declared to be the training of Malian forces to face the rising terrorist threats. This transition illustrates the complexity of the security context in the Sahel, where Wagner’s relative failure to stabilize Mali and contain Tuareg and jihadist armed groups forces Moscow to readjust its methods while maintaining its strategic influence. This new situation raises serious questions about the real capacity to contain terrorism in the region, especially at Mali’s border with Mauritania. Meanwhile, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement, is increasingly associated with terrorist activities. In Spain, a militant affiliated with the Polisario was arrested for preparing terrorist acts against Morocco, with evidence of incitement to jihadism and acquisition of explosive materials. This radicalization fits into a dynamic where the Polisario cooperates more closely with Islamist groups, notably benefiting from the support of Iran and its proxies including Hezbollah. Well-documented longstanding links exist between the Polisario and terrorist groups in the Sahel, such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, whose founders were former Polisario fighters. This collusion manifests through logistical support, arms transfers, and increased militarization, including the use of suicide drones supplied by Iran. These facts reinforce the perception of the Polisario not only as a separatist actor but also as a vector of instability and terrorism in the region. At the same time, Morocco has recorded numerous diplomatic breakthroughs and growing international pressure to formalize Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara provinces. In 2024, Morocco achieved several major victories in the international recognition of its sovereignty over its southern provinces. More than 116 countries, including powers like France, now support the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only viable solution to the conflict. This position was recently shared by the United Kingdom following the United States. Influential African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire and, more recently, Ghana have done the same. The fresh stance of Zuma’s party in South Africa further confirms this evolution. Morocco’s diplomatic progress relies on skilled international relations management and active engagement in regional security, notably in the Sahel. The Kingdom’s tact is evident as it avoids embarrassing its southern neighbor Mauritania, which has long recognized the so-called RASD puppet entity. It is also important to recall the U.S. intention to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization, a measure supported by analyses documenting its links with Hezbollah, the PKK, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Cuba, Venezuela, and other states unfriendly to the U.S. This classification aims to reveal the true nature of the Polisario. In this context, Mauritania finds itself in turmoil. Things have moved too fast. The comfort it once enjoyed is gone. The conjunction of these developments forces the country’s authorities to rethink their political positioning. Faced with the recurring fragility caused by the Polisario, which hinders its development and threatens its stability, and observing Algeria’s inability to move beyond Boumediene’s legacy to ensure effective security, Mauritania is inevitably pushed toward rapprochement with Morocco. Morocco is perceived as the only actor capable of guaranteeing lasting security in the region, especially against rising terrorist threats and current geopolitical challenges. Some Mauritanian publications already address this question very directly. This shows that Mauritanian decision-makers are indeed embracing this paradigm shift. Recent movements by the Mauritanian army align with this trend, especially as some Polisario cadres no longer hesitate to threaten Mauritania, which they label as a traitor. This tension further complicates Mauritania’s capacity to secure its borders, a young country whose resources remain very limited given the vastness of its borders, notably with Mali and Algeria. In this environment, Algeria, a blind and staunch supporter of the Polisario, today appears more trapped in rhetoric without real capacity for action, which weakens its regional position. Mauritania seems to have understood this for some time, though perhaps not openly. Conversely, Morocco, strengthened by its diplomatic successes and proven commitment to counterterrorism, appears as an indispensable partner for Mauritania in its quest for stability and prosperity. It would therefore not be surprising to see Mauritania in the very near future withdraw its recognition of the so-called RASD puppet entity or at least move away from what it has so far called a positive neutrality. In fact, Mauritania has already distanced itself somewhat from the separatists, which does not please Algeria, which is losing influence. The withdrawal of Wagner from Mali, the radicalization of the Polisario which seems overwhelmed, Morocco’s diplomatic successes, and the likely imminent designation of the Polisario as a terrorist organization by the U.S. clearly redraw the geopolitical map of the Sahel and the Maghreb. Mauritania is probably preparing for this and even taking the lead. In this shifting context, it is pushed toward a natural strategic realignment with Morocco, the only actor capable of offering a credible security alternative against terrorist threats and development challenges. This repositioning marks a major step in the reshaping of regional alliances, with profound implications for the future stability of the Sahel and the reconfiguration of North Africa.