The Barefoot Doctors
28
A French text left a lasting impression on me during my first year of secondary school at Lycée Moulay Ismail in Meknes. It was even decisive in my early choice to pursue medical studies.
My French teacher, Mr. Rossetti, had assigned us to summarize an article entitled The Barefoot Doctors.
I was deeply fascinated by the story of these Chinese practitioners, so named, who tirelessly traveled across their vast country to provide care to local populations. They braved harsh living conditions but fulfilled their mission with remarkable dedication and selflessness. They never complained, nor did they ever ask for money in return for their services. Their practice was one of proximity, modest in its means, but essential, effective, and invaluable for vulnerable communities—poor, yet dignified and grateful. Their working days were long, often exhausting, and the climate conditions harsh and extreme.
After completing my medical studies, and following a brief experience in the private sector, I chose to embrace a career in public health. I too wanted to become one of those barefoot doctors. My decision had been made long before, and my dream finally came true on November 8, 1983, just after the commemoration of the glorious Green March. For me, it was a sign of destiny.
During more than thirty-three years of service in public health, I had the privilege of working alongside many wonderful doctors who, like me, had chosen this path. Several were from my cohort at the Faculty of Medicine in Rabat—an exceptional class—others were older, and still others were younger colleagues who later joined our ranks.
These physicians were the true barefoot doctors. They chose to serve Moroccans in remote areas where living, housing, and working conditions were extremely difficult. Salaries were meager. Yet greed and corruption had no place. The rare deviations were quickly identified and corrected by peers. Absenteeism was forbidden, and leave was short. Very soon, a relationship of trust and symbiosis developed between the doctors and the local populations. Many lived for years in these remote regions without ever considering leaving.
Some of them took part in health campaigns and medical coverage operations without ever requesting compensation. Many died in total anonymity, fighting epidemics—the Covid-19 pandemic being a striking example. Others live today in modest, sometimes precarious retirement, but remain dignified and proud of the duty they fulfilled.
It is precisely this kind of practitioners that our country lacks today. These are the doctors Morocco needs: the barefoot doctors.
Dr. Fouad Bouchareb
Former Senior Official, Ministry of Health
Rabat, September 25, 2025
All rights reserved
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At 80 years old, the UN wavers between its founding ideal and tragic impotence…
191
As every year, at the end of September, the opening of the General Assembly seeks solemnity, and is often described as historic. But is the world really gathered here to decide its future? Is it truly within these walls that decisions that matter are made? As always, it falls to the Secretary-General to make the assessment and take stock.
Before the General Assembly in New York, the Secretary-General of the United Nations once again gravely recalled the primary purpose of the Organization, born 80 years ago as a bulwark against chaos, war, and barbarism. The UN, he stressed, has never been an abstract ideal, but a pragmatic tool to safeguard humanity’s survival through three pillars: cooperation, law, and peace. Yet the tone, the words, and the expressions of the valiant Secretary-General left no doubt: he is powerless, and his organization is withering. One could sense he himself was shaken by the bleak diagnosis he delivered about our times.
This founding reminder was followed by an implacable assessment: the principles of the UN Charter are increasingly flouted. Wars, invasions, famines, and climate crises are multiplying. From Sudan to Ukraine, from Gaza to the Sahel, deep in Africa, conflicts take root and drag on, with hardly a glimmer of hope for a just resolution. Whole generations will bear the mark. The scars will not fade any time soon. Truth and human dignity are instrumentalized, while social and environmental fractures deepen.
With a tone mixing lucidity and anxiety, the Secretary-General posed the question underlying his entire speech: *“What world will we choose?”*
He then shifted into a more diplomatically acceptable address, tinged with a hint of optimism. True to his role, he outlined five crucial choices for the future. Will he be heard? He knows perfectly well the answer is no.
**1. Peace rooted in international law.**
He called for condemning violations of the Charter and the impunity of aggressors. He pleaded for ceasefires, an end to foreign interference, and a reform of the Security Council. Yet that very evening, bombs would still fall, and innocent bodies would still litter the ground.
**2. Human rights as the foundation of peace.**
Equality, dignity, and social justice were placed at the heart of the speech. But are we truly equal before the law? Who still believes it?
**3. Climate justice.**
Weary, the old man reminded the Assembly of the urgent need to accelerate the energy transition, denouncing fossil fuel subsidies and pointing to the colossal financial needs of the Global South: $1.3 trillion per year by 2035. But what is that word “justice” worth in a world where the president of the leading scientific, economic, and military power dismisses renewable energy as a “scam”? Who is to be believed?
**4. Technology in the service of humanity.**
Artificial intelligence was cited as a major challenge: a promise of innovation, but also a risk of autonomous weapons, mass surveillance, and new digital divides. He called for a universal framework of governance. But who will respect it, other than those already respecting the rules?
**5. Strengthening the UN for the 21st century.**
The Secretary-General denounced the glaring imbalance between military spending and investments for peace, calling for a renewed and effective multilateralism. Yet in this hall designed to gather humanity around universal values, who is still listening? Is multilateralism not dying a quiet death, abandoned by the great powers themselves?
The speech was meant to be solemn and mobilizing. Words were carefully chosen: impunity, chaos, famine, horrors. Rhetorical questions and binary oppositions (“brute force or laws?”, “the law of the strongest or universal rights?”) punctuated his address. Through the collective *“we”*, António Guterres recalled the preamble of the Charter: *“We, the peoples of the United Nations.”*
But, like a weary sage, he mostly sketched a political and moral roadmap. As a lucid man, he knows his speech will change nothing. He has done his duty. He absolves himself.
This speech, to which only tears were missing, was not just an assessment, but a call to action. It sought to reaffirm the central role of the UN and to underline that the challenges of our time—wars, climate, artificial intelligence, human rights—transcend borders.
Between the lines, the central message was clear: revitalizing multilateralism is not an ideological option, but a vital necessity. But vital for whom?
Facing a fragmented world, the UN wishes to become once again the voice of unity and hope. But to whom is this message addressed, if not to the powerful who stopped listening long ago? The rest of the world will applaud. Future generations will judge.
*“Le machin” (“that thing”), as De Gaulle once called it, has never seemed so powerless.*
Now comes the turn of the fine speeches of those present. Speeches carefully written by scribes and *performed* by a few actors and many extras. In any case, see you next year—no doubt with more injustice, more suffering, more lawlessness, more tragedies, and more meaningless deaths.
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“Peace and Return with Dignity”: A Sahrawi Collective Calls for Voluntary Return to Morocco
264
Founded in June 2025 in Nouadhibou by Sahrawis living in Mauritania, Europe, and the Tindouf camps in Algeria, a collective named “Peace and Return with Dignity” seeks to promote the voluntary return of “refugees” to Morocco. Under the leadership of Badi Abdelaziz—who presents himself as a former separatist military cadre turned opponent of the Polisario Front, the group issued an appeal in September 2025 to the Moroccan authorities, requesting facilitation of repatriation for Sahrawis under safe and dignified conditions. While Moroccan press outlets relayed this initiative, it has remained largely absent from the media in the neighboring country and its proxy, for obvious reasons.
The collective denounces the “difficult” and “inhumane” conditions endured by populations in the Tindouf camps, blaming the Polisario’s oppressive administration and calling for guarantees of safety and dignity for those wishing to return. This initiative highlights both humanitarian concerns already raised by several NGOs and the voices of Sahrawis themselves seeking to break free from dominant structures (the Polisario Front and the Algerian military authorities). The stakes are therefore both humanitarian and political.
According to Badi Abdelaziz, the initiative aligns with the recommendations previously emphasized by Morocco’s UN ambassador, Omar Hilale, who underlined that "refugee" return requires an official census, a demand made for years by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) but never carried out, blocked by Algeria’s military junta. A census is considered a prerequisite to identify those eligible for return. As widely known, not all those held in Tindouf originate from the region. The collective therefore aims to ensure a transparent and rights-based return, while challenging the Polisario’s political control over the camps.
The population, weary of harsh living conditions, is increasingly aware of the false propaganda and of its exploitation by the Polisario separatists for agendas far removed from official rhetoric. UN agencies, in their Sahrawi Refugees Response Plan 2024-2025, estimate funding needs at nearly USD 104 million to assist those held in Tindouf, underlining their total dependence on international aid. These figures reflect the gravity of the situation, which fuels both diplomatic and humanitarian debates on the so-called Western Sahara issue, especially as many reports, backed by evidence, stress the systematic diversion of aid.
The group’s call must also be seen in the light of the geopolitical evolution of this dossier with its multiple regional and international ramifications.
The international community, and major powers first and foremost, are weary of the situation Algeria created and continues to maintain at exorbitant cost, at the expense of its own development, the well-being of its people, and regional security.
In this context, the roles of Mauritania and Algeria are central. Mauritania, though relatively neutral, nevertheless hosted and tolerated the launch of this collective in Nouadhibou, perhaps signaling a shift or a willingness to open more pragmatic dialogue. Algeria, on the other hand, remains the Polisario’s staunchest political and military backer. The reality today is that Algeria’s military junta uses this conflict to boost regional influence, counter Morocco’s growing weight, and above all export its failures and chronic shortcomings, despite the country’s immense wealth.
The Morocco-Algeria rivalry, fueled solely by Algiers, is further exacerbated by this issue, blocking regional progress such as Maghreb reunification and broader economic integration. The conflict hampers cooperation on trade, security, and migration, at a time when the region faces shared challenges like terrorism, irregular migration, and climate change.
International actors also play a pivotal role and increasingly seem eager to fast-track a resolution. The United States, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and other EU, African, Asian, and Latin American countries have clearly aligned with Morocco’s position, recognizing the Moroccan sovereignty of the territories in question on the basis of factual and objective arguments. The recent visit of Minister Bourita to Beijing also appears to support this trend.
Officially, however, the status quo remains, at least until the next UN Security Council meeting on the matter. Morocco has consolidated its network of support thanks to its autonomy plan, arguing that it represents the realistic solution that respects territorial integrity and national unity. This proposal appeals to partners faced with the chimera of independence promoted by Algeria’s proxy.
Security considerations weigh heavily as well. The Sahara is a strategic corridor for drug and arms trafficking, raising alarms among Western powers. Stability in the area is therefore crucial not only for local populations but also for regional and international security.
The “Peace and Return with Dignity” collective thus offers a fresh internal perspective: a significant portion of Sahrawis rejects prolonging the conflict at the cost of continued suffering. Its endorsement of autonomy within the Kingdom and its clear call for voluntary return are signals that cannot be ignored in the regional diplomatic calculus.
Still, it remains difficult to assess the collective’s exact representativeness compared with other factions, whose influence and independence are often hard to gauge. Moreover, the regional context, marked by tensions such as those between Mali and Algiers, contradictory interests, and major security challenges, continues to complicate rapid progress.
In the meantime, those held in Tindouf camps continue to live in precarious conditions, underscoring the urgency of reinforced humanitarian action. Only Morocco’s proposed political framework ensures rights and respects the dignity of the affected populations. Balancing political settlement, strategic ambitions, and humanitarian urgency remains the key to unlocking this protracted issue, one whose resolution will largely shape the future stability of North Africa. It is in this context that upcoming Security Council debates on this artificial conflict, which has dragged on for far too long, should take place.
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AI: The fallacy of the Turing Test
393
The Turing test is simple to understand. In a typical setup, a human judge engages in text-based conversations with both a human and a machine, without knowing which is which, and must determine which participant is the machine. If the judge cannot reliably tell them apart based solely on their conversational responses, the machine is said to have passed the test and demonstrated convincing human-like intelligence.
This is convenient, it perfectly avoids facing the hard questions such as defining intelligence and consciousness. Instead, it lays out a basic naive test founded on an ontological fallacy: it's not because something is perceived as something else that it is that thing.
The most evident critique of the Turing Test is embedded into the fundementals of Machine Learning itself:
- The model is not the modeled. It remains an approximation however precise it is. A simple analogy makes the ontological fallacy clear. It's like going to a magic show, seeing a table floating above the ground and believing that the levitation really happened. How many bits of information separate a real human from a chatting bot? Assuming the number is exactly 0, without any justification, is an extraordinary naive claim.
Interestingly, the Turing Test also greatly fails at defining so called super-Intelligence. A super Intelligent machine would evidently fail the test by simply providing super-intelligent answers. Unless it decides to fool the experimenter, in which case it could appear as anything it desires rendering the test meaningless.
Regarding modern LLMs, the veil is already faling. LLMs have quircks, like an oversuage of em-dashes. A strange features that is indicative of something potentially pathological in the way the models are trained. These strange dashes would have been expected if a majority of people were using them. However it so happens that hardly anyone knows how to find them on their keyboard. This proves that LLMs are not following the manifold of human writing and suggests the existence of other bisases.
Finally, embedded inside the promotion of the Turing test is often a lazy ontological theory of materialism that stipulates that consciousness is not fundamental but a byproduct of matter. Often negating it's existence altogether: It's not that consciousness can be faked, or that it is the result of computations, the understanding is that consciousness does not exist. It is an illusion that takes over the subject of the experience. Again a theory of convenience, based on little justification that produces a major paradox:
Who is conscious of the illusion of consciousness?
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World Athletics Championships Tokyo 2025: American Domination and Morocco's Decline
667
The 2025 World Athletics Championships in Tokyo gathered a record participation, with medals won by athletes from 53 different countries, marking a notable increase compared to previous editions. This reflects the steady growth of athletics worldwide, which remains the most universal sport.
Tokyo confirmed the historic dominance of the United States, which won 26 medals (16 gold, 5 silver, 5 bronze), followed by Kenya (7 gold, 2 silver, 2 bronze) and Canada. Representing Africa, Botswana ranked 5th (2 gold and 1 bronze), a position Morocco held in Seville 1999 (2 gold, 2 silver, 1 bronze).
The United States maintained its supremacy, notably thanks to a highly effective team of sprinters and relay runners, including athletes like Jefferson-Wooden and Noah Lyles, the latter securing his 10th world championship medal, symbolizing longevity and consistency at the highest level.
Kenya, bolstered by its long- and middle-distance runners, remained among the top nations, confirming Africa’s tradition of excellence in these disciplines. Canada, the Netherlands, Botswana, New Zealand, and Spain completed the list of the most medaled nations, illustrating a diverse rise in global athletics.
Africa again demonstrated a significant presence, particularly in the middle-distance and 3000 m steeplechase events, key disciplines for the region. Among the titleholders were Kenyan Beatrice Chebet, winner of the 5000 m and 10,000 m, and Faith Kipyegon, victorious in the 1500 m and silver medalist in the 5000 m. Botswana’s victories in the men's 400 m and 4x400 m relay illustrate Africa's growing strength in events it is gradually mastering. Tanzania’s win in the men's marathon was also a highlight. El Bakkali, highly anticipated in the 3000 m steeplechase, stood out despite not defending his title. Maintaining such longevity in a demanding event is no easy feat.
The competition also highlighted the strengthening of African mixed relays, with South Africa's team setting the only African continental record, in the mixed 4x400 m relay. This underscores the continent's tactical and collective development.
African performances also emphasize the need for targeted investments in disciplines where the continent traditionally excels, alongside growing interest in mixed and team events, linking to a more strategic and inclusive approach to athletics. Although African participation remains strong both quantitatively and qualitatively, results call for strategic reflection ahead of future competitions to enhance competitiveness and sustainable success, especially considering the decline of male athletes in the 5000 m and 10,000 m events.
In the country ranking, two major African disappointments stand out: Ethiopia’s drop from 6th place in 2023 to 22nd, and notably Morocco’s fall from 13th to 35th place.
This edition confirmed Morocco’s decline, which for over 20 years has struggled to regain success except for the valiant Soufiane. The results are not even encouraging: among 18 athletes entered, only one female and one male finished the marathon, while others had to withdraw. Only one female athlete, Raziki in the 800 m with a personal best, advanced to the second round, and just two men reached the final: El Bakkali, of course, and the young Salaheddine Ben Yazide, who placed 5th in the 3000 m steeplechase. Once a significant player, Morocco now faces the challenge of renewal to remain competitive amid increasingly dense global competition.
The mediocrity of the results raises serious questions and should prompt authorities to draw lessons from this decline, which Moroccan public opinion struggles to accept, as evidenced by numerous social media posts and discussions. The country lacks neither expertise, resources, infrastructure, competent staff, nor political will.
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Political Participation in Morocco, Crisis of Representativity, and the Emergence of New Forms of Protest
673
As Morocco prepares for a major electoral milestone in 2026, announced by His Majesty the King who wishes it to be exemplary, the political landscape appears deeply shaken and even disconnected from reality. A recent report from the Moroccan Center for Conjuncture reveals that 91.5% of Moroccans do not identify with political parties and 94.8% do not trust them. They rate their performance poorly, a striking indicator of an unprecedented crisis of trust and representativity. Regarding Parliament, 89.5% of citizens evaluate it negatively. This dissatisfaction rate is close to that recorded for the government: 87.3% strongly criticize its performance, while only 1.1% express a positive opinion about it.
Even more worrying, financial compensation tops the list as a motivation to vote for one candidate or another, while affiliation to a political current represents only 13.7%. This is a troubling finding.
The turnout in previous elections already constituted a revealing index of a true political disengagement. The current situation is in fact nothing but a prolonged expression of distrust toward the political system. This distrust, which is not new, has probably intensified considerably.
Rejection now goes beyond simple disinterest in voting. It is a "global rejection" of the partisan system, perceived as incapable of responding to the real expectations and needs of citizens. Having experienced various political trends without meaningful results, they increasingly trust only His Majesty the King and express this loudly. The rupture is fueled by structural problems: youth unemployment rate reaching 36.7% in 2024 according to some sources, growing social precariousness, and a feeling of abandonment in rural and remote areas.
What is new today are the increasingly numerous voices rising outside the ballot box and the political calendar as provided by the Constitution. Disinterest in parties does not mean total disengagement. On the contrary, new forms of political participation are emerging locally. In Aït Bouguemaz, in the High Atlas, as in many villages and hamlets, inhabitants no longer hesitate to demand essential infrastructure and take over roads to make themselves heard. Everywhere, often driven by youth, people mobilize to denounce exclusion and lack of economic prospects. Some demand access to drinking water, others express a diffuse unease, a form of dissatisfaction not always clearly articulated.
The urban environment is no exception. In Agadir, gatherings have raised alarms about the crisis in the health system and failures of a hospital that was once a flagship of public health. It has even been reported that demonstrations are banned in front of some other hospitals in various regions.
When these actions, escaping traditional electoral frameworks, express a spontaneous will for citizen engagement, they are very welcome and legitimate. But when demands are tinged with ideological language, nihilistic expressions, or manipulated by populism fueled by some politicians or by improvised self-appointed pundits armed with a phone or microphone, the situation becomes more worrying. It should also be noted that disconnected appointments, the detachment of many officials from reality, and the inefficiency of often costly programming do not help.
In response, the population expresses itself in its own ways: in public, on social media, during football matches or cultural events. Some even question the strategic choices of the State, denounce World Cup projects or the TGV, and draw critical parallels between their region and the more favored areas of the country.
These claims are generally perceived as legitimate and receive strong popular echo. The general feeling is that the balance Morocco has always sought between freedom and equality no longer satisfies. The demands reflect a malaise and a disavowal of public policies, both among entrepreneurs who create wealth and those who claim more equality, often implicitly meaning taking more from those who have to redistribute. Those who contribute, rightly so, already feel they give a lot. As for civil servants, whose salary is guaranteed every month-end, they are also dissatisfied as their purchasing power deteriorates year after year.
Official political discourse and reassuring information no longer suffice. Citizens demand concrete results, at home, in their regions, in their villages. The key word is "tahmiche": this feeling of exclusion often rightly experienced, although in some cases citizens are also responsible, whether through their vote for incompetent people or their lack of initiative. Welfare policies play a significant role here as well.
Most concerning is that youth seem to oscillate between disillusionment due to frustration and innovation in their modes of expression. They project an image of themselves claiming rights but not always considering their duties. The rejection of the traditional system does not mean a total withdrawal from the political sphere. This new generation, connected and aware of national and global issues, favors more direct and creative forms of action. However, this marginalization of traditional institutions is a warning sign: if no concrete reform is undertaken, the gap between the governed and the governors is likely to widen further.
The 2026 elections thus become a crucial milestone. They constitute a major test for Morocco. Faced with rising abstention and extra-institutional protest, they could either confirm the crisis of trust or initiate a renewed participation. For this, parties and institutions must go beyond speeches and establish genuine dialogue spaces. They must also respond to local demands with concrete measures, demonstrating that politics can change daily life.
Without a strong and credible response, these elections risk being nothing more than a meaningless formality, further deepening popular disenchantment.
Morocco finds itself at a delicate turning point where society politically reinvents itself outside traditional parties. The challenge of the coming elections is therefore much more than a simple vote: it is the reconquest of trust and authentic representation, to finally engage the country on the path of confidence, lasting stability, and cohesion.
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Moroccan Sahara: De Mistura's Statement, A Diplomatic Turning Point or a Headlong Rush
1000
The UN Secretary-General's Personal Envoy for "Western" Sahara, Staffan de Mistura, made a statement in Italian, his most comfortable language for expressing emotions, that was remarkably frank. His tone, unusual for a diplomat, was direct and unambiguous. In essence, he said that the Moroccan Sahara conflict is not a "decolonization" issue but rather an indirect confrontation between Morocco and Algeria. He thus broke a diplomatic taboo and deconstructed a narrative sustained for fifty years with billions of dollars by a military regime from another era, which projects its frustrations and shortcomings onto this conflict. For the first time, a UN emissary publicly said what researchers, diplomats, and observers have been repeating behind closed doors for nearly half a century.
Since the Green March in 1975, the Sahara question has been marked by two irreconcilable narratives. Morocco rightly considers this territory an integral part of its territorial integrity. History and geography prove this. This position is now supported by Washington, Paris, Madrid, London, most Arab countries, and nearly 110 other UN member states. Morocco, acting in good faith for decades, has spared no effort to find common ground with its eastern neighbor. Tired of Algeria's chronic and toxic animosity, Morocco proposed an autonomy plan for the region in 2007, within the framework of its sovereignty. Since then, nearly the entire international community views this proposal as the only feasible one. In reality, it is the only one on the table: the opposing party has never offered a credible solution apart from the partition of Morocco.
Algeria, meanwhile, supports its proxy, the Polisario Front, militarily, diplomatically, and financially, while denying direct involvement in the conflict. Algeria continues to call for a self-determination referendum that has become unrealistic as demographic, political, and security balances have shifted. It is worth recalling that Algeria deliberately obstructed a referendum that King Hassan II himself had proposed.
Until now, the UN had maintained a façade of neutrality, speaking of a "political process" under its aegis. But everyone knew that behind the polished phrases, this was a strategic power struggle between Rabat and Algiers.
In this context, how should De Mistura’s comments be understood, if not as a calculated move ahead of a crucial Security Council meeting? This time, it came after several powers, notably the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, openly supported Morocco’s autonomy initiative.
Two interpretations are possible:
- Is it pressure on Algeria to publicly acknowledge its central role? De Mistura thus pushes Algeria to take responsibility and abandon its comfortable posture as a "mere observer."
- Is it a recognition of impotence? The Italian diplomat implicitly acknowledges that the UN has failed to impose a solution, and that the outcome now depends on a political power balance within the Security Council.
In either case, Algeria stands more contradictory than ever.
For fifty years, Algiers has contributed to freezing the conflict, at great cost:
- A lasting blockage of Maghreb integration, depriving North Africa of vital economic integration;
- Eroding regional opportunities in energy, trade, and collective security;
- A burden on the international community, with a UN mission (MINURSO) unable to fulfill its mandate, but whose funding and costs continue indefinitely.
This policy has gradually isolated Algeria diplomatically, while Rabat gains increasing support, especially after the US recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over the territory in 2020.
Are we finally moving toward a historical clarification? The central question now is whether the Security Council is ready to take a step forward. Two options present themselves:
- Fully endorse the Moroccan approach, recognizing the autonomy plan as the only serious negotiation basis;
- Or maintain the diplomatic fiction of a decolonization process, risking prolonging a conflict that undermines the UN’s credibility and regional stability.
By confronting Algeria with its responsibilities, De Mistura has changed the tone of the debate. Even if his gesture can be read as a sign of frustration or a last warning, it has the merit of bringing political reality back to the forefront.
The future of Western Sahara no longer depends on technical reports or ambiguous language: it requires clear political will. Sooner or later, that will must end a costly historical anomaly in the Maghreb, Africa, and the world, which also weakens the credibility of the multilateral system.
Staffan de Mistura has gone further than his predecessors. At the very least, he deserves the medal of candor.
The Security Council will no longer read the question the same way and must change course, the wind has definitively turned.
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