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Trump’s “Council of Peace”: Strategic Pragmatism or Alarm Signal for the International Order? 53

Aziz Daouda, 47 min.
The invitation extended by U.S. President Donald Trump to His Majesty King Mohammed VI to join the new “Council of Peace” marks a significant turning point in contemporary international relations practice. It stems neither from protocol nor symbolism, but fits into an assumed reconfiguration of global conflict management mechanisms. The Sovereign's acceptance of this invitation, while the Algerian president was not invited and Africa remains largely underrepresented, if not ignored, highlights a selective logic based not on geography or ideology, but on political utility as perceived by the USA as a global actor. In the official communiqué announcing the Sovereign's acceptance, Morocco's diplomatic fundamentals regarding the Palestinian issue were explicitly reiterated, particularly the two-state solution with states living side by side. The trust-based relations with the concerned Arab parties, especially Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank on one side, and Israel on the other, perfectly foreshadow the role the Kingdom will play in establishing peace and rebuilding the region. Isn't this a direct way to consecrate a results-oriented diplomacy in the face of the long-ailing multilateralism that has been faltering for quite some time? For decades, major international institutions, starting with the UN, have struggled to resolve protracted conflicts. The Security Council is paralyzed by the veto right, peace processes are stalled, UN missions lack a clear political horizon: the symptoms of a saturated system are evident. Donald Trump's envisioned Council of Peace, by contrast, follows a logic of rupture. It seeks neither to produce international law nor to impose universal norms, but to create an informal framework for direct negotiation among influential actors, including those the UN system struggles to integrate operationally. In this context, Morocco is undoubtedly a stability actor and a discreet, credible, and effective mediator. The presence of the King of Morocco in this body reflects international recognition of a diplomatic model founded on stability, continuity, and pragmatism. Morocco has established itself as an actor capable of dialoguing with partners of divergent interests while maintaining a clear strategic line, and everyone knows that it is His Majesty himself who initiated this vision and leads this distinguished diplomacy. This explains the particular nature of the invitation addressed to the Sovereign. Conversely, the exclusion of certain states reveals the limits of a diplomacy based on permanent conflictuality and blind ideological posturing. In a Trumpian logic, effectiveness trumps representativeness. Pragmatism prevails over sterility and outdated ideological blindness. The question then becomes: in this context, is the UN being marginalized or pushed toward reform? This Council does not signal the immediate end of the UN, but it exposes its existential crisis. If a parallel body achieves tangible results quickly, as claimed on certain African dossiers, among others, then the question of the UN system's functional legitimacy will arise acutely. President Trump's initiative can thus be seen as a trigger: either for a progressive weakening of the UN, which he has little fondness for, or for a profound reform of its decision-making mechanisms, particularly the Security Council. And since President Trump is already midway through his term and cannot run again, things will move very quickly. The context is also highly particular, with a transatlantic fracture revealing a malaise that has been simmering since Trump's first term, he no longer accepts defending a hostile Europe that is increasingly dependent on American budgets for its defense. The refusal of European countries, including France, to join this new body translates a growing strategic divergence between Europe and the United States. While Washington prioritizes power dynamics and direct negotiation, Europe remains attached to a normative multilateralism, sometimes disconnected from ground realities. Its diplomatic hypocrisy and double standards on many issues are laid bare here. Its position and quagmire in Ukraine testify to the anachronistic state of its strategy. The invitation to Vladimir Putin accentuates this fracture, especially in the context of the Ukraine conflict and geopolitical tensions in the Arctic. Europe no longer knows on what ground to engage with President Trump. How to interpret President Macron's statement at Davos, where he said he did not accept the law of the strongest without naming it? Who is the strongest, then, when the one he alludes to is precisely the initiator of the new Council? Isn't this truly a sharing of power? Why refuse to be part of it! And then Trump responds to Macron by declining an invitation to a G7 meeting... For now, Donald Trump's Council of Peace is neither a complete institutional alternative to the UN nor a mere conjunctural initiative. It is the symptom of a world impatient with the ineffectiveness of traditional frameworks. In this context, the role that the King of Morocco will play illustrates the rise of actors capable of articulating pragmatism, stability, and international credibility. More than an architectural change, this initiative reveals a profound transformation of the implicit rules of global governance. And since the Council's seat is not yet known, why not envision it being established in Morocco? The special invitation addressed to His Majesty King Mohammed VI is a good omen and could even be understood in this light. Morocco would thus become the nerve center of Peace in the world.

AFCON 2025: When Morocco Believes in Itself and in Africa.. 651

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3.2 min read.
In 1961, John F.Kennedy issued an immortal challenge to Americans: "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." This call to individual responsibility helped forge a collective mindset rooted in civic engagement and self-transcendence. Contemporary America still bears the imprint of this philosophy in many ways. Decades later, Barack Obama rallied crowds with "Yes we can," a cry of unity and collective determination, while Donald Trump popularized "Make America Great Again," a slogan of national rebirth. These formulas are more than mere words: they crystallize moments when a people rediscover themselves, mobilize, and project toward the future. A kind of regeneration for a power afraid of falling, a way to revitalize a nation prone to forgetting itself or resting on its laurels? Morocco has also known this grammar of national mobilization. The late Hassan II forcefully reminded in one of his speeches: "We will only achieve this goal by translating nationalism into citizenship and by moving national consciousness from mere love for the homeland to effective engagement in building a Morocco that is a source of pride for all Moroccans." A founding vision: loving Morocco is not enough; it must be built. In the same spirit, His Majesty King Mohammed VI stated, on the occasion of the 2019 Throne Day, that "Morocco belongs to all Moroccans because it is our common home," calling on each to contribute to its construction, its development, as well as to the preservation of its unity, security, and stability. More recently, on the 2024 Throne Day, the Sovereign again emphasized the need to "pool the efforts of all Moroccans" and appealed to their patriotism as well as to their sense of individual and collective responsibility. A message that resonates, in Moroccan style, like a national "Yes we can," aimed at overcoming socio-economic challenges and consolidating achievements. **AFCON 2025: A Revealer of National Confidence.** It is in this context that Morocco experienced a major turning point with the organization of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations. Well before kickoff, the AFCON was already acting as a powerful revealer: a revealer of the level of development achieved by the Kingdom, but also of the renewed confidence of Moroccans in their collective capacities. The international competition hosted by Morocco demonstrated unparalleled capacity: modern stadiums meeting the most demanding standards, extensive highway networks, efficient rail hubs, increasingly clean and organized cities, civility widely praised by visitors. Casablanca, Rabat, Tangier, Marrakech, or Agadir as examples only, embody this Morocco that advances, invests, and projects toward a bright future. These progresses are not the fruit of chance. They result from a strategic vision driven by His Majesty King Mohammed VI and translated into structuring investments: more than 2,000 km of highways built since the early 2000s, the Tanger Med port complex becoming a global reference in transshipment, or an ambitious energy policy aiming for over 52% renewable energies in the national mix by 2030. Thus, AFCON 2025 crowns a long-term process, not just a one-off flash. **Resilience, Solidarity, and International Credibility.** Even before the sporting event, the Al Haouz earthquake in September 2023 had already highlighted the resilience of the Moroccan nation. Faced with a major human tragedy, spontaneous solidarity—mass collections, citizen volunteering, mobilization of institutions, and the state's rapid intervention under royal impetus—demonstrated the strength of the national bond. The ongoing reconstruction has reinforced the conviction that Morocco knows how to face adversity. At the same time, macroeconomic indicators attest to an overall positive trajectory: gradual improvement in GDP per capita over the medium term, rise of sectors like automotive, aeronautics, and green energies, affirmation of the Kingdom as a central diplomatic actor in Africa. This international credibility, sometimes a source of regional tensions or criticisms, above all confirms that Morocco has crossed a strategic threshold. **A Success That Calls for More Engagement.** But this success is not an end in itself. It calls for more individual and collective efforts, more mutual trust between citizens, businesses, and institutions. More than ever, the question posed by Kennedy remains relevant: "What am I doing for my country?" Every Moroccan, at their level, is called upon. This dynamic rests on a common denominator: solidarity, extended by work, innovation, and responsibility. It translates into local initiatives, the rise of tech hubs in Casablanca, Rabat, or Tangier, investment in human capital, and adherence to the New Development Model, which aims for a more inclusive, more productive Morocco, better positioned in the global economy. **An Assumed African Ambition.** AFCON 2025 must also be understood as a moment of African fraternity. Morocco has affirmed its continental vocation there: to pull upward, share experience, strengthen South-South partnerships and economic interdependencies. Security, climate, social, and economic challenges are common; responses must be too. Morocco's destiny is inseparable from that of Africa, and Africa's depends on Morocco as well. A prosperous Morocco is an excellent locomotive for the rest of the continent, especially in the region. Sterile criticisms and entrenched or passing jealousies never withstand the seriousness of work, the constancy of effort, and the clarity of vision for long. Only the countries that advance, invest, and unite endure. **A Clear Mission.** The mission is now crystal clear: persevere, aim higher, stronger, and more united, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI. Not by copying imported slogans, but by innovating, assuming our singularity, and confidently occupying the place that is naturally Morocco's on the global chessboard. Yes, "Yes we can," Moroccan style. Let us build together a stronger Morocco and a more confident Africa, not through denigration or sterile comparison, but through work, complementarity, and collective engagement. The world advances and waits for no one. Morocco has understood this. It is now up to each to choose: join this movement or stay on the sidelines of History. There will always be football cups.

Morocco Facing the Red Poppy Syndrome: When Success Becomes a Target... 649

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.5 min read.
We often speak of the "red poppy syndrome," or *Tall Poppy Syndrome* in English. This is a sociological and cultural theory according to which, in certain groups or societies, those who outperform others, succeed too much, or stand out excessively are criticized, belittled, or "cut down" to preserve a semblance of equality within the group. In short, success disturbs and becomes detrimental to those who lack it. Efforts are then made in all directions to at least denigrate and gossip about those who excel. The metaphor comes precisely from the idea that, in a field of poppies, those that grow taller than the others are cut down to keep the field uniform. The red poppy syndrome thus refers to this well-known mechanism by which success that is too visible calls not for emulation, but for the will to bring it down by any means necessary. On the African regional scale, Morocco today provides the clearest illustration. Not because it proclaims itself a model, but because its achievements impose themselves, provoking tensions, jealousies, and obstructionist strategies. In essence, a Morocco that disturbs because it succeeds. In recent years, the Kingdom has relentlessly accumulated transformative successes: active African diplomacy, high-quality infrastructure, especially world-class sports facilities, recognized organizational credibility, and sports results that are no longer exceptions but the norm. This dynamic, far from rallying others around the country, has awakened in certain regional actors an obsession with systematic contestation, without scruple or limit. The hosting of the Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco should have been celebrated as a moment of continental unity and collective African success. Instead, for its detractors, it turned into a battlefield for sabotage aimed less at the event itself than at the host country. The neighborhood is not unrelated to this evident strategy of indirect sabotage that anyone can verify. In this context, it would be naive not to see the role played by Algeria, locked in a rivalry with Morocco that has become almost doctrinal. Unable to compete on the field of performance, Algiers has long shifted the battle to the terrain of discreditation, suspicion, and peripheral agitation. Failing to prevent the awarding or holding of the competition, the strategy consisted of polluting its narrative environment: questioning fairness, sowing doubt about refereeing, insinuating collusions, manufacturing suspicion where facts resist. A classic method: when you can't cut down the poppy, you try to tarnish its color. And since it always finds support among some, ideologized media relays have perfectly taken up the baton. This enterprise would not have had the same reach without the active involvement of certain ideologically aligned French journalists, often from circles marked by long-standing hostility toward Morocco and its monarchy. Throughout the competition, a segment of this so-called "progressive" press poured out venom in the form of insinuations, kangaroo courts, and barely veiled accusations against the Royal Moroccan Football Federation and its leaders, if not the Moroccan state itself. Investigative journalism here gave way to disguised activism, where suspicion substitutes for proof and Moroccan success becomes, by principle, suspect. This treatment was neither neutral nor innocent: it was part of a delegitimization strategy, carefully maintained. By ricochet, certain African complicities emerged, and recycled frustrations became uninhibited. Even more concerning, attitudes from some African officials or leaders have fueled this toxic climate. Untimely statements, outrageous contestations, misplaced victimhood postures: so many elements that gave the impression that sports frustrations were recycled into political accusations, in disregard of sports ethics. Whether conscious instrumentalization or mere opportunism, the result is the same: an attempt to weaken Morocco by voices supposed to embody the spirit of African fraternity. But despite everything, the maneuver failed and is turning against its instigators. For reality is stubborn. The Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco was a resounding organizational, popular, financial, media, economic, and sporting success. African fans, delegations, and honest observers saw and experienced it. Suspicion campaigns did not mask the essential: Morocco delivered what it promised. In the end, this episode reveals a simple and disturbing truth: the problem is not that Morocco wins, organizes, and advances. The problem, for some, is that it does so too well, too visibly, too sustainably while they fail to do so. And in an African field of poppies, those who relentlessly try to cut down the one that stands out often end up revealing their own inability to grow. The beautiful poppy will continue to grow... especially since it has been well watered by abundant rain. Thank God. As for the Cups, there will be plenty more opportunities to lift them...

The Rabat Aporia: Anatomy of a Procedural Collapse – The 2025 AFCON Final Fiasco 734

Imad Khater, 3 d.
- Society - Sports -
2.6 min read.
The final chapter of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, pitting Morocco against Senegal in the heart of the capital, will not merely be remembered as a high-octane athletic duel. Instead, it has evolved into a definitive case study of institutional gridlock. Caught in the friction between IFAB’s Laws of the Game and the labyrinthine CAF Disciplinary Code, the incident of January 18th at the Moulay Abdellah Stadium transcends a simple disciplinary spat. It exposes a legal "gray zone" where procedure faltered alongside authority, revealing a seismic rift where subjective interpretation overrode the strictures of normative alignment. I. The Materiality of Facts: The Engineering of "Passive Resistance" Contrary to the inflammatory narratives that spread in the heat of the moment, the Senegalese squad never executed an irreversible physical withdrawal from the field of play. While there were visible inclinations toward the touchline—acting as a symbolic defiance of the officiating crew—the players remained within the technical perimeter. This effectively neutralized the immediate trigger of Article 82 of the CAF regulations. Legally, this distinction is paramount: we are not dealing with a forfeiture by abandonment, but rather a state of tactical paralysis. This maneuver appears to stem from a sophisticated instrumentalization of the rulebook, designed to occupy a space that freezes administrative sanctions. By exploiting the ambiguity between vehement protest and outright insubordination, the bench utilized the boundary lines as a strategic lever, sidestepping irreversible penalties in favor of a more pliable disciplinary framework. II. Procedural Flaws and the "Suspect Celerity" of Officiating The match’s conclusion witnessed a manifest erosion of the official’s sovereignty, underscored by two critical departures from international standards. The crux of the dispute—and the inherent weakness of any future sanction—lies in the officiating body’s management of the temporal dimension. Both IFAB directives and the CAF Disciplinary Code mandate a stringent protocol of diligence before any declaration of forfeiture: Encroachment of Technical Zones: Under Law 12, the intrusion of staff members onto the pitch should have triggered a wave of dismissals. This inertia cannot be dismissed as a mere lapse in judgment; it represents a fundamental breach of the match’s legal security. The Overlooked Notice Period: An official is required to grant a legal window for reflection—typically five to ten minutes—to allow the captain to restore order. In Rabat, this timeframe was either ignored or, at the very least, improperly formalized. By failing to explicitly notify the captain—the sole sui generis interlocutor on the pitch—that the formal "default clock" had started, the referee created a state of manifest legal insecurity. The procedural error here is twofold. By failing to formally summon the players to resume within the allotted time, the referee denied the opposing federation the chance to comply with the rules. One cannot hand down a sentence as final as a forfeiture (a 3-0 loss) without scrupulously following the "procedural roadmap" of the crisis. This indecisive haste transforms the incident into a processual failure. The chaos in Rabat was not solely the work of defiant players, but of an officiating team that failed to enforce the temporal framework dictated by international norms. The Enigma of Law 14: The decisive penalty, marred by a blatant early movement by the goalkeeper, imperatively required a VAR-led retake. Referee Jean-Jacques Ndala’s decision to blow the final whistle with such intriguing speed suggests "situational officiating." By bypassing technological verification, the official seemingly prioritized short-term security concerns over the integrity of the result. III. From Organizational Sanctions to the Imperative of Federal Recourse The erratic resumption of play just before the final whistle confirmed the impotence of the current organizational regime. Unable to formalize an organic and definitive abandonment, CAF is forced to retreat to Articles 146 and 147 of its Disciplinary Code. However, while these tools allow for the punishment of "unsportsmanlike conduct" through federal fines, they are merely bandages on an open wound, incapable of restoring the compromised sporting equity. Faced with what must be termed a denial of sporting justice, the Royal Moroccan Football Federation (FRMF) cannot remain a passive observer. It must exercise its legal right of appeal to move the dispute from the emotional sphere to a structured administrative procedure. The imperative here is normative: to demand a rigorous investigation into the procedural integrity of those final moments, transforming a legitimate sense of grievance into a sovereign and irrefutable legal action. CAF now finds itself before a mirror: to demand absolute discipline, it must first guarantee the infallibility of its officials. Such precedents must be handled with a rigor that leaves no room for arbitrariness, enshrining the excellence and normative alignment we expect. The 2025 final serves as a catalyst. Without a deep overhaul to codify "coordinated disobedience," technical compliance will remain a hostage to the balance of power on the pitch.

AFCON: The urgent need for a code of ethics to restore the spirit of African football 1167

Aziz Daouda, 5 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.8 min read.
The very recent Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, intended as a celebration of African football in all its diversity and fervor, has left a bitter taste, profound bitterness, immeasurable disappointment, immense pain, and injuries. *What a shame to reward a country that gave everything to celebrate Africa in this way. What a disgrace to incite crowds to commit physical aggressions and to may leave a family orphaned.* Beyond sporting performances, several behaviors observed throughout the competition have sparked incomprehension, indignation, and sometimes shame. Verbal outbursts, provocative attitudes, repeated questioning of refereeing, and irresponsible statements from those meant to embody the very values of sport have tarnished the image of the AFCON. In press conferences, organized by the CAF to glorify the sport, and outside them, some have uttered unbelievable remarks, born of their overactive imaginations and petty foolish calculations. The peak of these excesses was reached during the final, with the unworthy behavior of a coach, now widely relayed and commented on by media and social networks. Whatever tensions are inherent to a match of this level, nothing can justify attitudes contrary to the values of sport, respect, and fair play. This is not merely a matter of emotion or rivalry, but of responsibility toward a youth and a continent in the making. The AFCON in Morocco was not just any competition. It was a showcase for African football, watched by the entire world and followed by millions of young people seeking role models. Coaches, players, officials, and leaders are not mere actors: they are references, symbols, and ambassadors. Faced with this damaging reality, it is imperative for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to take a decisive step forward. Sporadic sanctions, often seen as late or inconsistent, are no longer enough. It is time to establish a binding, clear, and universal code of ethics that every AFCON participant must sign before the competition begins, starting from the qualifying rounds. A moral and legal commitment, a sine qua non condition for participation. Such a code would not aim to curb passion or freedom of expression, but to set clear boundaries between competition and excess, between legitimate contestation and public irresponsibility. The said AFCON Code of Ethics would rest on eight clear, precise, and binding pillars. **1. The fundamental principles of the code would be:** - Respect for football's values: fair play, integrity, dignity, and mutual respect - Respect for the image and reputation of African football - Individual and collective responsibility of every participant **2. Behavior on the field and in the technical area would be strictly regulated:** - Prohibition of any aggressive, provocative, or insulting behavior - Absolute respect for referees and officials, regardless of decisions - Prohibition of gestures, words, or attitudes inciting violence or hatred **3. Off-field behavior is part of the whole:** - Respect for opponents, supporters, media, and institutions - Prohibition of any form of discrimination: racial, national, religious, or otherwise - Exemplary behavior in public places, hotels, stadiums, and mixed zones **4. Communication and public statements must above all respect the rules:** - Obligation of restraint and responsibility in media declarations - Prohibition of questioning the integrity of refereeing without established proof, except before the relevant bodies and not through any other channel - Prohibition of inciting violence or hostile contestation through gesture or word **5. The responsibility of coaches and leaders is fundamental:** - Reinforced obligation of exemplarity due to their authority role - Direct responsibility for the behavior of the technical staff - Commitment to defuse tensions rather than fuel them **6. Social networks and digital communication are part of the game and the competition:** - Application of the code of ethics to social media posts - Personal responsibility for published or relayed messages - Prohibition of defamatory, hateful, or provocative statements **7. Sanctions must be exemplary and without complacency:** - Progressive and clearly defined sanctions: warning, fine, suspension, permanent exclusion - Immediate and transparent application of sanctions - Possibility of aggravated sanctions in case of recidivism or serious acts **8. Formal commitment is a prerequisite for participation in any competition:** - Mandatory signature of the code by all players, coaches, leaders, and officials in an individual document accompanying the lists of players and officials entered in African competitions - Signature of the code is a prerequisite for any AFCON accreditation - Mandatory written acknowledgment of sanctions in case of violation The purpose of the code is obviously to establish exemplarity to protect the future of African football and its competitions. Introducing a code of ethics into AFCON participation procedures is not an admission of weakness, but a sign of maturity. African football has reached a level of visibility and competitiveness thanks to this AFCON in Morocco. The level achieved demands high standards and guarantees. *We cannot tolerate an overheated individual causing an entire edifice to collapse and lives to be threatened, or even lost. Passion can no longer serve as an alibi for excess, victory can never justify the loss of values, and fervor cannot absolve excessive behavior.* The AFCON must remain a celebration, not a theater of excesses. By establishing a clear ethical framework, the CAF would send a strong message: African football must advance, structure itself, and respect itself. Football must unite rather than provoke hatred, hostility, repulsion, crises between nations, or even fuel diplomatic chill... Not to mention more.

Akhenouch's Departure from the RNI: Hasty Decision or Strategic Gambit? 1517

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
- Politics - Society -
2.6 min read.
But what really happened? Why such a lightning announcement? Why such a rushed exit by Si Aziz Akhenouch from the helm of the Rassemblement National des Indépendants (RNI), when everything seemed to be going his way? Since taking the reins in 2016, the RNI has experienced a meteoric rise. From a marginal party with just a few dozen MPs, it became the leading parliamentary force after the 2021 legislative elections, with 102 elected members. Even better, it leads the Executive, chairs the House of Representatives, and holds a central position in the institutional architecture. On all classic indicators of political power, Akhenouch is at the top. So, one question arises: why leave now? And above all, why rush an extraordinary congress on February 7, originally scheduled for March, for such a modest time gain? The explanation deserves more than speculation about shadowy forces or backstage plots. Let's stick to cold, rational political logic to unpack Si Akhenouch's bombshell decision, a leader who stands out in Morocco's political landscape. Whether you like him or not, Aziz Akhenouch embodies a bold, modern politics, almost "American-style": focused on performance, communication, and organizational efficiency rather than ideology. He anticipated Morocco's transformations and supported the modernization of infrastructure (high-speed rail, ports, airports). He delivered economic growth, with GDP up 3% in 2024 and even more impressive figures for 2025, despite inflation. He also weathered or triggered a major sociological shift in politics. Gone are the nostalgic independence-era parties, stuck in left/right or rural/urban divides. Akhenouch wooed a pragmatic, de-ideologized electorate—perhaps especially Generation Z, sensitive to tangible results like expanded social coverage (generalized AMO in 2023). People want achievements that make daily life easier, not incantatory speeches. But from victorious leader, Akhenouch has become the scapegoat. Power comes at a price. Since his appointment as head of government in 2021, he has crystallized all the anger and social unrest. For the contentious public, he symbolizes illicit enrichment, the blurring of business and politics, "predatory capitalism." This often comes out in catchy slogan chants that name him explicitly. Fuel over 15 DH per liter? His fault. Vegetables up 20%? Same. Post-Covid hospital saturations? He should have anticipated. Floods, why didn't he warn? Any rational analysis becomes inaudible. Yet far from retreating, he has multiplied "made in USA" mega-rallies across the country, affirming the RNI's vitality. The message: we'll win the next elections. The confidence is there. And then, splash! The recent signal from the Interior Ministry marks a decisive turning point. That's when everything flips. Electoral preparation falls under the Interior Ministry. Behind the scenes, proposals from the Akhenouch camp—on nominations or constituencies, were reportedly ignored or rejected. In Moroccan politics, such signals are never trivial. A master strategist and sharp as he is, Akhenouch sensed the wind shifting. From major asset, he risked becoming an electoral liability, a burdensome handicap. His person, more than his record (social reforms, EU-Morocco trade deals, ongoing projects), is now seen negatively, or as virtually unproductive for the future. What to do? Perhaps step aside to save the RNI. Rather than cling on and draw all the attacks, he chooses to withdraw early, "clear the ground," and give the party a less divisive face. Pure rationality. The wildcard remains the people. The current RNI is built on an opportunistic gathering of notables, often ex-PAM, with keen instincts and conditional loyalty. For them, Akhenouch was the key to power. His departure could trigger defections to other parties or even some quitting politics altogether. A return to PAM by certain figures isn't out of the question... The RNI could thus shrink back to its old size, back to square one, for a probable comeback later with new faces and perspectives. The triggered movement opens an equation with multiple variables. Without Akhenouch, the RNI loses its charismatic engine but gains flexibility. For the country, it's a chance for subtle rebalancing before 2026. Some parties could capitalize on social discontent, while others bet on unions and "tansiqiyates." A general reconfiguration looms, with risks of fragmentation. One thing is certain: politics will never be the same. 2026 will reveal a different Morocco that only the inner circle can imagine. The rest is mere speculation. Moroccans will decide. In the end, this departure is neither flight nor defeat, but a strategic choice based on power dynamics, institutional signals, and electoral psychology. It marks the end of a cycle and opens an era of uncertainty for the entire Moroccan partisan landscape. History remains to be written, for those who, between two matches, still follow politics. In any case, Si Akhenouch has just given a real lesson to all those leaders and imams who cling to their perches and refuse to step down... Once they've tasted the perks... Citizens won't have to wait long to learn who their next head of government will be, their next scapegoat.

CAN 2025: The Paradox of Origins and the Urgency to Save African Championships Through the CHAN 1523

Aziz Daouda, 7 d.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.7 min read.
Figures are sometimes more eloquent and edifying than speeches. The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN), unfolding under the banner of diversity and the diaspora, reveals a deeply worrying reality for the future of African football: **Africa now only partially nurtures its own flagship competition**. It imports it to a very large extent. According to a Foot Mercato study, France is the leading country of birth for players at CAN 2025, with 107 players born on its soil. A staggering figure, unmatched by any African country. Île-de-France alone provides 45 players, making it the most prolific region in the CAN—ahead of historic African football capitals like Abidjan, Bamako, Casablanca, or Dakar. This observation is far from anecdotal. It is structural, historical, and political. In reality, it represents a complete reversal of the course of history. For decades, the CAN was the showcase for African championships. Remember the one won by Morocco in 1976... Local competitions in Egypt, Cameroon, Ghana, Morocco, Tunisia, or Nigeria were the natural reservoirs for national teams. The CAN was an extension of domestic football, its pinnacle and international realization. Today, the course of history has reversed. It is no longer African championships that feed the CAN, but European training centers, European clubs, and European sports systems. Across all squads, 186 players were born in Europe—more than a quarter of participants. And this figure says nothing about the actual place of training, which is overwhelmingly European even for players born in Africa. With exceptions like Morocco's Mohammed VI Academy and Senegal's Génération Foot to a lesser extent. Thus, African championships are progressively relegated to the role of national entertainment leagues—very useful for sustaining local passion but disconnected from the continental top level. The African Champions League and the CAF Confederation Cup remain quite anecdotal. The diaspora is certainly an immeasurable wealth... but it can also signal a failure. It would be absurd to deny the human and cultural richness represented by the diaspora. CAN 2025 is a global crossroads of trajectories, memories, and multiple identities. Morocco's national team—a mix of players born and trained in the country and others born in various countries—perfectly illustrates this positive globalization of African football. But for some countries on the continent, this diversity masks a collective admission: Africa can no longer retain, train, and develop its talents on its own soil until their sporting maturity. Young players leave earlier and earlier. The best sometimes never even pass through an African championship. They arrive in the national team as "finished products," shaped elsewhere according to different economic and sporting logics. In this context, the CHAN becomes a strategic necessity, not a secondary competition at all. The African Nations Championship takes on a crucial dimension. Too often seen as a second-tier event, it is actually the last structuring bulwark for the survival and credibility of African championships. Today, the CHAN is: - the only continental competition that exclusively promotes players from local leagues; - the only space where African clubs gain visibility on a continental scale; - a concrete lever to slow the early exodus of talents; - a tool for positive pressure on states and federations to improve infrastructure, governance, and league competitiveness. Without the CHAN, African championships gradually disappear from the international—and even continental—radar. There is thus an imperative need to develop the CHAN to rebalance African football. Simply continuing to organize it is no longer enough. It must be strengthened, promoted, and fully integrated into the CAF's overall strategy for: - Better media exposure; - Better calendar alignment with local leagues; - Real financial incentives for clubs; - Clear articulation between CHAN, interclub competitions, and CAN. The CHAN must become what it should always have been: the foundation of African football, not its appendix. Countries that haven't understood this or hold a contrary view should come to their senses and step up. This concerns them and the continent as a whole in reclaiming control of our own football narrative. CAN 2025 tells a beautiful story of diasporas and shared roots. But it also tells a more worrying story: that of a continent applauding talents it no longer produces at home—or only partially. Faced with this reality, abandoning or marginalizing the CHAN would be a historic mistake. Strengthening it, on the contrary, is choosing sporting sovereignty, economic sustainability, and the dignity of African football. It's also the best way to secure a strong position as a major player in world football. The Kingdom of Morocco has perfectly integrated this. It is present at every CHAN edition and doesn't play the role of a mere bystander. On the contrary, it knows full well that this continental competition, like youth categories, is the true springboard and a solid platform for harmonious and sustainable development. Without strong championships, there is no strong football. Without the CHAN, there will soon be no more African football... only football of African origin.

The Mental Exercise of a Genius and His Imaginary Journey Through Space 1605

Julius Melien, 8 d.
- Society - Philosophy - Realist -
1.6 min read.
Greetings, inhabitants of the surface. This is Genius, speaking directly from my ship orbiting our planet. I chose to come up here because, far from the noise, the confusion, and the turbulence of the planet’s periphery, I think better. I have a bit of peace to meditate on my ideas, on what I have gathered and continue to gather throughout my life, which today I can say has not been a small one. “The message is greater than the messenger.” Have any of you ever heard this phrase? I have heard it a few times, but I remember that the first time I heard it, it was kind of loose, without much context. I didn’t pay much attention to it, yet it stayed engraved in my mind. Then I remembered my teenage years, when we always go through that phase of rebellion without a cause, when we are constantly ready to react to anything with a certain aggressiveness and a foolish arrogance, one of those attitudes that, now deeply immersed in adulthood, makes us feel that kind of shame which, just by remembering it, makes us want to hide, even though no one, absolutely no one, knows what you have just thought. Yet it feels as if everyone around you has heard your thoughts. But well, returning to the phrase in question: I understood its meaning when, one day, I observed a person, what I would call a “late adolescent,” one of those who have already reached adulthood but firmly refuse to leave adolescence behind, criticizing someone who was conveying a positive message, a truly beneficial one, bringing nothing but gains. This “late adolescent” immediately said: “He says all these things, but if you look closely, ‘behind the scenes’ he must do everything wrong, must have a rotten life, and so on…” I stopped and thought: yes, it is quite possible that this is true. It may be that this person is a hypocrite, but I am not certain. However, even if he is, it is not the hidden rot that he is transmitting in the message. No, not at all. And if he truly is a hypocrite, the bill will come due for him, not for those who received the message and genuinely took it as an example and a model to follow. And if those who received the message follow what is contained in it, we can say that the mission has been accomplished. Therefore, gentlemen “late adolescents,” let go of this senseless rebellion, this resentment over something that was not done to you, and pay attention to the message, not the messenger. Or admit that, deep down, you wish to live the very rot you use to attack the supposed hypocrite who is delivering a valuable message. That is all, inhabitants of the surface. I will now take a trip around the Moon, but upon my return to our planet’s orbit, I will bring another thought. Stay strong and have faith.

February, Forty-Five Years Later: The Inevitable End of the Mullahs... 2409

Aziz Daouda, 13 d.
Forty-five years ago, in February 1979, Iran tipped into what was presented to the world as a "revolution." Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini seized power on behalf of a people exhausted by the authoritarianism of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, only to drag the country into a political, moral, and civilizational abyss from which it has never recovered. Yet this shift did not emerge from nowhere: it fit into a tormented trajectory marked by two exiles of the shah, the first in 1953, temporarily ousted by Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, and the second in January 1979, definitive and humiliating. **To understand this tipping point, we must go back to the Mossadegh period (1951-1953), a foundational episode often obscured by post-revolutionary propaganda.** Democratically elected, Mohammad Mossadegh nationalized the oil industry right under British Petroleum's nose, embodying the aspiration for economic sovereignty against Western imperialism. He sought a secular and independent Iran, multiplying social reforms and curbing British influence. This boldness triggered a chain reaction: a coup orchestrated in August 1953 by the CIA (Operation Ajax) and MI6 restored the shah to the throne, exiled Mossadegh, and ushered in an era of repression under SAVAK, the secret police. This traumatic event planted the seeds of anti-Western resentment that Khomeini would later exploit, while legitimizing for many the image of a shah as a puppet of foreign powers. *Back in power, the shah launched his "White Revolution" in 1963: a vast agrarian modernization, women's emancipation (including the right to vote), accelerated industrialization, and secular education. Iran became a prosperous oil state, a U.S. ally, with dazzling economic growth—up to 12% annually in the 1970s.* But this masked gaping flaws: endemic corruption, growing inequalities, repression of opponents (especially Shiite clergy, communists, and nationalists), and a Westernization seen as cultural betrayal. The 1978 protests, bloodily repressed in Qom and Tabriz, culminated in the shah's second exile on January 16, 1979, as he fled to Morocco and then the United States, where he died in exile a year later. Khomeini returned triumphantly from Paris on February 1, capitalizing on this vacuum and promising social justice where the shah had failed. Today, Iran is breathless. The mullahs' regime is underground, besieged by its own people. The revolt rumbles on deep, enduring, irreversible. In this ideologico-theocratic system, the regime's response is singular, mechanical, Pavlovian: accuse the people of treason. Treason to what? To a regime that has hijacked the state, stifled society, and shattered the future? *Iranians demand neither the impossible nor utopia. They seek dignity, a decent life, the freedom to breathe. Women want to exist without surveillance, humiliation, or violence. The young want to live, love, create, work, hope. They are fed up with the Revolutionary Guards *the Pasdarans* this ideological militia turned state within a state, economy within an economy, controlling 60% of GDP.* Faced with this popular anger, the mullahs' discourse is frozen in another age: everything is the fault of the USA, Israel, external plots. A victimhood rhetoric, worn to the thread by turbaned figures steeped in certainties from another century. The regime has always needed confrontation to survive. It allows them to pose as victims, artificially rally supporters, and justify internal repression. Instead of listening to the streets, those in power seek regional escalation, convinced an external enemy will erase the internal one. **Since its birth, the Islamic Republic has sought to export its ideology through proxies: in Lebanon, Hezbollah; in Syria, support for Assad; in Iraq, Shiite militias; in Yemen, the Houthis; and elsewhere. Everywhere, the result is the same: desolation, social fragmentation, destruction of states and societies. Lebanon would not be a shadow of itself without this interference. Syria would probably not be this field of ruins without Tehran's ideological obsession.** History's tragic irony: this supposedly "anti-imperialist" project has chiefly fed the world's largest arms market. The region, to protect itself from this doctrine emerging from history's underbelly, has armed and militarized itself. The war with Iraq, lasting over a decade from 1980 and costing a million lives, temporarily bolstered the Iranian regime by uniting the nation against the Sunni invader, while radicalizing Saddam. Feeling untouchable after battling Iran on behalf of the region and, he thought the world, Saddam then invaded Kuwait in 1990, sealing his doom. None of this would have happened without the existence of this radical theocratic regime, whose sole legitimacy rests on permanent confrontation. Iran is no ordinary state. It is a millennial civilization, one of humanity's most fertile. It has given the world major contributions in mathematics, philosophy, medicine, poetry, art, and foundational narratives. From Khayyam to Al-Kindi, Avicenna to Al-Farabi or Suhrawardi, the Persian heritage belongs to all humanity. And yet, for forty-five years, this civilization has been held hostage by a power that denies, despises, and distorts it. A power that confuses faith with domination, spirituality with coercion, inverting the shah's modernist dreams and Mossadegh's sovereignist ideals. Today, the regime still holds. It battles the streets, pitting weapons against bare hands, oppression against a society that fears no more. The death toll rises. The Supreme Leader's threats still echo, but they no longer make anyone tremble. The young do not flinch. They are there and will remain. History is cruel to such regimes. The Bolsheviks fell. The Chavistas are collapsing. The mullahs will follow. It is only a matter of time. *Ibn Khaldun understood it before all others: no power can survive eternally through pressure and oppression. Domination carries the seeds of its own end within it. When 'asabiyya (social cohesion) dissolves, the regime falls—as with the shah and the ousted Mossadegh, soon the mullahs.* February approaches. The historical loop may be closing. The world watches. Free peoples hope and pray that the Iranian people will finally be delivered from its false guardians of peace, and that Iran will reclaim its natural place: that of a living, serene nation contributing to civilization, not a prisoner of its gravediggers.

AFCON 2025: The Return of a Forgotten African Memory... Lumumba from the Stands: The Symbolic Star... 2573

Aziz Daouda, 14 d.
- History - Society - Sports -
2.6 min read.
Regardless of the outcome of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, whoever the winner, top scorer, goalkeeper, or best player may be, one certainty stands out: the true symbolic star of this competition is Congolese. Not due to exceptional football talent, but through a powerful historical and political reminder: the reincarnation, through gesture and attitude, of Patrice Émery Lumumba. In a tournament dominated by statistics, trophies, and records, one event emerged, upending conventional narratives. It was neither a decisive goal nor a spectacular save, but a symbolic act linking contemporary African football to a tragic page in the continent's history. At the heart of this scene: Michel Kuka Mboladinga, a supporter of the DR Congo, nicknamed "Lumumba" in the stands of Moulay El Hassan Stadium. Dressed meticulously, with a studied hairstyle and glasses, he followed his country's matches standing, motionless, right hand raised toward the sky, gaze fixed ahead, a near-statuary silhouette. This silent ritual, repeated match after match, transcended the folklore of the stands to embody dignity, steadfastness, and resistance. Even the CAF acknowledged it: its president met with Michel Kuka, affirming the reach of this "Lumumba" from the stands. At first, few understood, including some sports commentators. Some called it an original celebration, others a provocation or viral eccentricity. This misunderstanding reveals a deeper reality: for today's youth, 20th-century political memory fades behind the media flood. Patrice Lumumba, absent from the collective imagination, survives among historians and militants; for many, his name remains abstract. Assassinated on January 17, 1961, after serving as the first Prime Minister of independent Congo (June 30, 1960), Lumumba embodies the anti-colonial struggle. His disappearance, amid the Cold War and covetousness over Congolese riches, robbed Africa of a sovereign voice. On January 17, 1961, he was arrested; his mutilated body dissolved to erase even his physical trace. Marginalized since by dominant narratives and rewritten textbooks, he in fact terrified Westerners and other colonial powers, fearing his intransigence. The speech he delivered before the King of the Belgians sealed his death warrant. Recalling Lumumba at AFCON 2025 in Morocco takes on particular significance. In August 1960, shortly after Congolese independence, he visited as Prime Minister, saluting the Kingdom and its support for African independences under the late Mohammed V. Morocco at the time hosted African liberation movements and advocated, alongside committed partners, for continental unity against interferences and for genuine sovereignty. By embodying Lumumba, Michel Kuka transformed football into a space of memory and transmission. The stadium became an agora: an upright body, assumed silence, a raised hand resurrected history. This gesture delivers a brutal reminder: Africa has its martyrs, thinkers, and unfinished leaders. Sometimes, a single supporter suffices to revive a buried memory. In this context, the gesture of Algerian player Mohammed Amoura deserves mention, alas. During a celebration after his team's qualification for the quarter-finals, he mimicked Kuka's posture then collapsed in a mocking and inappropriate gesture, sparking criticism and more on social media. Ridiculing Lumumba, even out of ignorance, offends his memory and the ideal of an unsubmissive Africa. Baseness reaches its peak, moral poverty its paroxysm. The continent is today scandalized. This betrays a glaring educational void: sport here, alas through this ignoble act, tolerates frivolity where it should uphold minimal historical awareness and values of respect. A footballer must have at least basic education or refrain from gesturing when he doesn't grasp the codes or embody the values of sport and fair play. The height of it is that on nearly all Algerian channels, this poor footballer's attitude is glorified and reported with tasteless jeers and mockery. The true incarnation of media from another world. We cannot demand that African football found unity, be educational and elevate people, while allowing the symbols of African emancipation to be mocked. This schizophrenia manifestly reveals, images in evidence, the cultural and civic collapse of an entire people. Gutter press cannot elevate a people; on the contrary, it sinks it into pettiness, mediocrity, and accelerates its downfall. The footballer apologized under pressure, but that will not suffice. The damage is done. AFCON 2025 in the Kingdom of Morocco will likely be etched in memory for its quality and sporting feats. But thanks to a lucid Congolese supporter and a respectful, educated Moroccan public, it offers a lesson in memory: Lumumba bursts into the present, reminding us that we cannot project forward without owning our past. In a post-1961 continent, this gesture was vital. Heroes die only if we stop embodying them, in stadiums as elsewhere. On Moroccan soil where Lumumba in 1960 championed a free Africa, his shadow is reborn, borne by a supporter. Packed stadium, cameras trained, millions of eyes: his memory still guides consciences.

The Institutionalization of Parallel Diplomacy: A Case for Structural Reorientation 4186

Imad Khater, 23 d.
- World Politics - Society -
1.4 min read.
The Kingdom’s recent diplomatic milestones are far from a static endpoint; they represent the catalyst for a new, almost cellular, momentum in foreign policy. This shifting landscape—further validated by the latest UN Security Council resolution which underscores the primacy of the Moroccan Autonomy Initiative—demands an immediate reassessment of our diplomatic doctrine. We must transition from a posture of "asset management" to one of proactive orchestration, ensuring that multilateral achievements are cemented into an indisputable and permanent political reality. I. Overcoming Institutional Fragmentation: The National Assizes as a Strategic Nexus A fundamental hurdle in our external outreach remains the rationalization of our influence vectors. Historically, the Moroccan voice abroad has occasionally been diluted by a lack of systemic cohesion—patriotic efforts that, unfortunately, operate in isolation. This is where the long-standing advocacy of the Moroccan Center for Parallel Diplomacy and Dialogue of Civilizations takes on its full strategic weight. The call for National Assizes is not a reactionary measure but a vision rooted in long-term strategy. These Assizes are intended to be more than a consultative gathering; they must serve as the foundational act of a "total diplomacy," where the state apparatus and civil society—parliamentarians, scholars, and NGOs—work as an integrated network. This synergy is the only way to saturate the global political discourse with a clarity that meets contemporary UN standards. II. The "Scientization" of Advocacy: Intellectual Rearmament For parallel diplomacy to gain true international gravitas, it must decouple from purely emotional rhetoric and ground itself in a rigorous, conceptual framework. Advocacy in the 21st century, especially within the UN ecosystem, requires a near-surgical precision: Academic Engineering: We must empower experts to produce high-level intellectual capital capable of dismantling adversarial narratives within the world’s most influential think tanks. A Unified Strategic Voice: The objective is to harness diverse voices into a singular, potent diplomatic instrument. Every stakeholder must act as a precise gear in a technically unassailable argument. The Sovereign Directive: Every engagement, no matter how informal, must align with the definitive recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over its Sahara, upholding both the letter and the profound spirit of the Security Council’s mandates. III. Outlook: Embedding a Culture of Performance The current geopolitical alignment offers a unique strategic window. By institutionalizing this diplomatic model, Morocco is doing more than just reacting to global shifts; it is pioneering a sustainable architecture of influence. Ultimately, the mission is to empower every opinion leader as an "architect of influence," carrying the vision of His Majesty the King with the intellectual authority required to align international legal norms with the undeniable facts on the ground.

Moroccans and Algerians: brothers in history probably, political enemies certainly. 5290

Aziz Daouda, 28 d.
The question of whether Moroccans and Algerians are brothers recurs recurrently, often laden with emotion, rarely addressed with the historical depth and political lucidity it deserves. The slogan conceals a complex reality, marked by anthropological and civilizational unity, but also by successive ruptures, some ancient, others more recent, largely imposed by external dominations and then by post-independence political choices. At the origin, human and civilizational unity is undeniable. On historical, anthropological, and cultural levels, there is little doubt that North Africa long constituted **a single continuous human space**. The great Berber confederations: Sanhaja, Zenata, Masmouda; Islamic contributions; networks of religious brotherhoods; trade routes; and Moroccan dynasties Almoravid, Almohad, Marinid, Saadian structured an **organic Maghreb**, without rigid borders. Belongings were tribal, religious, spiritual, or dynastic. The circulation of people, ideas, and elites was constant. **Moroccans and Algerians clearly shared the same civilizational foundation**. Then came the Ottoman parenthesis and a first structural divergence. From the 16th century onward, a **major differentiation** emerged between the western shores of the Maghreb. While Morocco remained a sovereign state, structured around a rooted Sharifian monarchy, Algeria fell under **Ottoman domination**, integrated as a peripheral regency of the Empire, a domination that lasted nearly three centuries and was far from neutral. It introduced: * an **exogenous power**, military and urban, detached from the interior tribal world; * a hierarchical system dominated by a politico-military caste: Janissaries, deys, beys, often of non-local origin; * a social organization marked by a clear separation between rulers and ruled, without true political integration of the populations. This Ottoman model, more based on coercion than allegiance, contrasted deeply with the Moroccan model, where central power rested on **bay‘a**, religious legitimacy, and indigenous dynastic continuity. Without “denaturing” the populations in the biological sense, this long Ottoman period **altered relationships to the state, authority, and sovereignty**, and gradually distanced, on cultural and political levels, the societies of western Algeria from those of Morocco. Then came French colonization and institutionalized separation. French colonization of Algeria (1830–1962) introduced an even deeper rupture. Paris methodically worked to **tear Algeria from its natural Maghrebi environment**, transforming it into a settler colony, then into French departments. Borders were unilaterally redrawn to Morocco's detriment, and an Algerian identity was progressively constructed **in opposition to its western neighbor**, portrayed as archaic. This is a direct legacy of French colonial software. Yet, despite this separation enterprise, fraternity between the peoples endured. Morocco hosted, supported, and armed FLN fighters; thousands of Moroccans participated in the liberation war; the late HM Mohammed V committed the kingdom's prestige and resources to Algerian independence. At that precise moment, fraternity was neither a myth nor rhetoric: it was **a concrete historical fact**. At Algerian independence, an unexpected political rupture was embraced. Paradoxically, it was **after 1962**, once Algeria was independent, that the fracture became enduring. The power emerging from the Army of the Frontiers reneged on agreements concluded with the GPRA regarding colonial-inherited borders. The **1963 Sand War**, launched against a weakened but previously supportive Morocco, became a founding trauma. From then on, hostility became structural: * Direct support for Moroccan opponents and putschists; * Political, diplomatic, military, and financial backing for Polisario separatists; * Relentless media campaigns against Morocco and its monarchy; * Repeated interferences in Morocco's sovereign choices, including its international alliances, notably with Israel; * Heavy accusations, often raised in Algerian public debate; * Destabilization operations, including the 1994 Asni Hotel attack in Marrakech; * Instrumentalization of Algerian school education, where Morocco is portrayed as a “colonialist” state; * Brutal deportation of 45,000 Moroccans from Algeria; * Sabotage of rapprochement attempts, including under President Mohamed Boudiaf, whose assassination, while he was initiating dialogue with Rabat, remains shrouded in shadows. More recently, the case of **Boualem Sansal**, imprisoned for expressing historically inconvenient truths challenging the official narrative, illustrates the Algerian regime's inability to accept a free and serene reading of Maghrebi history. Thus, two irreconcilable national trajectories. To this political hostility is added a profound divergence in national trajectories. Morocco, not without criticisms, has pursued gradual transformation: institutional reforms, pluralism, major infrastructure projects, African integration, economic and diplomatic diversification. In contrast, Algeria remains trapped in a **militaro-security system inherited from both Ottoman logic and the liberation war**, centralized, distrustful of society, dependent on energy rents, and structurally hostile to any regional success perceived as competitive. This asymmetry fuels frustration and resentment, where Morocco becomes a **useful ideological adversary, the classic enemy**. So, brothers or not? The answer is nuanced, but unambiguous. **Moroccans and Algerians are brothers through long history, deep culture, geography, and human ties.** They were for centuries, before Ottoman domination, before French colonization, and perhaps remain so at the level of the peoples. But **they no longer are at the level of the states**, due to a deliberate political choice by the Algerian regime since independence: to build its legitimacy on external hostility, particularly toward Morocco. Fraternity has not disappeared; it has been **progressively altered, then confiscated** by imperial, colonial, and postcolonial history. It persists in popular memory, in separated families, in the painful silence of closed borders. History, unbiased by passion or ideology, delivers the verdict—and the 35th CAN contributes to it: **the peoples are brothers; the Algerian regime has decided otherwise**.

Moulay El Hassan's Style: Elegance, Humility, and Sovereignty of Gesture... 5613

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
2.9 min read.
Sometimes, a moment transcends the event that made it possible. The opening ceremony of the 35th edition of the Africa Cup of Nations, hosted in Morocco, will undoubtedly remain in memories not only for its technology, beauty, thematic relevance, and unprecedented quality in Africa; not for its sporting and diplomatic importance, but above all for the silent, almost choreographed performance of Crown Prince **Moulay El Hassan**. Under pouring rain, in a packed stadium and under the crossed gazes of Moroccan and international audiences, the Prince surprised the uninitiated. Not through ostentation, but through sobriety. Not through distance, but through proximity. That evening, Morocco offered Africa and the world far more than a football tournament: a lesson in style, behavior, and hospitality through the elegance of gesture and nobility of demeanor. Without an umbrella, advancing calmly onto the soaked pitch of the **Stade Moulay Abdellah**, Crown Prince stops, warmly greets a charmed, enthusiastic, fervent crowd, and heads toward the referees and players with disarming naturalness. The images speak for themselves: smiles, simple exchanges, a friendly and deeply human tone. No heavy protocol, no rigidity. Just the evident poise of a man at ease in his mission, with presence and class. When he asks the referee which side to kick the ball from for the symbolic kick-off, the gesture becomes almost metaphorical. That of a throne heir who knows that true authority need not be imposed, but is exercised through respect, affection, and listening. The ball is struck with elegance, without emphasis. The message, however, is crystal clear. Joy is evident. Morocco is host and common home to an entire continent in the making. The Prince proves it. As a true Moroccan, Crown Prince masters this ancestral art: that of receiving and putting guests at ease. The nations present at the CAN are Morocco's guests. And, at a deeper level still, they are the guests of all Moroccans, led by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, as the president of FIFA **Gianni Infantino** and that of the CAF **Patrice Motsepe**, South African as a reminder, delight in repeating. By presiding over this ceremony and representing his august father, Prince Moulay El Hassan embodied not only institutional continuity. He embodied a culture: that of a Kingdom where hospitality is a cardinal value, and where sovereignty is also expressed through courtesy. Seated in the Royal Box alongside the President of the Comoros, **Gianni Infantino**, **Patrice Motsepe**, and the president of the FRMF **Fouzi Lekjaa**, the Prince followed the match with visible attention, reacting to key moments like any football enthusiast, expressing sincere joy and shared emotion. When **Ayoub El Kaabi** scores his splendid acrobatic overhead kick in the 74th minute, the Prince's joy is spontaneous, sincere, almost contagious. It is not a calculated joy, but that of a young man proud of his team, his country, and the historic moment the Kingdom and Africa are experiencing. At that very instant, he turns and respectfully greets his guest: the President of the Comoros. Relations and cooperation with these sister islands, though distant, are special. Nearly all the high officials of this brother nation, including the president himself, were trained in Morocco's great schools and universities. This ability of His Royal Highness to shift seamlessly from protocol to emotion may be one of the most striking traits of this performance. It humanizes the role without ever weakening it. It recalls the royal solicitude at Marrakech hospital: His Majesty leaning over a hospital bed and embracing a Sub-Saharan injured man who thanks him wholeheartedly and seems to have forgotten his misfortune. There, in Rabat, on this evening of December 21, the rain is a symbol: between gratitude and destiny. That evening held another dimension, subtler, almost spiritual. After seven consecutive years of drought, this abundant rain falling on Rabat at that precise moment took on particular resonance. The princely gesture, performed without protection amid a downpour, appeared to many as a form of silent gratitude, a thanks to divine mercy. Long live the abundant rain and snows on the peaks of the Atlas. In a monarchy where the long term, symbolism, and the sacred matter as much as the media instant, this image has marked minds. It reminded that power in Morocco is rooted in historical and spiritual continuity, that of the world's oldest reigning dynasty. That of the Commander of the Faithful. Did not the late Hassan II thank God, traversing Khemisset standing with arms raised, through a long-awaited downpour? The Prince is an exceptional man in the making: brilliant student, insightful doctoral candidate, resolute Moroccan, convinced Muslim, determined African, erudite humanist. The final victory of the Atlas Lions (2-0) merely capped off an evening already rich in meaning. But beyond the score, it is Crown Prince's behavior that will remain one of the highlights of this CAN opening. Through his humility, elegance, and mastery of codes, **Moulay El Hassan** showed that he is not merely a blood royal heir, but an heir to enduring values. And that may be where the respect, love, and admiration of the Moroccan public, and the surprise of the international one—lie: in having seen, under the rain, the portrait of a future great leader who understands that greatness often begins with the simplicity of the gesture.

2030 World Cup: Toward a Framework Law for Sports Events in Morocco—The Art of Transforming the Exceptional into a Lasting Legacy 5660

Imad Khater, 1 mon.
The awarding of the 2030 World Cup to the Morocco-Spain-Portugal triumvirate must no longer be seen as a mere celebration of global football, but as a convergence of shared sovereignties. For the first time, history is doing more than just bridging two shores; it is mandating the construction of an integrated legal and economic space that defies the traditional boundaries of event organization. This project transcends fleeting logistical cooperation; it demands the birth of a true Laboratory for Institutional Modernity. Beyond the colossal investment exceeding 50 billion dirhams, the fundamental challenge lies in the Kingdom's ability to erect an exceptional normative framework. The goal is no longer simply to host, but to anticipate: how can the imperative of convergence be transformed into a lasting legislative legacy? Caught between the structural influence of international standards and the need for a strong Euro-African anchor, Morocco stands before a "fertile wall": the invention of "event law" which—much like the shifts seen for the Paris 2024 Olympics—will make 2030 the foundation of a new global development model. I. The Framework Law: Moving Beyond Management Toward Accelerated Execution The announcement of this tripartite bid has elevated the need for harmonized coordination in logistics, economics, and security to a strategic imperative. The current framework, dominated by Law 30-09, cannot alone bear the weight of an event expected to welcome over 1.5 million supporters. The French Mirror: For the Paris 2024 Olympics, France adopted exceptional legislation as early as 2018 to reduce administrative appeal periods for Olympic construction sites by 25%. The Convergence Imperative: The World Cup deadline acts as a powerful lever, forcing the acceleration of regulatory and customs convergence between the three capitals. Special Legal Status: The Kingdom must establish a "derogatory regime" for its strategic construction zones, transforming administrative constraints into operational fluidity. II. The "Legacy" Doctrine: Legal Engineering Against "White Elephants" The overall efficiency of the operation—from the pre-event phase to the post-event legacy—rests entirely on the solidity of this triangular commitment. Mutualization and Interoperability: Trilateral agreements directly influence planning: it is no longer about building isolated infrastructure, but integrated networks (ports, air, and rail links) designed for seamless interoperability. The SOLIDEO Model: Following the French structural model, Morocco must ensure that infrastructure transformation is driven by normative alignment to guarantee future social utility. Optimizing Returns: Harmonizing tourism offerings and incentive-based tax regimes for investors is crucial to maximizing shared economic benefits. III. Sovereignty and Cybersecurity: The New Digital Battlefield An event of this magnitude, managed by three sovereign states, creates coordination challenges that require top-tier diplomatic and technical management. Unified Security Space: Creating a unified security space requires real-time information sharing and seamless law enforcement coordination between the three nations. The Transcontinental Mobility Challenge: Moving supporters between Europe and Africa must be fluid, reliable, and eco-friendly, requiring massive investment in airport capacity. Sovereignty and Image: The challenge is to present an ideal model of intercultural coexistence while shielding critical systems against rising cyber threats. Conclusion: Toward a New Standard of Power The 2030 World Cup is not merely the sum of three national organizations; it is a project of strategic co-development. By anchoring this exceptional event in legal sustainability, Morocco has the opportunity to transform this bid into a historic precedent for successful integration between two continents.

The Moroccan Paradox: Between Tangible Progress and Social Disenchantment... 5699

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
2.8 min read.
Macroeconomic and social indicators paint the picture of a Morocco in profound transformation. Today's Morocco bears little resemblance to that of the early post-independence decades. Life expectancy, which stagnated around half a century in the 1960s, now exceeds three-quarters of a century. Policies on electrification, drinking water access, schooling, and healthcare coverage have yielded visible results, even if pockets of fragility persist. The country has gained nearly thirty years of life expectancy and significantly reduced poverty. Consumption patterns have diversified, domestic tourism has grown, and leisure practices have spread. Social behaviors are gradually aligning with those seen in upper-middle-income countries, if not beyond. Yet, this overall positive situation coexists with a diffuse sense of malaise. Pessimism persists, coupled with growing distrust of political institutions, manifesting as civic disenchantment. How to explain this gap between measurable, tangible progress and a collective sentiment sometimes marked by self-deprecation? Economically, despite exogenous shocks, pandemic, repeated droughts, geopolitical tensions, imported inflation, the trajectory remains broadly upward. The boom in infrastructure, development of export industries (automotive, aeronautics, phosphate and derivatives), the rise of services, and progressive integration into global value chains are regularly praised by international institutions, which are unanimous on the country's resilience and advances in human development. Urban planning and beautification are simply stunning. By the data alone, life is indisputably "better" in Morocco today than twenty, thirty, or fifty years ago. Yet, this objective improvement does not mechanically translate into a sense of well-being. Well-being is never measured in absolute terms. It is built through comparison: with yesterday, with others, with what one perceives as possible or legitimate. As society progresses, expectations rise, diversify, and become more demanding. Citizens no longer settle for access to basic services; they aspire to quality, recognition, and dignity. The widespread access to information and social networks has amplified this hall of mirrors. Western living standards, globalized consumption patterns, and lifestyles of local or international elites are constantly on display. The frame of reference no longer stops at the neighboring village or previous generation but extends to far wealthier societies or privileged minorities. This imagined gap between what is and what is seen, sometimes fantasized, fuels frustration that can coexist with real improvements in material conditions. Thus, the sense of downward mobility reflects less an objective regression than a mismatch between rapidly expanding aspirations and economic, social, and institutional responses progressing at a pace deemed insufficient. Progress does not mask persistent fractures. Gaps between urban and rural worlds, coastal regions and hinterlands, socioeconomic categories are narrowing but remain stark in perception and feeling. The middle class feels it is navigating a zone of uncertainty. It enjoys a higher standard of living than the previous generation but feels vulnerable. Even with positive macroeconomic indicators, many households' difficulty in projecting serenely into the medium term—planning projects, anticipating social mobility, securing retirement—feeds a diffuse anxiety. Uncertainty, more than poverty in the strict sense, becomes a central factor in the malaise. This unease extends beyond the economic or social sphere. It finds a powerful amplifier in the crisis of trust toward political actors. Opinion polls show growing distrust of parties, elected officials, and mediating institutions. Achievements are not sufficiently explained or embodied by credible leaders, and many citizens feel inequity, pinning their sentiment on politics. Politics is often seen as a closed space, dominated by careerism and clientelism. Expectations in electoral alternations are regularly disappointed, leading to frustration spilling over the entire political field. Politicians become symbolic receptacles for a malaise that far exceeds their actual actions. This phenomenon is reinforced by the temporality of public policies. Many reforms, educational, social, territorial, produce long-term effects, while citizens demand quick, tangible results in daily life. Lacking pedagogy, transparency, and collective narrative, public policies remain abstract, their benefits invisible or attributed to other factors. Moroccan pessimism does not necessarily take the form of radical contestation. It often manifests as "gentle nihilism": electoral abstention, associational disengagement, retreat into the private sphere, rise of irony and cynicism in public debate, self-deprecating discourse about the country itself. This climate erodes confidence in the collective capacity to transform reality. This nihilism is ambivalent. It coexists with strong aspirations for individual success and international recognition of the country. It does not signal rejection of progress but doubt about the system's ability to offer prospects to all, not just the usual beneficiaries. The challenge for Morocco thus goes beyond the economic or social dimension. It is also symbolic and political. How to ensure tangible progress translates into a shared sense of collective advancement? How to reconnect individual trajectories with a clear, credible vision of the future? Without a shared narrative, even positive figures struggle to convince. The Moroccan paradox is not that of a stagnant country but of a society in motion, traversed by constant tension between real progress and hopes. It is in the ability to transform this tension into reform energy that the future largely lies. The CAN, with circulating videos conveying foreign satisfaction and astonishment at Morocco's progress, could be the hoped-for turning point. Life is good in Morocco.

Law 30-09: A “Tree with Bitter Fruits” Hindering the Development of Moroccan Sports 6105

Imad Khater, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.5 min read.
While Morocco’s recent performances on the international stage—particularly in football—demonstrate its growing dynamism, the legal framework governing the sports sector seems unable to keep pace with this evolution. Conceived in the wake of the 2008 Royal Letter and enacted in 2010, Law No. 30-09, which was meant to modernize the national sports system, now reveals—fifteen years after its delayed implementation—serious limitations. Marked by internal inconsistencies, deficient enforcement, and pervasive state interference, the law ultimately undermines its original purpose: to professionalize Moroccan sport and align it with international standards. I. Excessive Requirements and Forgotten Sanctions Born from a clear political will to reform Moroccan sport and provide it with a modern legal framework, Law 30-09 has quickly become a rigid and impractical instrument. One of its most emblematic—and controversial—provisions is the obligation imposed on certain sports associations to establish sports corporations (Sociétés Anonymes). While the intent was to ensure sound governance, fiscal transparency, and executive accountability, practice has revealed the limits of this approach. •⁠ ⁠A disproportionate constraint. Most associations lack the financial and organizational capacity to comply with such structural obligations. •⁠ ⁠A flawed and inapplicable framework. The law establishes three non-cumulative conditions triggering the obligation to form a sports company. Only the first has been clarified by regulation, while the other two—relating to turnover and payroll—were never defined by governmental decree. As a result, the rule remains largely inoperative, especially since the penalties for non-compliance are systematically ignored. •⁠ ⁠An unfinished reform. Even among the few clubs that have complied, the parent association still holds the majority of the share capital. This structural lock prevents the opening of capital to private investors, thus maintaining dependency on the old associative model rather than promoting professionalization. II. The Persistent Shadow of the State: An Interference Contrary to Autonomy Principles By its very nature, sport is a sphere of autonomy, an ethos enshrined in the Moroccan Constitution and in the regulations of international organizations such as FIFA. Yet Law 30-09 establishes the supervising ministry as the true guardian of the sector, concentrating significant and often excessive powers: •⁠ ⁠An extensive right of scrutiny. The ministry approves statutes, grants accreditation, and confers authorization to national federations. •⁠ ⁠A pronounced power of interference. The administration may impose standard contracts and, more seriously, revoke authorization or dissolve a federation in the event of a “serious violation.” Such prerogatives contradict the spirit of the Constitution, which reserves this power to the judiciary. •⁠ ⁠Institutional omnipresence. A state representative must sit within the governing bodies of both the national federations and the Moroccan National Olympic Committee (CNOM), reinforcing state oversight at the expense of autonomy. This predominant executive control contradicts the principles of independence that underpin both national constitutional law and the global sports governance model. III. The Ambiguous Status of Athletes: The Law’s Major Omission Beyond institutional deficiencies, Law 30-09 exposes a serious legal vacuum regarding the status of athletes. The professional athlete’s contract is treated as an ordinary employment contract—an assimilation that raises significant difficulties. •⁠ ⁠The legislator had to create several exceptions to the Labour Code (five-year fixed-term contracts, exclusivity clauses, conditions for unilateral termination), resulting in an incoherent hybrid regime. •⁠ ⁠Although classified as “employees,” professional athletes do not enjoy the social protection and retirement benefits normally afforded to workers. •⁠ ⁠As for amateur athletes, their status remains completely unaddressed by the law. The provisions aimed at supporting athlete training and post-career reconversion are equally deficient. They are neither mandatory nor widely implemented, few training centers exist, and many athletes lack the educational background needed to benefit from such programs. IV. The Need for a Moroccan Sports Code Faced with these structural weaknesses, a piecemeal revision of the law is no longer adequate. The codification of sports law—through the adoption of a comprehensive Moroccan Sports Code—is now an imperative step toward supporting the country’s international ambition. Drawing inspiration from the French model, such a reform would serve several key purposes: 1.⁠ ⁠Clarifying and consolidating the dispersed legal texts, regulations, and case law to facilitate specialization among legal practitioners. 2.⁠ ⁠Correcting inconsistencies by redefining the jurisdictional competences of the State and creating a sui generis legal status for professional and amateur athletes. 3.⁠ ⁠Modernizing the legal framework by integrating fiscal and social regimes specific to sports entities and individuals. Despite its initial promise of modernization, Law 30-09 has become a “tree with bitter fruits.” Instead of fostering professionalism, it has constrained the sector and amplified its institutional fragility. Only a complete codification—reflecting Morocco’s socio-economic realities and the principles of good governance—can ensure a coherent, autonomous, and sustainable framework for the country’s sports development.

Waking Up in the Dark: School Schedules Adapted to Morocco's 21st-Century Child... 5748

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
2.9 min read.
What inspired these lines is a letter published by a father on social media, which states in essence: "I am writing to you as a concerned parent, but also as a citizen exhausted by a government choice that, year after year, ignores common sense: maintaining a schedule where our children wake up when it's still pitch black to go to school. Every morning, it's the same absurd scenario: wake-up at dawn, children torn from sleep, eyes still closed, bodies tired, forced to go out into the darkness, sometimes in the cold, to reach their school. Sleepy students in class, weakened concentration, growing irritability. How can we talk about quality learning in these conditions?" Beyond fatigue, there is danger. Many parents lack the means to accompany their children. These children walk alone on streets still shrouded in darkness, exposed to risks of traffic accidents, assaults, or incivilities. This fact alone should question the relevance of this schedule. Yet the government persists in defending this choice in the name of economic or energy arguments, without ever weighing the well-being, health, and safety of our children against them. We are not asking for the impossible, only a return to a human rhythm, adapted to the reality of our society. Through this letter, I hope this debate will finally be opened seriously. Our children are not adjustable variables. They deserve a normal wake-up, in daylight, and a school that respects their fundamental needs." It lays out the ordeal experienced by children and parents and challenges the school rhythm imposed on our children. In fact, current school schedules are based on an organization largely inherited from the early 20th century, designed for a society with more stable temporalities, not at all connected and less exposed to constant stimulation. However, scientific studies have converged for some time on a single observation: there is a growing gap between these institutional frameworks and the biological, cognitive, and psychosocial needs of the contemporary child. Even better, the 21st-century child evolves in an environment marked by the omnipresence of screens, the multiplication of digital interactions, and the porosity between school time, family time, and leisure time. Research in chronobiology clearly establishes that exposure to artificial light, particularly blue light emitted by screens, delays melatonin secretion, the key hormone for falling asleep. This late-night exposure permanently disrupts wake-sleep cycles in children and adolescents, making early bedtime biologically difficult, regardless of the educational rules set by families. In this context, maintaining very early school schedules amounts to instituting a chronic sleep debt in the child. Yet, the role of sleep in learning is now solidly documented. Neurosciences show that sleep is essential for memory consolidation, emotional regulation, and the proper functioning of executive functions such as attention, planning, and cognitive control. Regular sleep deprivation is associated with decreased academic performance, increased irritability, and attention disorders that can exacerbate learning difficulties. North American studies provide particularly instructive insights: delaying the start of classes, associated with improved sleep time, leads to better academic results, attendance, mental health, and a reduction in road accidents involving adolescents. The American Academy of Pediatrics explicitly recommends later school schedules for adolescents, in line with their naturally shifted circadian rhythm. Lacking precise studies in Morocco, let's look at what is said elsewhere. Research shows that during adolescence, the biological clock physiologically shifts toward a later bedtime. Forcing a very early wake-up thus directly conflicts with a normal biological process. Ignoring this well-established data undermines the very conditions of learning and well-being. To cognitive fatigue are added issues of safety and social inequalities. The early schedules still imposed in Morocco expose many children to travel in darkness, increasing road and urban risks. For example, OECD studies emphasize that learning conditions extend beyond the classroom: travel time, accumulated fatigue, and family context strongly influence academic trajectories. The most modest families have less leeway for adaptation in accompaniment, secure transport, and educational compensation, turning school schedules into an indirect but real factor of inequalities. Economic, organizational, or energy imperatives cannot justify the status quo. Several international analyses show the exorbitant long-term costs of sleep deprivation: in terms of school dropout, anxiety disorders, reduced productivity, and health problems. These cumulative costs far exceed the adjustments needed for a reform of schedules. The OECD regularly insists on the importance of investing in student well-being as a condition for the effectiveness of education systems. Rethinking school schedules is therefore neither about comfort, laxity, nor whimsy. It is a rational approach, grounded in robust scientific data. Pedagogical effectiveness is not measured by the number of hours spent at school or the earliness of wake-up, but by the quality of attention, the cognitive availability of children, and the engagement of students and teachers. This reflection must fit into a comprehensive approach. Experts emphasize the need to coordinate school schedules, screen time management, workload, balance between family and educational life, and mental health. A high-performing education system is one capable of integrating scientific insights and evolving with the society it serves. In the era of permanent connectivity, persisting with rigid patterns institutionalizes fatigue from childhood. Taking into account the needs of the child, rather than the constraints of the adult world, is not a pedagogical utopia. It is a scientific, social, and ultimately political imperative. Morocco has all the means to undertake a genuine reflection on the issue and should initiate it as the basis for a true education reform.

Mustapha Hadji, African Ballon d’Or: From the Silence of the Pastures to the Voice of the Stadiums... 5565

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3.4 min read.
Mustapha Hadji's record of achievements fits into a few lines, but each one carries immense weight in the history of African football, Moroccan youth, and especially for Mustapha himself. African Ballon d’Or in 1998, key architect of Morocco's epic run at the World Cup in France, respected international, elegant playmaker, discreet ambassador for football and the youth of Morocco's pre-desert interior. Titles, distinctions, numbers. And yet, reducing Hadji to his record would miss the essence: a rare human journey, almost cinematic, that begins far from the spotlight. For before the European pitches, before the anthems and trophies, there was a douar near Guelmim. A harsh, rugged region where childhood unfolds to the rhythm of the sun and the herds. The wind is dry and fierce. The horizon stretches endlessly. Children there gaze at the Atlas and the majesty of its summits at every moment. The soil is hard and rocky. Like many children his age, Mustapha became a shepherd as soon as he could walk, as soon as he could be independent. He quickly became the guardian of what his family and douar held most precious: goats and sheep. He learned patience, solitude, and observation early on. Qualities that would later make him a unique player, able to read the game before others, sense the ball, and adjust his movement. The turning point came with family reunification. Destination: France. The shock was immense. Change of language, climate, social codes. At school, Mustapha struggled to fit in. He didn't understand everything, spoke little, often withdrawing into himself. But where words failed, the ball became his language. It was on neighborhood fields that his talent began to shine. Instinctive, fluid football, almost poetic. No calculations, just the joy of playing, of finally expressing himself, of showing what he was capable of. Around him, kind eyes lingered. Coaches, educators, humanistic figures who saw beyond academic or linguistic struggles. And above all, there was a father who rose early to work and a mother who watched over them. A constant, demanding, protective presence. She guided, encouraged, reminded them of the importance of work and discipline. It was in her genes. She knew where she came from. Nothing was left to chance. From there, the ascent became unstoppable. Club by club, Mustapha Hadji refined his game. He wasn't the strongest or the fastest, but he understood football. The ball adopted and loved him. He played between the lines, made others play, elevated the collective. His style stood out in an era dominated by physicality. He imposed a different grammar: that of intelligence and creativity. 1998 marked the pinnacle. The World Cup in France revealed Hadji to the wider public. Morocco captivated, impressed, came close to a feat. Hadji was its technical soul. Months later, the African Ballon d’Or crowned this singular trajectory. Continental recognition, but also a powerful symbol: a child of Guelmim becoming a reference in African football. Without ever denying his roots, he elevated them in his story. He always evokes them with nostalgia and gratitude. After the heights, Mustapha Hadji didn't turn into a flashy icon. He remained true to a certain sobriety. That of the Moor descending from the man of Jbel Ighoud. Like his 40 million compatriots, he embodies 350,000 years of history, no scandals, few bombastic statements. Rare elegance, on and off the pitch. Later, he would pass on knowledge, support, advise, always with the same discretion. Mustapha Hadji's story deserves more than a one-off tribute. It calls for a series, a long-form narrative. Because it speaks of exile and integration, transmission and merit, raw talent shaped by effort and human guidance. Above all, it reminds us that behind every trophy hides a child, often silent, who learned to turn fragility into strength. In a modern football world sometimes afflicted by amnesia, Mustapha Hadji's path remains a lesson. A lesson in play, but above all a lesson in life. During the 4th African Days of Investment and Employment, dedicated to football as a vector for socio-economic inclusion, held at the Faculty of Legal and Social Sciences - Souissi, in Rabat, Mustapha was invited to the stage by Dounia Siraj, the icon of sports journalism, another example of success from innovative, committed, confident youth. She masterfully directed a ceremony where she had to, among other things, give the floor to Fouzi Lakjaa and Midaoui. She did so without flinching, with a steady voice and dignified posture. Mustapha spoke and shared his story. The words were powerful, precise, and true. The posture was dignified. The audience was moved. The many young students listened in awe. They were living a unique moment. Rare inspiration. Mustapha, smiling, recounted. The words flowed in a breathtaking narrative. That's when I spoke up to challenge Moroccan cinema. Doesn't this unique story, like so many others, deserve to be told in a film, in a series? Mustapha's words and expressions are so powerful that, translated into images, they could show all emerging youth the values of work, seriousness, self-confidence, and commitment. The Marrakech Festival had just closed the day before. As Mustapha spoke, I dreamed of seeing a film about Mustapha Hadji win the Golden Star... at a future edition. Moroccan cinema should play that role too. That of perpetuating the Kingdom's youth successes. Cinema must tell us, and especially the youth, these great stories of achievement in countless fields—and God knows there are many. Don't the stories of Nezha Bidouane, Hicham El Guerrouj, Said Aouita, Salah Hissou, Moulay Brahim Boutayeb, Abdelmajid Dolmy, Si Mohamed Timoumi or Achik, Nawal El Moutawakel deserve to be told in books, in films? Those of Jilali Gharbaoui, Mohamed Choukri, Abdelouhab Doukkali, Abdelhadi Belkhayat, Tayeb Seddiki, Tayeb Laalj, Fatna Bent Lhoucine, Fadoul, Miloud Chaabi, Haj Omar Tissir (Nesblssa), and many more—don't they deserve to be brought to the screen? Thank you, Si Mustapha, for being a great player, a national pride, and above all for continuing to do what you do with brilliance: motivating and inspiring our youth, sharpening our national pride through this renewed education, the pillar of a sovereign Morocco that lifts its youth toward a prosperous and enlightened future.

Law 30-09 on Physical Education and Sports in Morocco: An Obsolete Brake on Sport Development... 5451

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.8 min read.
Promulgated in 2010, Law 30-09 aimed to modernize Moroccan sports governance, regulate the associative movement, and pave the way for professionalization. Fourteen years later, its record is mixed: while it established a formal structure, it has always been said that it fails to meet the demands of modern sports and lacks incentives and encouragement. Today, it is accused of being a **structural brake** on Moroccan sports due to its rigid, ill-adapted, and partially unconstitutional framework. Worse still, launched well before the royal letter to the sports assemblies of 2008, the project underwent no adjustments to align with royal directives. The authors likely believed it sufficiently addressed the letter's content and saw no need to withdraw it. The questioning, already sharp since its promulgation, has intensified in light of the 2011 Constitution, which elevates physical activity to a citizen's right and requires the State to promote high-level sports while fostering associative participation. The approach of the 2030 World Cup, moreover, demands urgent legislative adaptation. During the 4th edition of the African Days of Investment and Employment, dedicated to football as a vector for socio-economic inclusion and organized by the Faculty of Legal, Economic, and Social Sciences-Souissi in Rabat, the president of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Fouzi Lekjaa, stated bluntly that Law 30-09 had run its course and that a new version was needed to support the country's sporting development. The main issues first stem from a **discordance with the 2011 Constitution**. Designed before this fundamental revision, Law 30-09 does not explicitly guarantee the right to sports as a citizen's right. It limits associative freedom through a discretionary approval regime, contradicting the constitutional principle of freedom of association enshrined in the 1958 Public Freedoms Code, which remains in force. Similarly, it assigns the State a vague role in regulation and funding, undermining federations' autonomy and exposing them to administrative paralysis. It is also clear that there is **ambiguity in the status of professional athletes**. Despite constitutional recognition of the right to work and social protection, the law defines neither a clear sports contract nor specific protections. This legal vacuum fuels recurrent conflicts between clubs, players, and federations. A **disconnect with modern sports** is also evident. Tied to a bureaucratic and centralized vision, the law ignores international standards and performance- or objective-based governance mechanisms. Professionalization remains incomplete: clubs lack stable legal structures, economic models are precarious, and private investors are discouraged. The role of local authorities remains unclear, despite advanced regionalization, making sports investments dependent on local wills rather than a coherent national framework. The law's rigidity hampers rapid contracting, flexibility for infrastructure, and federations' independence. It generates administrative delays for public-private partnerships, the absence of status for sports companies, and difficulties integrating international norms, thus blocking attractiveness for private capital. One can thus suspect its **incompatibility with FIFA requirements and the 2030 World Cup**. Criticism extends to the education sector with a certain **inadequacy with educational reform**. While Morocco invests in school and university sports, the law omits any systemic integration between schools, universities, clubs, and federations, as well as pathways between mass and elite sports. The law unduly mixes amateur and professional sports, without distinguishing associative management from clubs' commercial activities. Another weakness lies in the definition of concepts and thus the clear assignment of resulting responsibilities. It subjects the associative fabric, the pillar of the sports movement, to excessive oversight, creating legal insecurity and constant workarounds. Finally, it conceives sports as an educational or cultural activity, ignoring its economic potential: sports jobs, sponsorship, broadcasting rights, specific taxation, and job creation. Conceived in a pre-constitutional context, Law 30-09 is today **obsolete, rigid, and partially unconstitutional**. It hinders governance, professionalization, and the sports economy at a time when Morocco is projecting itself toward major global events. The situation thus leads to the need for a new law: modern, aligned with the Constitution, the intent of the 2008 royal letter, the demands of modern sports in line with international bodies, and responsive to the imperatives for the 2030 World Cup, while inventing a new mode of management and administration detached from political timelines. A mission-oriented administration is widely desired. The new law must align with the constitutional framework by clearly defining concepts, enshrining sports as a citizen's right, protecting associative freedom, and clarifying the State's role (framing, funding, audits, performance contracts). It should distinguish between amateur and professional sports, between clubs and associations, and establish full professionalization: professional athlete status, mandatory sports companies for clubs, regulation of private investments. It must enable sports integration into the national economy via a dedicated tax framework, specific investment code, sectoral recognition, and modernization of sponsorship and TV rights. It must harmonize with FIFA 2030 requirements through greater flexibility, regulate infrastructure, and secure major projects. The new law should define the State's responsibilities in training frameworks and required levels, making academic training the foundation of a national system capable of meeting practice demands and society's true needs. It must also specify the role and responsibilities of regions and local authorities in mass sports, proximity infrastructure creation, and supervision—a sort of municipalization of mass physical activities. This long-awaited new law is **urgent, strategic, and essential** to align Moroccan sports with international standards and national ambitions.

CAN 2025 in Morocco: Reflection of a Major Probable Migratory and Social Transformation... 4753

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3 min read.
Three weeks before the Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, it seems appropriate to revisit key insights from the 2024 General Population and Housing Census (RGPH 2024). This event will undoubtedly have a powerful impact on the country's perception, through the positive images it is already broadcasting and, consequently, on future demographic data. The census shows that out of 36.8 million recorded inhabitants, 148,152 people are foreign nationals, representing nearly 0.4% of the total population, an increase of over 76% compared to 2014. Behind this relatively modest figure lies a structural transformation: the rise of Sub-Saharan African migrants, partial feminization of flows, strong urban concentration, and increasingly qualified profiles. Morocco's geographical position and economic evolution have, in a relatively short time, transformed it from a country of emigration into a space of settlement and transit for migrants with varied profiles. The National Strategy on Immigration and Asylum (SNIA), adopted in 2013, along with the regularization campaigns of 2014 and 2017, have established a more inclusive approach in Morocco and better statistical knowledge of the populations concerned. Sub-Saharan African nationals now represent nearly 60% of migrants, compared to about 27% in 2014. The share of Europeans has declined to just over 20%. That of MENA region nationals is only 7%. Morocco's continental anchoring is thus confirmed. In terms of nationalities, Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire account for more than one-third of foreigners, ahead of France, which remains the leading European nationality with nearly 14% of foreign residents. Other countries like Guinea, Mali, Congo-Brazzaville, Cameroon, or Syria complete this panorama. Foreign residents in Morocco are mostly recent arrivals: more than half report arriving since 2021, and more than one-third between 2011 and 2020, testifying to a very recent acceleration of arrivals. A majority of this population will fill the stands during the CAN. Economic motives overwhelmingly dominate: more than 53% of migrants cite work as the main reason, confirming Morocco's role as a regional attraction pole in sectors such as construction, services, agriculture, and the informal economy. Family reasons follow (a little over 20%), reflecting the growing weight of family reunification and medium- to long-term settlement projects, then studies and post-graduation (about 14%), a sign of the country's academic attractiveness to Sub-Saharan students. Humanitarian motives, flight from conflicts, insecurity, racism, or climate change effects—remain numerically minor. Morocco thus appears as a hybrid space where labor migrations, student mobility, family reunifications, and international protection needs coexist. The vast majority of foreign residents live in cities: nearly 95% are settled in urban areas, confirming the role of major agglomerations as entry points and integration spaces. Two regions clearly dominate: Casablanca-Settat, which hosts more than 43% of foreigners, and Rabat-Salé-Kénitra with a little over 19%, though the latter's share has declined compared to 2014 in favor of Casablanca. Nearly 56% of this population are men, but feminization is progressing, particularly among certain nationalities like Ivorian women and Filipinos, who are very present in personal services and domestic work. More than 80% of foreign residents are between 15 and 64 years old, making them essentially a working-age group, with a non-negligible presence of children and a minority of elderly people. Nearly half of people aged 15 and over are single, while a little over 45% are married, showing the coexistence of individual mobility trajectories and stabilized family projects. The education level appears generally high: nearly 39% hold a higher diploma and 28% have reached secondary level. Employed workers are mostly private sector employees, while a minority work as independents, employers, or public sector employees, highlighting the diversity of professional integration modes. The relatively limited share of unemployed may mask forms of underemployment or precariousness in the informal sector. In 2024, more than 71,000 households include at least one foreign resident. About 31% are exclusively composed of foreigners, while about 69% are mixed households combining Moroccans and foreigners, a proportion sharply up from 2014. This rise in mixed households reflects a deepening of residential and social integration, through mixed marriages, welcoming relatives, or shared cohabitations linked to work and studies. In terms of housing, the majority of foreign households live in apartments, followed by modern Moroccan houses, reflecting integration into the ordinary urban fabric rather than segregated housing forms. Exclusively foreign households are overwhelmingly tenants, while mixed households are more often owners or co-owners, highlighting differentiated settlement trajectories based on household composition. The RGPH 2024 results confirm that the foreign presence in Morocco, though numerically limited, now constitutes a structural and lasting fact of society. The youth, the high proportion of active workers, the rise of family and mixed households, as well as the diversification of educational profiles, call for greater coordination between migration policies, urban, social, and educational policies.The major challenges concern valuing the economic and demographic potential of this population, access to education, health, housing, and decent work, and combating discrimination in a context of cultural pluralization. The SNIA mechanisms to meet Morocco's regional and international commitments in migration governance must also evolve. However, these figures and data will likely undergo real evolution in the coming years: the African media focus on the CAN, and later on the World Cup in Morocco, will reveal the country's assets and increase its attractiveness. These two events, through their combined media weight and the impressions reported by the thousands of expected spectators, should play a promotional role for the country. Deep Africa will discover Morocco and the multiple opportunities it offers, both economically and for studies.

A "Future Talents" Visa to Accelerate Morocco's Industrial Transformation? 4394

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Business -
2.5 min read.
While President Donald Trump recently imposed a $100,000 tax on new H-1B visa applications for skilled workers in the United States, China, facing a significant shortage of specialized labor in its strategic sectors, has taken the opposite approach by creating a visa dedicated to foreign talents in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. This mechanism, designed to be simple and flexible, aims to fill a deficit of nearly 30 million qualified individuals by facilitating the rapid arrival of foreign experts through streamlined procedures. This represents a entirely new approach emerging in China that could quickly spread. One can imagine that tomorrow, the truly coveted resources will no longer be energy sources or rare earths, but rather heads full of innovative ideas. Faced with these emerging global dynamics, Morocco could consider a similar approach as soon as possible to support its key industrial sectors such as automotive, aeronautics, space, and semiconductors. Imagine a targeted visa system to attract profiles of excellence from recognized international universities and research centers. This innovative visa could rely on several essential pillars: - **Streamlining administrative formalities**: Such a Moroccan visa would allow entry into the territory without a prior work contract, following the Chinese model, providing precious flexibility for both candidates and local innovation incubators. - **Relaxed stay conditions**: It would also offer extended stays, multiple entries, and an accelerated process to facilitate integration into Morocco's industrial and technological hubs. - **Highlighting cutting-edge skills**: By targeting graduates from top schools and research institutes, the kingdom could strengthen its academic partnerships and maximize applied research outcomes. - **Support for strategic sectors**: Automotive expansion would benefit from robotics and AI specialists, aeronautics from advanced materials design experts, space from satellite systems engineers, and semiconductors from nanotechnology engineers. - **Support recruitment by our universities of PhD candidates in cutting-edge fields and incentivize them to settle in Morocco through housing aids, tax breaks, etc.**. Beyond attractiveness, this program has the potential to create a virtuous circle of innovation, where foreign and national talents contribute together to developing a cutting-edge industrial ecosystem that adds value to the Moroccan economy. While such a model is still unprecedented in developing countries, it raises legitimate questions about cultural integration, local competitiveness, or social impacts. However, given the urgent need to fill technical gaps to preserve international competitiveness, this solution could represent a major opportunity to accelerate Morocco's industrial transformation. Morocco faces a major demographic challenge, as everyone knows. Its traditionally young population is gradually heading toward structural aging, which risks affecting the availability of skilled labor in the medium and long term. Anticipating this evolution by welcoming young foreign talents would maintain the country's economic and social vitality. The benefits of such an orientation would be multiple: - **Offsetting the decline in local workforce**: Targeted recruitment of foreign experts would help compensate for the expected drop in young active population, avoiding a critical shortage of skills in major industrial sectors. - **Selective immigration focused on economic efficiency**: This strategy would directly enrich the industrial fabric by promoting innovation, productivity, and qualified job creation, rather than broad openness to less specialized profiles. - **Building an attractive and sustainable environment**: Attracting these excellence profiles today would give Morocco time to develop a favorable ecosystem, including training, research, infrastructure, and social integration, to encourage lasting settlement and knowledge transfer. - **Proactive strategy against demographic challenges**: Rather than passively suffering aging, the country would position itself as an anticipatory actor by leveraging targeted migration policy as a development lever. Inspired by the Chinese approach but adapted to Moroccan specificities, a "future talents" visa could thus become a key lever to attract young foreign graduates and sustainably strengthen the kingdom's strategic industrial sectors. This positioning would prepare the national economy for the challenges of a globalized economy where access to highly qualified labor becomes a central issue. For this strategy to be fully effective, it must be accompanied by integrated welcome policies combining adapted training, cultural coexistence, and social inclusion to create synergies between foreign talents and national forces. Such a bet on human capital would translate a firm will to make Morocco a regional hub for high technology and innovation. This proposed strategy is structured to enhance the fluidity of highly qualified immigrants' arrival and ensure coherence with the country's demographic policy, by energizing integration and knowledge production approaches while highlighting arguments tailored to the Moroccan context. It offers strategic reflection to position Morocco in the global competition for talents and innovative industries, a major challenge at the dawn of the country's demographic and economic issues.

My Father's Pen 4570

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
​I have known it since I was young. My late father, then a school principal, gave me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966, to replace my dip pen, penholder, and inkwell. ​He taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and how to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. ​He taught me to choose the best verb, the best sentence to express my feelings and reveal my emotions of the moment. He instilled in me the art of juggling with the taxonomy of verbs and, subsequently, the choice of the best tense for conjugating them. He never stopped repeating to me that the solemnity of the moment required a faithful reflection of the recount of events, whether actually experienced or imagined. He taught me to reflect on what I was going to write before drafting and consulting. ​He had the art and manner of transmitting his knowledge to me with passion and love. He took all the time for this patiently, never reprimanding me for a spelling mistake or when I rolled my Rs. He knew that by doing so, he succeeded in setting me on the right path for drafting, narration, pronunciation, and written and oral expression. ​I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our staff housing at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. ​This is how I began to write short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. ​I also kept my personal diary. ​My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. ​My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time of my life. For me, it was a way not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised what I produced in writing from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. ​My "vocabulary" capital grew day by day. ​I had gotten into the habit of writing in one go, without resorting to a draft. ​Now that I am nearing seventy, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. ​For me, there is nothing surprising, because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. ​May he rest in peace and know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

My Father's Pen 4390

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
​I have known it since I was young. My late father, then a school principal, gave me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966, to replace my dip pen, penholder, and inkwell. ​He taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and how to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. ​He taught me to choose the best verb, the best sentence to express my feelings and reveal my emotions of the moment. He instilled in me the art of juggling with the taxonomy of verbs and, subsequently, the choice of the best tense for conjugating them. He never stopped repeating to me that the solemnity of the moment required a faithful reflection of the recount of events, whether actually experienced or imagined. He taught me to reflect on what I was going to write before drafting and consulting. ​He had the art and manner of transmitting his knowledge to me with passion and love. He took all the time for this patiently, never reprimanding me for a spelling mistake or when I rolled my Rs. He knew that by doing so, he succeeded in setting me on the right path for drafting, narration, pronunciation, and written and oral expression. ​I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our staff housing at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. ​This is how I began to write short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. ​I also kept my personal diary. ​My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. ​My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time of my life. For me, it was a way not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised what I produced in writing from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. ​My "vocabulary" capital grew day by day. ​I had gotten into the habit of writing in one go, without resorting to a draft. ​Now that I am nearing seventy, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. ​For me, there is nothing surprising, because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. ​May he rest in peace and know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

My Father's Pen 4517

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
​I have known it since I was young. My late father, then a school principal, gave me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966, to replace my dip pen, penholder, and inkwell. ​He taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and how to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. ​He taught me to choose the best verb, the best sentence to express my feelings and reveal my emotions of the moment. He instilled in me the art of juggling with the taxonomy of verbs and, subsequently, the choice of the best tense for conjugating them. He never stopped repeating to me that the solemnity of the moment required a faithful reflection of the recount of events, whether actually experienced or imagined. He taught me to reflect on what I was going to write before drafting and consulting. ​He had the art and manner of transmitting his knowledge to me with passion and love. He took all the time for this patiently, never reprimanding me for a spelling mistake or when I rolled my Rs. He knew that by doing so, he succeeded in setting me on the right path for drafting, narration, pronunciation, and written and oral expression. ​I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our staff housing at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. ​This is how I began to write short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. ​I also kept my personal diary. ​My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. ​My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time of my life. For me, it was a way not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised what I produced in writing from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. ​My "vocabulary" capital grew day by day. ​I had gotten into the habit of writing in one go, without resorting to a draft. ​Now that I am nearing seventy, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. ​For me, there is nothing surprising, because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. ​May he rest in peace and know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

My father's pen 4427

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
​I have known it since my young age. My late father, then a school principal, offered me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966. He thus taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our official residence at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. This is how I started writing short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. I also kept my personal diary. My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time in my life. It was a way for me not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised my writings from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. My "vocabulary" capital was enriched day after day. I had acquired the habit, to this day, of writing in a single draft without resorting to a rough copy. Now that I am close to seventy years old, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. For me, this is not surprising because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. May he rest in peace and may he know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

​✍️ My Father's Pen 4016

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Society - Lifestyle - Romance -
1.5 min read.
​I have known it since my young age. My late father, then a school director, gave me my first pen when I successfully passed my primary school leaving certificate in June 1966. He taught me how to hold it between my thumb and forefinger and how to improve my handwriting, both in Arabic and in French. ​He taught me to choose the best verb, the best sentence to express what I felt and to reveal my emotions of the moment. He instilled in me the art of juggling with the taxonomy of verbs and subsequently choosing the best tense for conjugating them. He never stopped repeating to me that the solemnity of the moment required faithfully reflecting the narrative of events truly experienced or imagined. He taught me to think about what I was going to write before drafting and consulting. ​He had the art and the manner of transmitting his knowledge to me with passion and love. He patiently took all the time for this without ever reprimanding me for a spelling mistake or when I rolled my R's. He knew that this way he succeeded in putting me on the right track for drafting, narration, pronunciation, and written and oral expression. ​I often locked myself in my studio, which was in the garden of our official residence at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. This is how I began to write small stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary sweetheart. I also kept my personal diary. ​My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail high school, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. My pen was a precious tool for me that allowed me to express everything I felt at that time in my life. It was for me a way not only to distract myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised what I produced in writing from a distance and had the art and the manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. My "vocabulary" capital grew day by day. I had gotten into the habit, to this day, of writing in one go without resorting to a draft. ​Now that I am nearing seventy, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. For me, nothing is astonishing, because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an unparalleled teacher and school director who officiated for over forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. ​May he rest in peace and know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

Soccer World Cup 2026: Africa Asserts Itself, the Maghreb Competes, Morocco Confirms... 4102

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Mondial 2026 : Africa asserts itself, the Maghreb competes, Morocco confirms... La Coupe du Monde 2026, jointly organized by the États-Unis, le Canada et le Mexique, marks a historic turning point with 48 teams, an unprecedented format, and qualifiers spread over several months, in a football world undergoing rapid change. Beyond technical innovations, a genuine recomposition géopolitique is taking place. Football has become, more than ever, a space where national ambitions, regional strategies, and symbolic rivalries are asserted. In this new chessboard, l’Afrique, and more specifically the Maghreb, occupies a central place. With 9 qualified nations, Africa demonstrates its organization, while the Maghreb asserts itself as the major pole of African football and one of the serious contenders worldwide through Morocco. The list of qualified teams — Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Ghana, Cape Verde, South Africa, Ivory Coast, and Senegal — offers few surprises except the notable absence of Cameroon and Nigeria. Le Maroc remains the strategic showcase of an assumed national and African soft power. Qualified with ease, the Kingdom confirms a momentum started over a decade ago: high-level infrastructure, planning, policy supported by stable governance, diplomatic projection through football, and successful valorization of the diaspora as a technical and strategic force. Morocco today is a pivot continental, endowed with a global and sustainable strategy: CAN 2025, candidacy for 2030, Coupe du Monde des U17 féminines, increased presence in football governing bodies. Its qualification for Mondial 2026 is not an isolated event but the culmination of a coherent and assumed influence policy. On the other hand, L’Algérie savors its return while painfully feeling the repetitive successes of its Moroccan neighbor. Algerian media, often clumsy, offer questionable explanations for their failures, even invoking conspiracy, supposed Moroccan dominance over CAF, or other more fanciful causes. Having missed Mondial 2022 under harsh circumstances, Algeria approaches this cycle with urgency and pride, trying to restore its international visibility and break out of isolation. Qualifying represents a true marqueur de crédibilité régionale, at a time when the region is experiencing deep political reshuffles. Here, football promotes both national cohesion, currently weakened by recurring supply crises and international credibility deficit, and symbolic competition between neighbors. As for La Tunisie, plagued by political difficulties, it seeks stability through football, betting on consistency as strategy. Structured training, competitive diaspora, effective technical management; Tunisian qualification fits a continuity logic. The country lacks Morocco’s geopolitical projection or Algeria’s scale but holds this precious asset: durabilité. L’Égypte, a demographic and historical giant, makes a strong comeback after several frustrating absences. For Cairo, this qualification is much more than a sporting feat: it is a prestige stratégique, crucial as the country seeks to restore its international image and stabilize its internal scene. With its demographic weight and football culture, Egypt regains the global visibility it considers natural. The joint presence of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Egypt signals a réalignement régional. This bloc, with nearly 200 millions d’habitants, shares geopolitical realities without forming a complementary whole; rather, it is an intra-regional influence battle. Each country projects its image through football: - Morocco through its policy, infrastructure, organization, planning, and powerful sports diplomacy. - Algeria cultivating national prestige and popular symbolism. - Egypt with its demographic weight and cultural influence on the Arab world. - Tunisia through consistency and technical skills. All actually compete for African leadership, football becoming the mirror of their political ambitions: - Who represents Africa at the FIFA? - Who leads the transformation of continental football? - Who sets standards in training and infrastructure? Morocco seems to take an indisputable lead, but Algeria and Egypt remain competitors in this symbolic struggle. National models differ clearly: - Morocco: centralized, planned, long-term vision. - Algeria: emotional, popular, volatile but powerful. - Egypt: massive, institutional, historic. - Tunisia: discreet, stable, technical. Together they now form a zone footballistique cohérente, whose importance on the global stage is unprecedented. Attention now turns to the March playoffs, true theaters of uncertainty and continental stakes. They will offer the last tickets. Their scope goes beyond football: each ticket opens a space for national narrative where sport becomes an identity mirror. Le Mondial 2026 is resolutely geopolitical, and the Maghreb y pèse lourd. For the first time, the region appears both as a concrete bloc and a space of internal rivalries. Four qualified nations in a context where: - Africa gains importance. - FIFA adapts to a multipolar world amid global redefinition. - States use football as a diplomatic instrument. - The Maghreb, in its diversity and division, becomes one of the most dynamic regions of football. This North American tournament will showcase much more than teams: it will expose visions, national narratives, historical rivalries, and regional strategies. A genuine geopolitical battlefield. In this global context, the Royaume du Maroc is no longer a mere bystander: it asserts itself as a central actor, arousing jealousies and fierce rivalries...

Reinventing the Moroccan School: From Transmission to Support... 4096

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
2.7 min read.
Moroccans, especially the youth, today express a deep malaise regarding their school system. They have just manifesté this loudly. This reality, now public, appears both in family discussions and institutional assessments as well as societal debates. To compensate for the shortcomings of a public education seen as exhausted, more and more families, informed or affluent, enroll their children in private, sometimes foreign, institutions. The middle class also makes many sacrifices to follow this movement. This phenomenon reflects a crisis of confidence and deepens the social divide: school, promoted as a driver of equality, becomes a marker of inequality. This drift had already been foreseen: on le 1er novembre 1960, Dean Charles André Julien warned Mr. Bennani, Director of the Royal Protocol, about the risks of a poorly conceived reform that would create new problems. Despite considerable investments, successive reforms have often been limited to peripheral aspects: infrastructure, uniforms, superficial pedagogical approaches, vacation schedules. Too often, they resulted from poorly inspired mimicry, entrusted to careless study offices and insufficiently qualified officials. The various reforms have not succeeded and have generated growing dissatisfaction. School dropout rates and different rankings illustrate this distressing situation. If there must be reform, and the urgency is real, it must not concern buildings, student attire, or vacation schedules but focus on the heart of the curriculum, the educational philosophy, and how to consider the roles of the student and teacher. The future belongs to a world where young people create their own jobs; this trend is becoming universal. We live in an unprecedented period in human history, where youth shape their professional and personal trajectories: young people invent their jobs, build their paths, imagine new social models. Today, a Moroccan teenager, diploma or not, can design an application, launch a business, build a community, influence markets, and create unimaginable value for traditional frameworks. The modèle 1337 perfectly illustrates this. Now, young people no longer have mental borders or limits. They express energy made of ambition, technological intuition, cultural openness, and dreams. Meanwhile, the school system remains locked in a 20th-century pattern. The role of school must evolve: it is no longer about transmitting, but about accompanying. The Moroccan school must stop being a place for reciting knowledge now available online. Information is at hand, even for a ten-year-old child. That is not what they expect: sometimes, they doze off in class and at night find the freedom space where they imagine the world they want to live in and build themselves. In technology and language learning, many of them outpace decision-makers and teachers. Young people master English more than what is offered at school and have technological equipment that schools are far from providing. Parents make huge sacrifices for this. Young people prefer a connection over a meal. Young people no longer like school as it is presented to them. Above all, they expect to find there: - someone who listens to them; - someone who believes in their potential; - someone who urges them to dream bigger, dare more, create; - someone who trusts them. School must thus become a space of support, awakening, and life project construction; it must train citizens capable of imagining, innovating, collaborating, taking risks, not just memorizing. For this, the major challenge for the State is training trainers capable of adapting to new realities. It is essential to move from transmitting teachers to mentoring guides. The true reform therefore begins with teachers. Yesterday’s teachers must adopt the role of mentor, guide, catalyst of talents: a mentor who asks questions instead of imposing answers, a companion who helps the student discover themselves, an educator who opens doors rather than erects walls. Training trainers requires a new philosophy: integrating positive psychology, educational coaching, active pedagogies, project building, digital culture, and creativity. Teaching is no longer a transmission profession but accompaniment, with autonomy as the engine of the future. Today, young people do not need financial capital to start but confidence, ideas, and skills. A good connection makes them happy. Their main asset is their mind. Their obstacle is often a lack of encouragement, anxiety over a system that is too rigid, too vertical, too distant from their reality. They are capable of everything except believing in themselves alone. This is where school must intervene, becoming the cocoon where innovative ideas and projects emerge. But to succeed, there must be the political courage to undertake the great reform awaited by youth. Morocco has a historic opportunity to reinvent its education system, not by material renovation, but through intellectual and spiritual transformation. School must become the place for building dreams, accompanying ambitions, and preparing for life through innovation and creation. It must train individuals capable not only of adapting to a changing world but of transforming it a world moving faster than previous generations could imagine. The true reform is the spark, not the concrete. It embodies not walls but minds. It builds not in the past but in the future that our youth aspire to invent, supported by our trust, nothing more.

My father's pen 3986

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Art - Society - Lifestyle -
1 min read.
​I have known it since my young age. My late father, then a school principal, offered me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966. He thus taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our official residence at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. This is how I started writing short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. I also kept my personal diary. My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time in my life. It was a way for me not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised my writings from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. My "vocabulary" capital was enriched day after day. I had acquired the habit, to this day, of writing in a single draft without resorting to a rough copy. Now that I am close to seventy years old, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. For me, this is not surprising because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. May he rest in peace and may he know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

My father's pen 4006

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Art - Society - Lifestyle -
1 min read.
​I have known it since my young age. My late father, then a school principal, offered me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966. He thus taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our official residence at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. This is how I started writing short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. I also kept my personal diary. My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time in my life. It was a way for me not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised my writings from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. My "vocabulary" capital was enriched day after day. I had acquired the habit, to this day, of writing in a single draft without resorting to a rough copy. Now that I am close to seventy years old, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. For me, this is not surprising because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. May he rest in peace and may he know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

My father's pen 3886

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Art - Society - Lifestyle -
1 min read.
​I have known it since my young age. My late father, then a school principal, offered me my first pen when I passed my primary school certificate in June 1966. He thus taught me how to hold it between my thumb and index finger and to improve my handwriting in both Arabic and French. I often used to lock myself in my studio, which was located in the garden of our official residence at the Sidi Amr school in Meknes. This is how I started writing short stories, poems, and even love letters to an imaginary beloved. I also kept my personal diary. My French teacher in the first year, called the observation class, at Moulay Ismail High School, Mr. Rossetti, encouraged me to write. My pen was a precious tool for me, allowing me to express everything I felt at that time in my life. It was a way for me not only to entertain myself but also to consolidate a gift for writing and composing poems. My father supervised my writings from a distance and had the art and manner of correcting my essays while encouraging me to move forward. My "vocabulary" capital was enriched day after day. I had acquired the habit, to this day, of writing in a single draft without resorting to a rough copy. Now that I am close to seventy years old, I continue to write with a disconcerting ease that surprises those around me. For me, this is not surprising because I possess genes transmitted by my father, an outstanding teacher and school principal who officiated for more than forty years and who, like me and my brothers and sisters, trained hundreds and hundreds of students. May he rest in peace and may he know that his pen is in good hands. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved November 27, 2025

Reflection 3869

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Society - Lifestyle - Poetry -
0.3 min read.
​🧘 Reflection ​Throughout my life, what I ignored as covetousness came to me willingly, without effort. And everything I sought to possess ultimately slipped away from me, despite reinforcements. Life only shows its generosity towards the one who doesn't care and goes without, It humiliates the one who clings to it and holds on relentlessly. The fire that burns the soul is soothed and eventually extinguished by detachment... So detach yourself, for the one who lets go easily ends up possessing. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb November 24, 2025 All rights reserved