Think Forward.

But what is Gamal Abdel Nacer still doing in Conakry... 2249

What was my surprise when I was told that for my stay of only 3 nights in Conakry, I was going to stay at the « Hôtel de L'Université » which is in fact called Gamal Abdel Nacer University. We must return to both the recent and distant history of Guinea Conakry to understand what Gamal Abdel Nacer is doing, or rather was doing, in this region of Africa. The University is now some 60 years old. It has no less than 35,000 students and some 620 teachers. The students represent nearly twenty countries. It is a university that aims to be innovative and competitive in the service of socio-economic development and environmental balance in Guinea, in the region and in the world. Built with the support of the Soviet Union in 1962, it was known until 1984 as the Polytechnic Institute of Conakry. The University was then named in honor of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It served for a long time to provide the country with its elites. Here Gamal is honored, elsewhere he was named Paper Tiger or even Tiger of Falouga, so much so that he puffed out his chest and suffered a series of defeats and disasters that his country continues to pay till today. An excess of "philosophical" vision undoubtedly misguided, meaningless slogans, based on an ideology without anchor, neither social nor even less cultural or historical, if not just a dream. The Officer who called himself free had, with a group of friends, overthrown the very young egyptian Monarchy as a Kingdom. Previously, Egypt had Sultans. Fouad II overthrown by Gamal and his barracks friends, acceded to the throne in July 1952, aged only 7 months and 10 days, after the abdication of his father Farouk. Farouk thought that by abdicating, leaving the throne to his baby with a regent who seemed to be accepted, he would calm the ardor of the officers and thus save his young monarchy. It didn't work. Farouk ended up leaving the country with honors, thus avoiding a bloodbath and confrontation between the military and pro-monarchist forces. The free officers will then name Mohammed Naguib president of the Arab Republic of Egypt in June 1953. An Arab Republic in Africa, heir to the greatest civilization that the African continent and the world had given birth to. Gamal was appointed prime minister in April 1954 but not for long...A few months later, on November 14, 1954, poor Naguib was kindly thanked and Gamal succeeded him quite naturally. Naguib born in Sudan will then go and write books...At the time it should be remembered, Sudan was part of Egypt but under shared sovereignty with the United Kingdom. Sudan will be declared an independent state in January 1956. The free officers of Egypt in fact, carried a project of national independence, believing that Egypt was not in fact free and that the English still had an ascendancy over the monarchy. There was also there, and above all an air of revenge of the common people, who were the young army officers, on a Cairo bourgeoisie or even nobility, speaking mostly in French, moreover, of Turkish or very close. The officers naively promised and no doubt dreamed of rapid economic development for the benefit of all...A somewhat special vision of communism and a socialism which was sought for a long time without ever succeeding, based on the doctrine of the Baathist Michel Aflak, a Syrian which skillfully combines socialism and pan-Arabism. Michel Aflak is a fan of secularism and freedom from Western interests. The Baath subtly opposed socialism to Marxism, a way of satisfying the deeply religious populations, predominantly Muslim and not only, and for whom Marxism was synonymous with atheism. We are here in the Middle East, the cradle and heart of all monotheistic religions... The Baath found in Gamal the ideal tribune. His inflammatory speeches met with an immense echo in Egypt and the Arab world: the army then appeared as the savior of an enlarged nation. The Arab Nation… Nacer's speeches mobilized and inflamed crowds at home and beyond. Its Cairo Radio, then received on short wave throughout the so-called Arab world, would play a capital role in propaganda that would restore pride to populations who had not yet emerged from the yoke of colonization in the region. Mohamed Abdelwahab will add a nice layer with the song Douae Echark (Call of the Orient) to the words of the great poet Mahmoud Hassan Ismail. It is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful pieces of music by the Egyptian virtuoso. Oum Kaltoum will do his part in 1964 with Ala Bab Masr (At the Gates of Egypt); words by Kamal Echanaoui and a composition once again by Mohamed Abdelwahab. She will also sing among others Ya Gamal ya Mital Alwatania (Gamal Example of nationalism or patriotism...). But the one who sang the most on the occasion of the July 23 celebrations was the young singer of that time, Abdel Halim Hafez, notably with his famous song Ihna Chaab (We the people). In fact, we are here faced with an extremely well-oiled system serving a cause that wanted to be pan-Arabist in the service of a military regime that wanted to be exportable to all countries with the Arabic language as the common denominator. The revolution was intended to be Egyptian but was to extend to the entire Arab world. It will succeed in overthrowing regimes almost everywhere, in Iraq, Libya, Syria... it will settle in Algeria and fail to make Hassan II of Morocco bend for example... The war of sands (Guerre des sables) was imposed to him but his solidity and his political sense will surprise them...
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East 85

The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable. Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last. The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism. In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors. At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters. Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world." The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers. Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position. Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm. The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion. Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.

Blind love 99

Blind love To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and setbacks Yet she confesses to others that she loves me who believes Leaning on her balcony every evening She doesn't care that I always be there at my perch Waiting for a signal from her, a hope To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my setbacks In spite I keep drinking And drinking get drunk every night Sitting in front of her window on the sidewalk To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me While she is the source of my sorrows and my disappointments I say that this story is over now And that elsewhere I will go to see Dr Bouchareb Fouad July 5, 2022 Inspired by a piece of Andalusian music All rights reserved