Think Forward.

Bashar Al Assad, in fact a snowman, not more... 11356

Aziz Daouda, 1 y.
I wish, like everyone else, that the images and videos that have been plentiful on the net since the fall of Assad were fakes or extracts from horror films. They are unbearable to vomit. How can a human being in the 21st century pride himself on being a leader, a head of state in a country, and allow his security officials to subject his compatriots to such odious, cruel, degrading and dehumanizing torture? They were also degrading first and foremost for the narcissists who were inflicting the torments on other human beings, their brothers and sisters. What kind of man was this Bashar, this Assad, lion in Arabic. A lion is supposed first and foremost to protect and defend his own, but Bashar was in fact nothing more than a lion made of powdered ice, a little snowman with a Pinocchio nose, because at a height of almost two meters he was going to melt like snow. Two blows from a few armed men, no doubt none of them well-supported, were enough to make him flee like a rat that has inadvertently got in somewhere. This inadvertence lasted for almost sixty years, shared between him and his father, another bloodthirsty man who had worked hard and plotted relentlessly to extend this type of regime and the doctrine of his party: Baat to the whole region and even further afield. Humiliating, degrading, torturing and killing seem to be engraved in their genome. The father was a killer, the uncles were cruel, the relatives were bloodthirsty. They were all in the same boat. For sixty years, in prisons of absolute horror that not even Alexandre Aja, making the film ‘The Hills Have Eyes’, could have imagined, men and women have been flayed alive, crushed, pressed and crushed between two steel plates. Men and women were hanged to death from ropes with a very specific colour: red. Each and every person whose misfortune led them to the Saydanaya hellhole - and there must be others - had to undergo the welcoming ritual. A ritual documented in videos. These videos are undoubtedly a kind of victory over the executioners wearing the uniform of horror. They show human cruelty sublimated by madmen and murderers. These fools were undoubtedly themselves victims of the Assad system, which blocked every last vein of humanism in them and their generals. Victims probably, but victims who were complicit and accountable to justice. How could this bloodthirsty head of state, this madman, this extreme neurotic, and his henchmen, eat, sleep, shave in front of a mirror, reach out to people, talk about democracy, promise prosperity and peace to the people while knowing that every day that the good Lord did, young and old were kept in absolute darkness, underground, to the point of dispossessing them of their humanity, their reason and their raison d'être. How could a regime like this sit alongside others in international institutions, benefiting from a tolerance that today can only be described as indecent to say the least.
Aziz Daouda Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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Where Have Our Ministers Gone? When the Operational State Fills in for a Silent Government... 8437

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society -
2.5 min read.
The recent floods provided a striking demonstration of the effectiveness of Morocco's security and territorial apparatus. On the high instructions of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, agents from the Ministry of the Interior, elements of the Royal Armed Forces, and various intervention forces mobilized impressive human and logistical resources in just a few hours. Nearly 180,000 people were evacuated, transported, and relocated from disaster-stricken areas with a speed that commanded admiration, including abroad. In Portugal, for example, where some observers praised Morocco's promptness, deputies heatedly questioned the government over its handling of the country's own floods, urging it to take a leaf out of the Moroccans' crisis management book. But behind this undeniable efficiency lies a disturbing question: where were the other ministers and their bloated departments? Especially those in charge of social affairs and solidarity. The Moroccan government is not limited to the sovereign ministries alone. It includes numerous ministries officially responsible for social affairs, solidarity, inclusion, family, territorial cohesion, and the fight against precariousness. Yet once again, these departments shone by their absence. No notable initiatives. No visible measures. Not even reassuring communication. Silence as the only response to the distress of those affected and the justified curiosity of citizens. This is not an isolated episode. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the bulk of the response had already rested on the security architecture and exceptional mechanisms driven from the highest levels of the State. During the El Haouz earthquake, the same scenario: remarkable mobilization of rescue forces and territorial administration, but worrying silence from several departments supposed to embody national solidarity. This repetition raises questions. It challenges not only the performance of the current government but also the very architecture of our successive governments. What is the point of an inflation of ministries if, in critical moments, they are invisible? What good is multiplying state secretariats, attached agencies, and thematic departments if their real impact is undetectable when the country faces a trial? The debate is not ideological; it is budgetary and ethical. Every ministry, every cabinet, every central directorate represents salaries, vehicles, premises, operating expenses. When these structures provide no measurable added value, they become budget-devouring. They absorb public resources without tangible return for the citizen. Some provocatively invoke Argentine President Javier Milei's "chainsaw." Obviously, this is not about caricaturally copying foreign models, and certainly not that one. But the question of rationalizing the governmental apparatus deserves to be raised seriously. An effective government is not a hypertrophic, colossal one; it is a coherent, streamlined, responsible, and efficient formation. Beyond the symbolism, there is a macroeconomic stake. A civil servant or high official paid without measurable output mechanically contributes to unproductive public spending. When public spending rises without corresponding wealth creation, it fuels imbalances, tax pressure, and ultimately inflation. Distributing income financed by taxes or debt to structures that produce neither tangible services nor social efficiency weakens the purchasing power of the very citizens one claims to protect. An unacceptable, unfair contradiction. God knows the subject is sensitive. The Moroccan citizen is not happy with price hikes and the erosion of his purchasing power. With the September elections approaching, political parties can no longer settle for sectoral promises and catalogs of social programs. They must commit to reforming the governmental architecture itself: reducing the number of departments, clarifying competencies, mandating results, and public evaluation of performance. The next head of government and all those aspiring to be—should clearly announce their visions: how many ministries? With what precise missions? According to what performance indicators? And above all: with what political responsibility in case of inaction during crises? It is time to break with the logic of satisfying partisan balances at the expense of public efficiency. Multiplying posts to appease coalitions can no longer be financed by the taxpayer with impunity and without real counterpart. Every public dirham must be justified. The exemplary mobilization of intervention forces proves that the Moroccan State knows how to act with rigor and speed when the chain of command is clear and responsibility is assumed. The government, for its part, must now prove that it can exist beyond its organigram. Citizens, finally, bear a share of responsibility. Voting should not just be an act of adherence to slogans, but a rational choice in favor of sober, effective, and responsible governance. The stakes go beyond the conjuncture: they concern the sustainability of our public finances and the credibility of our institutional model. The question thus remains, simple and relentless: in moments when the nation faces great difficulty, as is the case today, who really acts, who coasts along, contenting themselves with existing on paper and collecting salaries and perks without reason?

At Night We Dream 8469

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
Once I watched a film about Frédéric Chopin, whose original title is: "A Song to Remember", which in my country was translated as “At Night We Dream.” I believe that the nocturnes composed by Chopin, which are truly beautiful, stand as musical references of the Romantic period. His nocturnes are perfect invitations to meditation, as they sharpen our minds to reflect upon the mysteries of the night. It is no coincidence that many poets have long drawn inspiration from the night and its elements, whether it be a clear sky sprinkled with stars, the light and refreshing breeze that not only caresses us, giving us a sense of pleasure as it touches our faces, but also moves the vegetation, the trees, and hanging objects, producing characteristic sounds with truly calming effects, much like the sounds of nocturnal wildlife. Not to mention the principal element, present in so many poems: our natural satellite, the Moon. I consider myself a selenophile, for ever since I can remember, the Moon has cast a kind of spell over me. In my moments of greatest distress, a simple glance at it is capable of bringing me to a halt, producing a kind of “reset” effect, essential for gathering strength and continuing to face life’s adversities. And what about dreams? Well, on countless occasions, I have awakened in the middle of the night after a dream, sometimes good, sometimes troubling, and I would rise and go to the outdoor area of my old house. In the silence of that hour, I felt as though I could open a kind of channel to another reality, which allowed me to sense the presence of other beings I could not see, some benevolent, others not so much. Yet on one of those occasions, I was certain that someone was with me, assuring my safety. I even received, in thought, the following message: “Do not forget, I am here.” Perhaps that certainty encouraged me for a long time to explore those moments. I can say that I have moved between different realities in dreams, and even when awake in the middle of the night, I felt that I was still living an extension of what I had seen and experienced in my dream. So what, then, is the purpose of sharing these experiences now? Today I am certain that much of what moves me is based on the inspirations I draw both from these dreams and from the moments immediately after waking, when I meditate upon them. I am, by nature, a contemplative person. I spend much of my time admiring what the Creator places before me, and my dreams, and the meditations that follow them, are like fuel for my imagination which I have spoken of so often in other articles and will certainly continue to speak about. I say to everyone: cherish the night. It is full of beauty and mystery. It is in the night that we most often find calm, silence, and peace, and these are the best conditions for looking within ourselves, evaluating what we have done throughout the day, and preparing our bodies for rest and our spirits to soar, renewing our strength for a new day and new experiences.

Violence Against One’s Own Spirit 8507

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
- Health - Philosophy - Realist -
2.1 min read.
I begin this article by asking: have you ever violated your own spirit? I believe you have. And what is this violence against one’s own spirit? Well, we know that we cannot, and should not, do only what we want. Based on Freud’s concepts, if we were to do everything we desired, without any “filter,” it would mean that only the id was operating, without any kind of restraint, and that would certainly bring serious and grave consequences to ourselves and to many other people. Therefore, no, we cannot and should not do everything and only what we want. On the other hand, there is the opposite extreme: when we do nothing that we want. This means we do only what others want us to do, inevitably causing frustration. And that is where the violence begins. Because by continuing in this way, we suffocate our desires, our perceptions, our opinions, until we reach the point of losing our essence, or at least feeling as though we have, since that essence becomes stifled and consequently forgotten somewhere, as if buried beneath many layers in our mind, as I mentioned in one of my previous articles, titled “Mental Archaeology for the Rescue of My True Essence.” For when that essence remains buried for too long, it becomes harder to bring it back, requiring an archaeological effort, metaphorically speaking. Every time we fail to express our opinions or refrain from doing what we want, for example, to avoid contradicting someone else and causing them frustration, we violate our spirit. This happens when a person exerts some kind of control over us, for instance, someone who, instead of wanting to hear our opinions, wants only to hear their own echoed from our mouth. That is what nowadays is called a toxic person. Over the course of a lifetime, by accumulating these feelings, we generate a very high price to pay, almost always beginning with mental health, which inevitably compromises physical health. Along with this comes the feeling that precious time, which will never return, has been wasted. Often it is possible to reverse the situation; however, scars will remain as records of that time, and unfortunately some losses may be irreversible, at least in this life. My advice to young people is that they do everything possible not to commit such acts, for I believe that some of these marks may be carried into whatever lies beyond this time here, possibly returning with us in our new chances on this dense plane. Believe me: most of the time we do not realize when we begin to erase ourselves for the sake of certain people in our relationships, whether professional, marital, parental, and so on. At a moment when we still do not truly see reality, it is very easy to give in, with the feeling that we are doing something to please the other person, which is natural and even noble, depending on the situation and the person. Some people do deserve such kindness, because they reciprocate in the same way, showing themselves to be good and worthy individuals. But unfortunately, others do not. These, often driven by some psychological disorder, or simply by selfishness or extreme immaturity, seek to impose their will without any embarrassment, always ready to criticize any action of the other, many of which are normal and intended to please. And we, by suppressing our responses, continue violating our spirit, which becomes a little more ill each time. I imagine the spirit feeling pain, which reflects in us as sensations of discomfort in breathing, tightness in the chest, along with sadness and disappointment. Therefore, be strong and never allow anyone to control your life. Be the owner of yourself and of your desires, of course, always maintaining ethics and being just.

April 6, 2026: The day Morocco gets a parachute against economic storms... 8473

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Business -
3 min read.
April 6, 2026, will mark a decisive turning point for the Moroccan economy: it's a new level for the country's "financial engine."It will change the way businesses manage risks and, indirectly, the daily lives of citizens. This is undoubtedly the country's most important financial reform in a long time. With officials showing little interest in explaining such news, let's do an "Economics for Dummies" version. I'm one of them. A Futures Market is a place where you sign contracts today to buy or sell later, at a price fixed in advance. Instead of buying a stock or index right away, like on the "spot" market, you commit to a future price. This protects against sudden rises or falls. It's like locking in your gas fill-up price right now for the next six months, avoiding nasty surprises. Morocco is thus adding another tool to the Casablanca Stock Exchange to stabilize the system: the first products will be futures contracts on stock indices, overseen by the AMMC, the Central Bank, and the financial ecosystem. The goal is to make the capital markets deeper, more liquid, and more resilient to external shocks. April 6 is not just a technical date. It's a structuring step for the Casablanca financial hub to modernize the capital markets and bring them closer to international standards. Risk management will improve for economic players in rates, indices, currencies, and commodities. The Stock Exchange will also attract more capital, especially foreign. The Futures Market is not a speculative gadget; it's a protection tool, a kind of umbrella that shields from storms, allowing businesses to anticipate and secure their costs or revenues. It improves visibility and investment decisions, especially in an economy like Morocco's, highly exposed to international prices and exchange rates. **Impact on the agricultural and agri-food sector:** Morocco exports products sensitive to world prices and currency fluctuations. So, a citrus exporter fearing a dollar drop can use the Futures Market to hedge risk, by tying into an index or contract that tracks that risk. Even if the dollar falls or international prices reverse, it protects part of their margin and secures revenues. This means fewer cooperative bankruptcies, more stable rural jobs, and less "sawtooth" incomes in the countryside. The textile and automotive sectors are highly sensitive to raw material prices (cotton, steel, energy) and international markets. A factory importing cotton could hedge cost increase risks via products linked to an index. An automotive plant, exposed to rising steel prices or demand shifts, can stabilize part of its margins through hedging strategies. If they better control costs, they can invest more, avoid layoffs in tough times, and keep competitive prices for consumers: clothing, vehicles, etc. In energy and mining, global price volatility is a major issue. OCP, heavily exposed to international phosphate prices, can use the Futures Market to smooth the impact of fluctuations on its results. Energy operators can better manage risks tied to electricity, fuel prices, or interest rates financing major projects: solar farms, wind farms. Better visibility fosters long-term heavy investments, thus more projects, more industrial jobs, and ultimately more stable energy costs for households. Transport, services, and tourism, pillars of the Moroccan economy, are highly dependent on international cycles, currencies, and geopolitical shocks. A hotel chain or airline can hedge part of its risks (financing costs, market indices) to stabilize accounts, boosting capacity to maintain jobs, invest in quality, and offer competitive deals for domestic and foreign tourists. The Futures Market has a huge impact on very small, small, and medium-sized enterprises (VSMEs, SMEs, MEs), which form the productive heart of the country—99.7% of Moroccan businesses generate about 38% of value added and provide nearly 74% of declared jobs. Even if, at launch, the Futures Market will mainly be reserved for institutional players and the most structured companies, it will eventually benefit VSMEs/SMEs/MEs indirectly. Better-protected, more stable large companies offer more orders to subcontractors. Banks and intermediaries can create "packaged" solutions integrating risk coverage, without the small business needing to be an expert in derivatives. If the VSME/SME/ME fabric becomes more resilient, employment gains stability. At first, individuals won't have direct access to the Futures Market. Authorities want a gradual rollout given the complexity and risks. However, citizens are at the center of the final ripple effects: more stable jobs. Prices will be more predictable with better control of raw materials, energy, and financing costs. Savings and pensions will also be better protected. Pension funds, life insurance, and mutual funds can use these instruments to hedge portfolios. For projects and infrastructure: deeper capital markets finance major works more easily, with huge ripple effects. The Moroccan citizen won't necessarily "trade futures" from their smartphone tomorrow morning, but they'll benefit from a more stable economic environment, sturdier businesses, and a financial market better armed against storms. The Futures Market is a powerful tool, but it can become risky if misunderstood or used for pure speculation. That's why authorities chose a gradual launch, starting with simple products. Access will be limited to professional players and companies able to understand risks, before broader democratization. Emphasis will be on financial education, transparency, and strengthened regulation. This is therefore not just "one more product" at the Casablanca Stock Exchange, but a change in the playing field. It equips the Moroccan economy with modern tools to better manage shocks, support investment, and ultimately protect jobs and citizens' purchasing power.

Under Attaf's Eyes, Ghali Begs for His "Peace Bill" in Madrid... 8526

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
It took guts. Ibrahim Ghali had them. From the Tindouf camps, this lawless, timeless no-man's-land, the Polisario leader saw fit to announce his willingness to "share the peace bill" with Morocco. Context is key to grasping the ploy. The statement came the day before his trip to Madrid, where the U.S. embassy would host a meeting this Sunday, with Morocco presenting its self-determination plan for the southern provinces. Worth noting: Mauritania would attend... and Algeria too. This Algeria, which had told itself it wasn't involved in the talks, is represented by the very same foreign minister who once wouldn't even entertain the idea... The declaration is so grotesque it deserves a direct spot in the museum of contemporary diplomatic absurdities. Let's get serious: How do you share a bill when you've never paid a dime? How do you talk peace when you've built your entire political existence on systematically rejecting every solution? How do you invoke compromise when you're surviving on financial, political, and security life support from your host country, incapable of the slightest autonomous move? Ibrahim Ghali isn't a peace actor. He is the cost, accumulated over nearly half a century. The most pathetic part of this outburst isn't its content, but what it reveals: a movement running on fumes, reduced to recycling technocratic jargon for lack of any credible ideology left. After the fantasized "armed struggle," after hollow threats of total war, after hundreds of martial communiqués drafted to sustain the illusion for a captive audience, here comes the era of political begging dressed up as responsibility. The Polisario liberates nothing, builds nothing, proposes nothing. It blocks, delays, confiscates. And now, it wants to bill. But bill for what? Exactly what "peace bill" is Ghali talking about? The decades of sequestering Sahrawi populations, deprived of basic rights? The diverted international humanitarian aid, resold and conveniently reinvested far from Tindouf? The human capital sacrificed on the altar of an obsolete separatism? Or the artificial survival of a politico-military apparatus that only exists because others prop it up? Those others now gasping for air themselves. It takes supreme cynicism to talk peace after living, or at least believing in, even a fictional war for fifty years. Ghali's sudden conversion to the language of moderation isn't some moral epiphany, obviously. It's dictated by panic. Panic at the dossier's irreversible evolution. Panic at the international realignment. Panic at the increasingly clear U.S. signals. Panic, above all, at the growing recognition of an obvious truth that even the Polisario's traditional backers no longer dare contest openly: the separatist project is dead, drained of all credibility. Its death certificate will be signed in Madrid this weekend, in the presence of its godfather. Yesterday, Ghali promised escalation. Today, he begs for talks. This isn't strategy—it's a survival reflex. When he claims the Polisario "won't substitute itself for the Sahrawis," the hypocrisy hits new heights. Who has spoken in their name without ever consulting them? Who confiscated their future under the pretext of representing them? Who turned entire generations into diplomatic bargaining chips? Certainly not Morocco, which invests, develops, and integrates. But a frozen apparatus, churning out nothing but outdated slogans dictated by its sponsor's services. **As for the ritual invocation of "international legality," it's now pure Pavlovian reflex. A magic formula mechanically repeated by a structure with no legal, political, or historical grounding anymore and likely no credibility left among the sequestered. The world has changed, international law evolves, and the Polisario keeps waving resolutions like relics, hoping for a miracle.** Reality is brutal: Morocco has no "peace bill" to share with the Polisario. It has already paid, and keeps paying, in investments, stability, political vision, and diplomatic credibility. The autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty isn't a concession: it's the solution. Everything else is ideological folklore. The Polisario, for its part, has nothing to offer. No territory. No project. No renewed legitimacy. Just political, moral, and human debts to the sequestered it's clumsily trying to offload onto others. Let Ibrahim Ghali keep his bills. Let him send them to those who host him, fund him, and still dictate his outbursts. The process marches on, reality asserts itself, and history's train doesn't stop for clandestine passengers waving expired tickets. Welcome to Madrid, Mr. Attaf but beware, neither Morocco nor the U.S. have time to waste. They have far better things to do than listen to you and put up with the idiocy. In Madrid, Morocco is represented by Nasser Bourita, Algeria by Ahmed Attaf, Mauritania by Mohamed Salem Ould Merzoug. Mohamed Yeslem Beissat will be there for the Polisario and listen like a good student to the dictation. In diplomatic precaution, lest anyone forget the UN's involvement, the UN Secretary-General's personal envoy, Staffan de Mistura, is invited. But no one's fooled: it's the U.S. steering the ship, with one agenda item: the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty, and nothing else. Morocco has fleshed it out, expanding from the initial 5-page project to about forty pages today, no more.

Immigration: Spain Wins, Europe Shoots Itself in the Foot... 8823

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Spain under Pedro Sánchez has adopted a pro-immigration policy in stark contrast to the hardening observed in most European countries. While Europe as a whole tightens the screws on migrants and pins all its weaknesses and dysfunctions on them, Madrid bets on their integration through work, reaping in return the continent's strongest economic growth in 2025. Most European nations base their migration policies on restriction and expulsion. The European Union is even considering return hubs outside its borders to speed up deportations and more harshly punish refusals to leave, under pressure from far-right forces. Countries like Germany, France, and Italy have tightened quotas and procedures in 2025, wrongly perceiving migrants as a source of social and economic tensions. Isn't this a real long-term economic and social suicide... Pedro Sánchez, for his part, reaffirms that legal immigration is an economic asset and a demographic necessity, with migrants already making up 13% of the country's workforce. In May 2025, a reform of the foreigners' regulations expanded corridors for agriculture, construction, tech, and healthcare, fast-tracking permits for graduates and startups. At the end of January 2026, the government announced the regularization of 500,000 undocumented migrants who arrived before the end of 2025, via an expedited procedure for those without criminal records. In 2025, Spain recorded +2.8% GDP growth, twice that of the eurozone, boosted by tourism, household consumption, and falling unemployment. Foreigners drove 80% of the increase in the active population from 2022-2024, offsetting the decline in native workers. A report forecasts a continued positive impact through 2026, with +0.5 points of GDP thanks to migratory inflows. Madrid is betting on integration through employment rather than exclusion. Sánchez presents this model as a blueprint for an aging Europe, highlighting the economic rationale of managed migration. Direct consequence: Spain enjoys a full-throttle economy despite internal criticism and tensions stirred by various right-wing forces. For 2026, Spain plans to digitize permit renewals and boost industrialization with foreign talent. This isolated choice strengthens its dynamism but exposes it to internal political tensions, while sparking a continental debate on the virtues of managed immigration. In contrast, restrictive Europe is paying a heavy price for its anti-immigration choices. While Spain prospers thanks to its openness, countries that have toughened their migration policies: Germany, France, Italy, face glaring labor shortages in vital sectors: agriculture, construction, healthcare, logistics, and hospitality. These essential jobs, unattractive to nationals, remain under strain, mechanically hampering economic growth due to a lack of hands and brains. The decline in fertility worsens this demographic impasse. With rates below 1.5 children per woman in most European countries, the active population is inexorably contracting, leading to more retirees to support, fewer young people to produce and contribute. Germany, for example, forecasts a shortfall of 7 million workers by 2035, while France sees its hospitals and fields suffering from staff shortages. Result: anemic growth, around 1% in the eurozone in 2025, far from Spain's 2.8%. How to reverse the trend? Options are dwindling: forced retirement age increases, which anger unions; timid natalist incentives, ineffective in the short term; or partial automation, costly and unsuited to manual jobs. Without regulated migratory inflows, these aging nations risk stagnation that can only lead to decline. Spain thus shows the way for those who want to integrate through work to turn a constraint into an engine. In these troubled times, proponents of the "great replacement" theory, this apocalyptic vision of a submerged Europe, unfortunately find growing popular echo, fueled by fears and also by the failures of restrictive policies. Yet the facts speak for themselves: it's the refusal of managed immigration that is suffocating economies, not reasoned welcoming. In reality, the various right-wing factions and their ideologues are against certain immigration, not others; except that the countries once suppliers of workers have changed. They are richer, industrializing, and facing birth rate deficits themselves. Sánchez, isolated but visionary, is in fact openly inviting Europe to a pragmatic awakening before it's too late.

The Darkest Hour in a Man’s Night 8482

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
- Realist -
2.6 min read.
I have experienced many kinds of emotions and feelings throughout my life which, by human standards, has not been a short one. Nowadays, life expectancy is much better than it was a few decades ago, which in a way encourages me, knowing that I may still have a good amount of time to accumulate more of those feelings and emotions I mentioned. And yet, like everyone else, I do not know how much time I have left before my mission in this dense plane in which we live is brought to an end. However, I can state without the slightest shadow of doubt that I have now reached the peak of my dark night of the soul. At this moment, I am discovering that we can always endure more adversity. When I thought I had reached an extreme situation, I realized that this “extreme” could stretch even further. I confess that what feels strange is that I am still able to withstand so much pressure, of course, based on my own experiences. My mind constantly pushes me to think that there are people in far worse situations than mine, but one thing is certain: each person knows their own pain. We should not measure who is suffering more, because even if we try to describe in the greatest detail what we feel, we will never truly be able to convey it to someone else. In the same way, no matter how hard someone tries to describe their pain, we will never be able to feel it as they do. That is a fact, even though our minds always try to comfort us, or even reprimand us, for complaining. Well, at least that is true for honest and fair-hearted people. All of this leads me to a reflection: how much pressure can a man endure? Frustrated initiatives, betrayals, lack of support from some of the most important people in his life, not only a lack of moral support, but often discouragement, a lack of faith in his attempts, especially in his intentions. It is deeply disheartening, because where you believe you will find a point of support, you discover a void, without even a single “edge” to hold onto, or that patch of vegetation at the edge of the abyss that could be your last resort to keep from falling. And yet, this man, without any clear explanation, manages to extract even more strength to keep going, almost as if he were squeezing a piece of stone and the smallest drop of water accumulated in its microfractures were to flow from within. And where does the strength come from to find this extra reserve of energy? Well, if we are speaking of a just and good-hearted man, that strength comes from the simple image of the most precious thing he may have built in his life, in my case, my children. It is enough just to look at them, especially when they do not realize that I am watching. In those moments, many things pass through my mind, and there is a true mixture of feelings, most of them feelings of love, but also feelings of concern, to the point of feeling a tightness in my throat, almost blocking the passage of air, and immediately a sensation as if I were lying down with a block of granite on my chest, which, besides hurting from its weight, further restricts the expansion of my chest, preventing me from breathing in fully. As it is often said, the darkest hour of the night comes just before dawn. In the same way, when a forest grows denser and more closed in, it means we are nearing its edges and about to find our way out. This is my moment. I still have enough strength to know that I must be, very likely, just a few moments away from the dawn, or having to open one last passage through the dense vegetation before finally leaving this forest. However, I cannot be hypocritical and pretend to be that super-confident person with unshakable faith, because we all have uncertainties, and when things truly tighten, you realize that merely being optimistic does not solve the situation. Only the one who feels the pressure truly knows it. No matter how good the intentions of those on the outside may be, there is no way to feel what the one in the eye of the hurricane is feeling. And in this case, the only thing left is to stay alive and continue searching for strength, I do not even know where, but it is almost like performing magic, knowing that most likely, the only support you will receive is moral support, because the material support you will have to produce yourself.

AFCON’s Transition to a Quadrennial Cycle: Between Global Prestige and Endogenous Development 8870

Imad Khater, 2 mon.
The structural landscape of African continental football is currently navigating a period of significant strategic turbulence. At the heart of the discourse lies the proposed shift of the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) from a biennial to a quadrennial frequency. This is far from a mere scheduling adjustment; it represents a profound reconfiguration of the continent’s sports political economy. This transition, oscillating between a desire for alignment with international standards and the preservation of regional specificities, raises a pivotal question: is CAF embarking on a vital modernization, or is it yielding to globalized hegemonic pressures? The Economics of Scarcity: Pursuing the "Premium" Model Proponents of a four-year cycle primarily argue through the logic of asset appreciation via scarcity. Until now, the biennial frequency—while generating consistent cash flow—has tended to dilute the competition’s symbolic and commercial prestige. By opting for an extended cycle, CAF is adopting a "premiumization" strategy modeled after the UEFA Euros or the FIFA World Cup. The Moroccan experience serves as a clear precedent: it demonstrated that top-tier infrastructure, coupled with sophisticated marketing engineering, can capture global investment far more effectively than a succession of editions with inconsistent standards. The objective is to transform a recurring event into a historical landmark, thereby driving up international broadcasting bids and attracting blue-chip commercial partners. Sports Diplomacy and Talent Emancipation The second pillar of this reform is inextricably linked to the power dynamics with European football. The biennial calendar has long been a theater of conflicting loyalties for athletes. For the continent’s elite players, departing mid-season posed a systemic risk to their physical integrity and remained a constant source of friction with their clubs. An AFCON held every four years, ideally synchronized with global summer windows, would serve as a diplomatic de-escalation tool. Players would no longer be perceived as a "liability" or an uncertainty by European scouts during transfer windows, thus bolstering their market value and securing their ascent within the global elite without scheduling impediments. The Downside: Historical Inertia and Structural Depletion However, a comprehensive analysis must account for the risks this shift poses to the continent’s internal dynamics. The Specter of Invisibility and Stalled Progression: In a biennial system, failing to qualify is merely a temporary setback. Under a quadrennial rhythm, missing a single edition condemns a nation to an eight-year absence. For a generation of talent, this often means an entire international career spent without the exposure of a major tournament. Furthermore, this slowdown freezes the record books; dominant nations see their hegemony "sanctified" by time, making it nearly impossible for emerging nations to bridge the historical gap within a human timeframe. Impact on Development and Solidarity: Historically, AFCON has functioned in Africa as a catalyst for public infrastructure projects (stadiums, roads, telecommunications). Spacing out the tournaments inevitably slows this pace of modernization. Moreover, the biennial frequency allowed CAF to redistribute vital funds more regularly to "smaller" federations. A four-year cycle risks drying up these financial flows, which are essential for the survival of grassroots football in less affluent countries, potentially widening the chasm between major nations and the rest. The Shadow of FIFA: Toward a Globalized Order In reality, this mutation aligns with a vision driven by Zurich. FIFA’s role in this transition is decisive, operating through three main levers: Calendar Harmonization: FIFA is pushing for a cycle mirrored on the European model to mitigate friction with employing clubs. Financial Substitution: Through the "FIFA Forward" program, the global body is replacing the event-based financial dependence of African federations with a direct institutional dependence. Format Diversification: Support for new competitions, such as an African Nations League, aims to fill the commercial void left by the AFCON’s spacing, maintaining the continent under permanent structural oversight. The Gamble of Qualitative Sovereignty Ultimately, the move to a four-year cycle is a bold bet on quality over quantity. While this choice may appear as a concession to European leagues and FIFA pressure, it also represents a necessary move upmarket to solidify CAF’s global credibility. However, for this revolution to succeed, Africa must transform the record-breaking revenues of a "Premium" AFCON into robust financial equalization mechanisms. The stakes are critical: ensuring that the excellence of the sporting showcase does not result in the abandonment of local foundations or the marginalization of the continent's most vulnerable footballing nations.

The Radiance of a Lady 8859

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Romance -
0.4 min read.
​Your love illuminates my heart, And you have forbidden me to reveal this honor. How can the light of your brilliance be dimmed When it radiates from everywhere? It shines like a sapphire, a diamond, or a jewel, And dazzles everyone with your blonde beauty. You do not believe in my love, In turn, While I can love no one else but you; This is my destiny, this is my faith. You are my heart and my soul, You are my destiny, you are my law. I cannot bear it when you are far away, beautiful woman, You who soothe my heart in flames. In you, I find all my vows, You who make my days happy. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb Inspired by an Andalusian music piece, "Bassit Ibahane" December 13, 2025 https://youtu.be/wlvhOVGyLek?si=5tt6cm0oChF1NQJJ

The Radiance of a Lady 8412

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Fantasy -
0.4 min read.
The Radiance of a Lady ​Your love illuminates my heart, And you have forbidden me to reveal this honor. How can the light of your brilliance be dimmed When it radiates from everywhere? It shines like a sapphire, a diamond, or a jewel, And dazzles everyone with your blonde beauty. You do not believe in my love, In turn, While I can love no one else but you; This is my destiny, this is my faith. You are my heart and my soul, You are my destiny, you are my law. I cannot bear it when you are far away, beautiful woman, You who soothe my heart in flames. In you, I find all my vows, You who make my days happy. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb Inspired by an Andalusian music piece, "Bassit Ibahane" December 13, 2025 https://youtu.be/wlvhOVGyLek?si=5tt6cm0oChF1NQJJ

The Radiance of a Lady 7598

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Romance -
0.4 min read.
​Your love illuminates my heart, And you have forbidden me to reveal this honor. How can the light of your brilliance be dimmed When it radiates from everywhere? It shines like a sapphire, a diamond, or a jewel, And dazzles everyone with your blonde beauty. You do not believe in my love, In turn, While I can love no one else but you; This is my destiny, this is my faith. You are my heart and my soul, You are my destiny, you are my law. I cannot bear it when you are far away, beautiful woman, You who soothe my heart in flames. In you, I find all my vows, You who make my days happy. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb Inspired by an Andalusian music piece, "Bassit Ibahane" December 13, 2025 https://youtu.be/wlvhOVGyLek?si=5tt6cm0oChF1NQJJ

The radiance of a lady 7515

Boucharfou, 2 mon.
The Radiance of a Lady ​Your love illuminates my heart, And you have forbidden me to reveal this honor. How can the light of your brilliance be dimmed When it radiates from everywhere? It shines like a sapphire, a diamond, or a jewel, And dazzles everyone with your blonde beauty. You do not believe in my love, In turn, While I can love no one else but you; This is my destiny, this is my faith. You are my heart and my soul, You are my destiny, you are my law. I cannot bear it when you are far away, beautiful woman, You who soothe my heart in flames. In you, I find all my vows, You who make my days happy. ​Dr. Fouad Bouchareb Inspired by an Andalusian music piece, "Bassit Ibahane" December 13, 2025 https://youtu.be/wlvhOVGyLek?si=5tt6cm0oChF1NQJJ

#3 AMLD Africa 2026: AI Innovation at Wits University (Johannesburg) 7539

Tariq Daouda, 2 mon.
The conversation revolves around the mission of AMLD Africa and the 2026 edition at Wits University (Johannesburg Jan 26-29, 2026), a nonprofit organization aimed at democratizing AI in Africa. Khalil (President of AMLD Africa) discusses the various aspects of the conference, including its entrepreneurial focus, pricing strategy, and the challenges of organizing events in Africa. The importance of the African diaspora, inclusivity, and networking opportunities are emphasized, along with the significance of keynote speakers and the Startup Forum for connecting startups with investors. The conversation ends with a discussion on the importance of energy, finance sector, and regulations for the development of Africa.
youtu.be/rqD0icXxFug

Eight Minutes in the Past 7612

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
- Philosophy -
1.2 min read.
Once, at the end of a cold afternoon, I sat facing the Sun, which would set in a few minutes. Out of habit, I looked at my watch and checked the time. Even though it was a cold late-autumn afternoon, the Sun was there, in a clear atmosphere, with very few clouds near the horizon. Then I remembered having read the account of an astrophotographer who, also on a cold afternoon, held his open hand out toward the Sun and was able to feel its energy in the form of heat. So I did the same, and it worked! I could feel its energy reaching me like a directed ray. At that moment, my mind involuntarily began to work and was taken over by the following thought: the Sun is approximately 150 million kilometers away from us. Light takes eight minutes to travel that distance, which led me to think that the light I was seeing had left the king star eight minutes earlier. Coincidence or not, since some claim it does not exist, and I am practically convinced of that, the moment the Sun disappeared beyond the horizon occurred eight minutes after I had checked the time. In other words, that moment had already happened at the exact instant I sat facing the Sun and extended my hand to feel its energy. I conclude, based on this personal experience, that a moment we imagine and that has not yet happened already exists, whether it is eight minutes from now, one week, four years, twenty-five years, or even at a time when we will no longer be here, at least physically, or inhabiting the current shell but another one. Therefore, seek your moments. Know that they already exist, and that certainty is your lighthouse to guide you to that moment which, once again I say, already exists! It is already ready somewhere, at some moment in the universe. I sought the moment of the sunset, which was eight minutes ahead of me. It does not matter how far away your desired moment is, it is there. Believe in this! Many times it is difficult, but believe it, because it is real.

When Compliments Turn Suspicious: Morocco Doesn't Need FIFA's Praises... 7903

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The recent statement from the FIFA president praising Morocco for its football development might, at first glance, seem like legitimate recognition of the Kingdom's efforts. Modern infrastructure, successful organization of major events, continental and World Cup performances, seven finals won out of ten played: Morocco has indeed established itself as a central player in African and global football. But behind this flattering discourse, a disturbing question arises: who really benefits from this communication operation, and what is it trying to make us forget? No one can seriously dispute the progress made by Moroccan football in recent years. Structured training centers, massive public investments in stadiums and academies, a continental outreach strategy, organization of CAF competitions and soon FIFA ones: Morocco has become a model often cited in Africa. Yet, it is precisely because these advances are real that they don't need to be buried under layers of dithyrambic discourse. Sporting and structural merit is measured on the pitch, in the stands, in governance not in opportunistic declarations. When the FIFA president multiplies praises, he doesn't just "recognize" progress; he also tries to shape public perception, frame the narrative to his advantage, turning a political and economic relationship into a consensual success story. The timing of these statements is not neutral. They come amid a climate still charged by the incidents during the CAN final, events that deeply shocked Moroccan public opinion and left a sense of injustice and frustration. Yet, in response to these, the CAF and by extension, the politico-sporting ecosystem it belongs to gave answers deemed at best lax, ambiguous, even unjust and complacent. In this context, FIFA's effusive compliments ring like an attempt at "psychological crowd management": stroking egos to help the bitter pill go down. It reminds Morocco that it is an essential partner, admired, "exemplary," hoping the positive emotion from recognition will erase the resentment from how certain files were handled in Africa. Moroccans expect institutions to be exemplary, as Morocco has been sufficiently so. This kind of excessive discourse also creates fertile ground for envy, if not jealousy, on a continent where sporting rivalries are often amplified by political stakes. By recurrently placing Morocco on a public pedestal, FIFA inevitably stirs the sensitivities of neighbors or regional competitors, fueling belligerent actions on and off the pitch under the guise of healthy competition. Rather than easing tensions, these praises exacerbate divides, turning football into a geopolitical battlefield. This type of strategy is not new: when sports institutions are called out, they rarely respond with self-questioning or transparency, preferring communication, storytelling, subtle flattery, and symbolism. Morocco then becomes less a country to respect than a public to calm, an actor to appease with words, without necessarily taking actions that would truly restore trust. In essence, the president's statement commits to nothing. It costs little, repairs nothing, and corrects no dysfunction. It doesn't revisit the controversial handling of the CAN final, question responsibilities, or propose improvements to decision-making or sanction mechanisms. It simply celebrates Morocco as a "good student" in world football, without daring to confront the system's dark spots. This speech is thus devoid of real political weight. It resembles a symbolic gift offered to the Moroccan public to better divert attention from more sensitive questions: the credibility of governing bodies, the fairness of decisions, power dynamics within the CAF and FIFA, and how certain states are favored or penalized based on interests beyond the strictly sporting realm. Didn't Morocco deserve the Doha final? In other words, Morocco is given a compliment meant to soothe, while what its supporters, leaders, and football actors expect are concrete actions, clarifications, and truly fair, transparent treatment. This type of communication also reveals a paternalistic view of African public opinions. As if a football-passionate people could be reassured or "bought" with a few flattering phrases, as if addressing an emotional mass ready to forget serious incidents as soon as a flattering image is reflected back. Yet, the Moroccan public today is informed, connected, politicized in its relationship to football. It understands governance stakes, spots inconsistencies, dissects suspicious decisions. It knows the difference between sincere recognition and a communication ploy aimed at cushioning a shock or protecting an institution's image. It is not gullible. By continuing to favor flattery over responsibility, football's major institutions maintain a disconnect with the maturity of supporters. They persist in believing a compliment suffices to make people forget an injustice, that a handshake will erase a humiliation witnessed live by millions of viewers. Moroccan football does not demand praises: it wants respect, respect for rules, procedures, commitments, equity, and transparency principles. For FIFA to recognize its development is a reality, almost a given. But this recognition only makes sense if paired with coherent behavior when Morocco, or any other country, suffers damaging incidents, especially in major competitions like the CAN. An institution's true value is measured less by what it says in calm times than by what it does in moments of crisis. As long as responses to serious incidents remain timid, ambiguous, or lax, fiery declarations about the "Moroccan example" will ring hollow. Morocco has no need for inconsequential compliments. What it demands, like all peoples who take sport seriously, is football governance worthy of its sacrifices, investments, and passion. Words fade; decisions endure. And it is on those that FIFA and the CAF will be judged.

Reflections of a Genius on His Imaginary Journeys Through Space 7159

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
- Society - Realist -
1.6 min read.
Greetings, inhabitants of the surface. This is Genius once again, speaking directly from my spacecraft. For several months now, I have intended to write this article. I thought a great deal before forming my opinion about the episode that occurred and the entire process that led to this outcome. I wanted to be sure before taking a firm and serious stance, especially since our society is facing an unprecedented crisis. Well, I believe I am now ready to speak about it. Society demands its punishments. I observed the events of October 28, 2025, in the Penha and Alemão complexes, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. I don’t know about you, but I understand that society asked for this. In fact, it has been asking for it for decades. How so? Through culture: music, cinema, television, especially soap operas, where, in one way or another, values completely opposed to what is right have increasingly and gradually been defended by people. For example, carioca funk itself arrived with a simple, gentle proposal, speaking of love, but little by little it took a very different path from its beginnings, eventually reaching extremely aggressive lyrics that glorify promiscuity and violence. It exalts men holding radios and pistols, portrayed as objects of desire for women who, at first, raise banners of empowerment, freedom, and autonomy, yet submit themselves to the rule of these marginal figures, drug dealers and extremely violent murderers. Yes, it is indeed paradoxical. It is the kind of thing that confuses the mind of anyone who is even minimally sensible. Well then, when this type of “culture” is valued, even with the excuse that it is just a joke, that the rhythm and the beat are catchy, you are giving it significant prominence. In one way or another, people will absorb it, and before long they will see it as normal and as part of a society’s culture. And woe to anyone who dares to criticize such culture, precisely for seeing the obvious content embedded in its message. This leads to the glamorization of crime and of this marginal way of life, whose outcome is never different from destruction, both for those who defend and practice such culture and for people who, even while being completely opposed to it, become victims. Therefore, stop and reflect on this. Try to see whether this is not exactly what happened… whether it was not society itself that asked for everything we are going through. Will we have the maturity and courage to admit that it was us, as a society, who failed? Today, some people who once had a completely distorted view of what is right and wrong seem to have finally seen clearly. Over time, we will see whether they truly changed their minds. Think about it. Reflect honestly, in your own privacy, on this situation. A hug, and until next time.

Between Stadiums That Withstand and Cities That Drown… What Image Do We Want for Sporting Morocco? 6804

Dr Charrat mohammed rochd, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
1.5 min read.
The image Morocco has projected in organizing major continental football events in recent years has been genuinely impressive. Modern stadiums, advanced sports infrastructure, and a level of organization that earned widespread praise—especially during matches played under heavy rain without any impact on pitch quality or the flow of the games. It felt as though the Kingdom was offering Africa a masterclass in readiness, sending a clear message: Morocco has become a serious sporting and organizational power. But on the other side of the picture, the floods in the city of Ksar El Kebir forced us to confront uncomfortable questions. How is it that sports facilities can withstand heavy rainfall with such professionalism, while entire neighborhoods end up underwater? How do we make sense of this stark contrast between stadiums equipped with cutting-edge drainage systems and cities whose infrastructure remains fragile in the face of intense downpours? Today, sport is no longer just about results on the pitch. It has become a showcase for nations—a mirror of their ability to plan and manage. Investing in stadiums is undoubtedly important, especially with major ambitions such as hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and preparing for even larger global events. But a country’s image is not built solely within the walls of sports complexes. The fan applauding flawless organization inside the stadium may be the very same citizen struggling outside with flooded streets and overwhelmed sewage systems. The paradox is painful: advanced rainwater drainage technologies beneath football pitches, while real drainage failures persist in some urban areas. This contradiction raises questions about priorities—not to diminish the value of sporting achievements, but to broaden the meaning of success. Effective sports organization should be an extension of a strong urban system, not a modern island surrounded by fragile surroundings. What happened in Ksar El Kebir should not be dismissed as a passing incident caused merely by exceptional rainfall. It should be read as a warning bell. If we are capable of building world-class stadiums in record time, we are certainly capable of modernizing sewage and drainage networks in cities vulnerable to flooding. The technical expertise exists, the know-how is there; the real challenge lies in applying the same urgency and rigor to projects that affect citizens’ daily lives. Morocco’s sporting ambitions are significant, its aspirations legitimate, and its international image important. But the most powerful image will emerge when our success in organizing matches under heavy rain becomes a natural reflection of cities that can also withstand storms without losses or suffering. Only then will we be looking at a truly coherent development model: one that shines not only under stadium lights and television cameras, but also protects people on the ground in real life.

We Must Save the African Games... 6775

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Let it be quickly noted that the title is not mine but the one chosen by David Ojong, Secretary General of the Cameroonian Olympic and Sports Committee, for a book he has just published and which is available on Amazon. David Ojong, a dear friend, honored me by asking me to write the postface for this book, which he recently presented at a solemn event in Yaoundé. Along with David and many others, we share the conviction that the African Games, the continent's flagship event, are in peril. Faced with deep structural, institutional, and cultural challenges, they struggle to fulfill their original mission: to unite Africa around Olympic values enriched with a distinct identity. In his book, the author advocates for a renovation of the African Games by clearly posing the question of what role for ACNOA in continental sports leadership?* Today, the Games are torn between the African Union, supported by an organization lacking stature or competence: the UCSA (Union of African Sports Confederations) and ACNOA (the Association of African Olympic Committees), which itself displays chronic weakness. In this particularly African context, David Ojong provides a lucid assessment of the situation and proposes concrete pathways for renewal. This major contribution challenges all actors in the African sports movement, from the African Union to the Association of African National Olympic Committees (ACNOA), amid institutional tensions that dangerously undermine the event. He highlights the latent frictions among stakeholders. ACNOA, meant to play a pivotal role, suffers from flawed governance that erodes the regularity and quality of the Games. Past editions have revealed recurring issues: organizational delays, lack of stable funding, and poorly managed competition with other continental bodies. The author analyzes these dysfunctions through a rigorous methodological framework, legal, sociopolitical, and comparative, to demonstrate that without profound restructuring, the Games risk losing their luster and disappearing altogether. At the heart of these challenges lies leadership. ACNOA must strategically reposition itself, assuming a strong coordination role. Ojong advocates integrating traditional African sports to reconcile the event with its cultural roots and boost its appeal. This approach is no gimmick; it aims to transform the Games into a platform for soft power, promoting African unity on the international stage, including an innovative proposal: creating AOSA. Faced with these challenges, the author advances a bold idea: the creation of an African Olympic and Sports Association (AOSA). This new entity would bring together all vital forcesO, lympic Committees, African Confederations via CASOL (Association of African Confederations of Olympic Sports, recently created under the presidency of Hamad Kalkaba Malboum, president of the African Athletics Confederation), states, and international partners, in an inclusive and forward-looking vision. AOSA would enable unified governance, free from petty quarrels, and pave the way for optimal athlete preparation with known and fixed timelines for the Games. In this context, ACNOA must support African athletes in their preparation to enable a more impactful and effective African participation in the Olympic Games. This vision aligns with proven, low-cost pragmatic initiatives. As I argued in the book's postface, ACNOA should invest in specialized training groups housed in African sports centers. Funded by Olympic Solidarity, these programs would fill the gap left by under-resourced clubs, universities, and federations, especially in the continent's least favored countries. The result? Enhanced performances at the Olympic Games and a daily ACNOA presence among African youth, fostering sustainable development through sport. The book is, in essence, a plea for the future of African sport. Beyond the technical aspects, David Ojong issues a passionate call to all the continent's vital forces for greater vision and seriousness. The African Games are more than a competition; they embody identity-building, an economic and social lever. In a world where regional specificities are gaining recognition, Africa must forge innovative sports leadership. Ojong asks the right questions: How to turn tensions into synergies? How to mobilize Olympic funds for continental excellence? This book is not an end in itself but a starting point. It invites decision-makers, leaders, researchers, and athletes to constructive dialogue. Through his rigor and passion, David Ojong charts a clear path. It is up to the African sports community to follow it, so that the Games once again become the radiant mirror of our dynamism and unity. The renewal of the African Games is a strategic imperative for Africa: David Ojong's call for unified, representative, and effective leadership comes at the perfect time given their current lamentable state.

The Book of Abramelin the Mage 6864

Tupan, 2 mon.
- History - Art - Other Worldly -
1.2 min read.
The Book of Abramelin, often called The Sacred Magic of Abramelin the Mage, is one of the most influential and demanding grimoires in Western esoteric tradition. Unlike many magical texts that focus on quick charms or spirit-binding, Abramelin presents magic as a transformational discipline—a path that reshapes the magician before granting power. Traditionally attributed to Abraham of Worms, the grimoire is framed as a series of instructions passed down to his son, Lamech. Whether historical or symbolic, this father-to-son framing emphasizes that the work is about initiation, not tricks. At the core of the Abramelin system is The Operation—a long ritual process (six, nine, or even eighteen months, depending on the manuscript) involving strict prayer schedules, moral purification, sexual abstinence, fasting, and isolation. The goal is the knowledge and conversation with the Holy Guardian Angel. Only after this sacred contact is achieved does the magician proceed to command spirits—not through coercion, but through divine authority mediated by the Angel. This structure makes Abramelin totally different from Solomonic grimoires. Spirits are not approached first. There are no shortcuts. Authority flows top-down: God → Angel → Magician → Spirits. In this sense, Abramelin is closer to a mystical ascent than to ceremonial sorcery. One of the most recognizable features of the book is its magical squares—word matrices arranged in perfect symmetry. These squares are not talismans in the casual sense; they are activated only after the successful completion of the Operation. Each square governs a specific effect—such as invisibility, finding treasure, influencing dreams, or reconciling enemies—but always within a framework of divine order. Power divorced from spiritual alignment is explicitly condemned. The Abramelin grimoire deeply influenced modern occultism, especially through Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and later figures like Aleister Crowley, who regarded knowledge of the Holy Guardian Angel as the central aim of true magic. Even contemporary systems of ceremonial magick quietly borrow its hierarchy and ethical assumptions. The Book of Abramelin is not a manual for summoning—it is a test of worthiness. It asserts that real magic begins with discipline, humility, and inner transformation. Spirits obey not because the magician knows secret names, but because the magician has first learned obedience—to the divine order itself.

Europe Has Finally Chosen Rabat for the Future... 6815

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The European Union (EU) adopted a common position at the end of January 2026 on the Moroccan Sahara issue, explicitly supporting the Moroccan autonomy plan under its sovereignty over these provinces. The Union formally recognizes that the Moroccan solution is realistic and definitive to the artificial Sahara dispute, formerly occupied by Spain at the expense of the Sharifian Empire. This was no surprise given the already established positions of major European powers. However, this unanimous consensus of the 27 member states marks a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Sharifian Kingdom, driven by international momentum and crowned by UN Security Council Resolution 2797 in October 2025, which explicitly calls for negotiations exclusively on the basis of the autonomy plan put forward by Morocco. This position, aligned with those of many European countries expressed separately such as France, Spain, and Germany, strengthens the international legitimacy of the Moroccan plan. It opens prospects for reinforced strategic partnerships with the Union, particularly in economic matters through increased trade agreements, and in security, amid managing migratory flows and combating terrorism threats in the Sahel region. For Rabat, this recognition consolidates the effective integration of the Sahara into the Kingdom, de facto achieved since 1976. It will inexorably accelerate investments in the country's southern provinces, fostering unprecedented inclusive development in the region: road infrastructure, the Dakhla Atlantique port, renewable energy with over 1,000 MW, and modern universities. Confident in its historical and geographical rights, backed by unassailable national unity, Morocco has not waited for this support to act. For nearly 20 years, a rigorous development strategy, including the New Development Model (NDM), has transformed the regions in question, rendering any solution other than Moroccan sovereignty obsolete. Day by day, the Kingdom's arguments have gained echo and credibility, its proposal proving just and logical. Europe, just 14 km from Morocco's northern coasts, gains diplomatic coherence and benefits from North African stability embodied by the Sharifian Kingdom. The new resolution thus facilitates major trade agreements, such as the EU-Morocco fishing agreement extended in 2024 despite ludicrous challenges. Morocco, moreover, serves as the reliable pivot that stopped over 45,000 irregular crossings in 2024, according to Frontex, unlike other countries in the region. These are extremely costly operations for the Kingdom. European gains and regional momentum are therefore consolidated here. Beyond that, the new resolution spurs inclusive North African economic integration, provided Algeria returns to the long-hoped-for pragmatism and aligns with the course of history. Nothing is less certain for the moment. The context is that Morocco is emerging as a high-performing regional hub. It is now connected to West Africa and the Sahel via its highway network and the Tiznit-Dakhla expressway, the port of Tanger Med (Africa's number one), and the deep-water port of Dakhla, nearing final completion. Its trade with the region is growing, particularly with exponentially rising exports to sub-Saharan Africa. Arab unanimity in favor of the Moroccanness of the southern provinces and the African alignment that is tending to generalize, except for a few ideological exceptions or those under the influence of millions of dollars, accelerate this continental dynamic. In contrast, Algeria is increasingly isolating itself, mocked by a global consensus rejecting its far-fetched theses. Heir to a bygone military-political regime, Algiers feeds on low-intensity conflicts to legitimize the omnipotence of an army contested by an oppressed people, stifled by repression, as evidenced by the Hirak protests crushed since 2019. Any hint of change is nipped in the bud. The art of exporting crises has reached its peak there and is now running out of steam. Sahel countries: Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, are increasingly openly criticizing Algeria's actions, seen as destabilizing through support for the Polisario, among other things. It is proven that the latter maintains more than relations with terrorist organizations plundering the region. It is in this environment that the intensification of U.S. pressure for direct Morocco-Algeria dialogue fits, a dialogue always advocated without complex by Rabat. Algiers seems to struggle to digest this European debacle, compounded by the UN resolution and the fact that Morocco was invited by President Trump to join the new Peace Council as a founding member. Algerian media, usually loquacious and venomous, maintain a deafening silence or at most a statement attributed to a Sahrawi organization of dubious existence, calling on Europe to comply with a European Court decision, for lack of room to maneuver. Growing Russo-Chinese neutrality, the retreat of Iran, whose Revolutionary Guards and proxies are now classified as terrorist organizations by the United States and this same Europe, drastically weaken Algerian theses and reduce its margins for maneuver. The Polisario, the Saharan proxy artificially maintained by Algiers and covertly supported by Iran, risks eventual moral and logistical collapse. Its representatives, who recently went to the USA thinking they were negotiators, were relegated to the rank of "thugs" after undergoing a tough interrogation, particularly on their ties to Iran's Revolutionary Guards. Algiers' berets, losing influence and facing internal tensions, consequently have nothing left to hope for without aligning with the international community. Supplying gas and oil is no longer enough to weigh in or impose oneself. Price fluctuations, the broad diversification of suppliers, and embargoes envisioned against recalcitrants turn it into a vulnerability rather than an asset. Algiers will have to understand this, and quickly. The European position on the Moroccan Sahara is the final nail in the coffin of the Algerian Trojan horse, for those who can read the geopolitical fault lines.

AFCON 2025: When Realpolitik and Institutional Influence Overpower the Rule of Law 7029

Imad Khater, 2 mon.
The ruling issued by CAF on January 29, 2026, regarding the tumultuous conclusion of the Morocco-Senegal final, transcends mere sporting arbitration. It signals the emergence of a structural denial of justice where Realpolitik has effectively superseded codified norms. By delivering this verdict of convenience, CAF has squandered a pivotal historical opportunity. Legal recourse through the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) now stands as the sole remaining avenue to restore the primacy of law over political maneuvering. This step is essential to transform a denial of justice into a redemptive legislative precedent, capable of dismantling the impunity of those who believe they can subvert the system through "pitch-side sedition." Tactical Obstruction and the Legal Grey Zone Contrary to the radical interpretations circulated in the heat of the moment, the Senegalese squad never executed an irreversible physical withdrawal from the field. By remaining within the technical perimeter, the actors de facto neutralized the application of Article 82 of the CAF regulations. However, this technical distinction does not diminish the gravity of the events. We witnessed a strategic "hostage-taking" of the match. By instrumentalizing the pitch's grey zones, Senegal exerted overwhelming psychological and administrative pressure on the officiating crew, paralyzing the natural flow of the game. This "perimeter sedition" constitutes a major breach of sporting ethics: a manifestation of "might makes right" rather than the rule of law. By validating this conduct, CAF has effectively sanctioned the threat of withdrawal as a legitimate negotiating lever during a match. The Urgency of a Sui Generis Disciplinary Framework The current continental sporting law is trapped in an obsolete binarism: a match is either played or abandoned. In the face of such systemic obstruction, the existing legal regime resembles a "tree bearing bitter fruit." It is now imperative to establish a specific offense of obstruction. The law cannot remain silent when a team saturates the technical space to freeze the clock and coerce a favorable outcome. Future reforms must focus on intentionality: any refusal to resume play, even if the team remains on the sidelines, should result in an automatic forfeit. Without this "scientization" of sanctions, African football is condemned to permanent legal insecurity. Institutional "Entrisme" and the Shadow of Hard Power Analysis reveals a glaring asymmetry of power. While Morocco has invested in contributory "Soft Power," Senegal appears to have secured judicial "Hard Power." It is now evident that the Senegalese Federation is deeply embedded within the inner sanctums of CAF. The presence of a national figure at the helm of the Disciplinary Committee—notwithstanding any formal recusal—creates an insurmountable structural bias. This "Solomonic justice"—sacrificing a fuse (the coach) to protect the institution (the trophy)—is a calculated maneuver of Realpolitik designed to appease a federation whose institutional influence now dictates the tempo of verdicts at the expense of equity. The Referee’s Report: A Veil for Incompetence The Disciplinary Committee has retreated into willful blindness by relying exclusively on the reports of referees and officials, disregarding material, chronometric, and video evidence. The "Judge and Party" Conflict: The referee, whose loss of authority was the primary catalyst for the chaos, cannot be considered a legitimate or objective narrator of the facts. Administrative Distortion: By relying on these often laconic or biased minutes, the Commission deliberately prioritized administrative finality over the reality of the pitch. This creates a vicious cycle where officials are shielded to avoid applying the full rigor of the law against the champion. Conclusion: From Influence to Modernity For months, a complacent media narrative attempted to portray Fouzi Lekjaa as the "demiurge" of CAF. However, this verdict demonstrates that real power lies elsewhere. By prioritizing political stability over legal rigor, CAF has undermined its own credibility. Morocco, guided by the strategic vision of His Majesty the King, must now act as the champion of institutional modernity. A referral to the CAS is not merely a protest; it is a necessity to break the cycle of impunity and ensure that no entity can hijack the system through political leverage.

Africa of Narratives: The Media Silence That Handicaps Rabat... 7071

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The press is never neutral and never will be.It doesn't just report facts: it ranks them, amplifies them, or stifles them. In Africa, where the battle for influence plays out as much in newsrooms as in chancelleries, media power is a central indicator of real leadership. In this game, the comparison between Morocco and Senegal, judged by the facts recorded during the CAN final, is brutal. It's a textbook case. It highlights a disturbing truth: Morocco acts massively across the continent but speaks little or goes unheard, while Senegal, with more limited means, imposes its voice. Senegal boasts an age-old media capital, forged by history, a culture of debate, and a press that has never fully abandoned its critical role. Dakar remains a nerve center for francophone African discourse. Its media transform a national event into a continental issue, a local controversy into a pan-African debate. They master the art of storytelling: giving meaning, creating emotion, shaping opinion. A quick look at *Le Soleil*, the historic state newspaper and circulation leader, or *Walfadjri*, a powerful, conservative, and critical group, is enough to gauge its reach. **Morocco presents a striking paradox. The country invests, finances, builds, trains, and advances by giant strides. It promotes win-win partnerships, positions itself as a major player in African development, and claims a deep continental strategic footprint. Yet this ambition runs up against a glaring weakness: the absence of a Moroccan press that is audible and influential on the African scale. Moroccan media abound, sometimes technically proficient, but remain confined to internal dialogue. Africa often appears there as diplomatic scenery, rarely as a living space for debate.** This shortfall carries a heavy political cost. Without powerful relays, the Moroccan narrative, when it exists—struggles to take hold. Its successes go unnoticed, its positions are poorly understood, its silences interpreted as admissions of weakness or lack of humility. While others seize the space, Morocco lets the battle for perceptions slip away. In Africa, those who don't tell their own story accept others telling it for them, with their biases and lies when bad faith enters the mix. The Sahara affair demonstrated this for decades, with persistent residues: the neighbor's narrative took root in many minds, peddling falsehoods, historical distortions, even geographical falsehoods. This absence of voice is also reflected in the silence of the elites. Moroccan ministers are discreet, if not absent, from African airwaves. Ambassadors shy away from major continental debates. Moroccan experts are invisible in pan-African media: Morocco is present physically and materially, but absent narratively. In contrast, Senegalese figures, political, diplomatic, or intellectual, flood the regional media space. They explain, justify, challenge, fully aware that influence is built through public discourse. Football, too often reduced to mere spectacle by shortsighted decision-makers, brutally exposes these imbalances. A heavy defeat can remain a minor incident or become a political and symbolic event. When a sports fact circulates in Africa, it's not the score that strikes but how it's told, commented on, debated. Things may go well on the pitch; what matters is the media narrative. The sanctions from the Confederation of African Football (CAF) confirm this reality. Their impact goes beyond sport: they become subjects of debate, tools of pressure, levers of influence. Where some media amplify, contextualize, and politicize the event, others suffer it, whine without convincing. Morocco too often adopts this defensive posture, lacking a press capable of imposing its reading of the facts and a solid narrative. Today, the impression prevails that the continent has ganged up against the Kingdom, seen as a corrupter of the system and absolute master of the CAF. In reality, we are far, very far from that. Yet try convincing a young African otherwise: some even view the sanctions against Senegal as unfair. *The problem is not quantitative but strategic. Morocco doesn't lack media; it lacks an African vision. Few correspondents on the continent, weak multilingual presence, absence of pan-African platforms: so many handicaps in a hyper-connected Africa. Add to that an editorial caution that stifles debate, while influence arises from clashing ideas.* The diagnosis is irrefutable. Morocco cannot sustainably claim a central role in Africa without investing the media field. It needs offensive, credible media capable of speaking to* Africa and with*Africa;* visible, assertive voices present in controversies and substantive debates. Modern power is no longer measured solely in kilometers of highways, banks, or signed agreements, but in the ability to impose a narrative. **Morocco must never forget the all-out war waged against it, including in the media. It must integrate this as a core component of its African policy.** As long as it leaves this terrain to others, those who, jealous and insecure, bet on disinformation, slander, and lies, its ambitions will remain fragile at best. **Good faith never wins alone: it advances alongside bad faith.** It's the swiftest, most composed, most persuasive, the one that hits back, that triumphs in the end.

The World Is Smaller Than It Seems 6249

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
- Poetry - Philosophy - Fantasy -
1.8 min read.
At least to my imagination. Yes, my imagination again! I can say that much of who I became was shaped by the power my imagination held throughout my childhood and a good part of my adolescence. That’s because I was limited by my field of vision and by the perspectives that presented themselves before me. I can say that the visual realm always occupied a place of prominence in my formation; perhaps that is why I am such an admirer of the visual arts, especially photography, an art I practice as an amateur. But why this title? Why is the world smaller, or why does it seem smaller, at least in my perception? Well, the place where I grew up provided the elements for this construction. My house faced the sea, not an ocean, but the back side of a bay, still a sea nonetheless. And just behind it, a small rise, modest, yet sufficient to create an interesting perspective, because both the Sun and the Moon rise precisely behind that elevation, which actually has a horseshoe shape, giving an intriguing outline, with its highest point between east and north. And back then, some forty years ago, there were far more trees and far fewer houses. That’s where the magic happened. For instance, when a full Moon began to emerge behind the hill, among the trees, accompanied by a characteristic wind of autumn or spring, an entire scene would take shape, one that embraced me and held me for hours, often deep into the night. As the world grew quieter, the sounds of the night, the nocturnal fauna and even the discreet whisper of the gentle wind, came to the fore, enriching the magic being built in my mind. I often felt almost capable of controlling the elements of nature with my thoughts alone. And when I looked around me, and up at the sky, the illusion created by perspective gave me the impression that the curvature of the planet was right there, very close to me, in the full 360 degrees around. For that reason, it isn’t hard to understand how, in a very, very distant past, thinkers came up with the idea that above us there truly was a dome along which the celestial bodies traveled, a sky as if it were a curved surface, projected there purely to serve as a spectacle for our eyes. Of course, we know that isn’t how it is. But understand that, for a child’s mind still under construction, this idea can be deeply seductive: that a Creator made all of this to compensate us for all the trials and challenges we face day after day. It was as if, after a long day of work and sacrifice, you sit down in your comfortable armchair after dinner and watch your favorite TV program. And I, who often preferred the natural spectacle over television, imagined that the curvature around me was the edge of the world, so close and yet still beyond my reach. And what lay beyond that boundary? Well, as I’ve said before, in other essays, beyond that limit began another world, not my own, but one that, with the help of a special means of transport, like a spacecraft, I could reach… But that, I’ll leave for another story.

Enough is Enough, Mr. Motsepe... 6207

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
Letter to Mr. Patrice Motsepe, President of the Confederation of African Football, in response to his statement following the decision of your disciplinary commission. No, Mr. President, you cannot shift onto a host country, in this case, Morocco, the burden of the CAF's chronic weaknesses and the hesitant governance of its disciplinary bodies. By endorsing sanctions perceived as harsh toward Morocco, while sparing those who spoiled a final meant to be the crowning glory of the 2025 AFCON, your discourse on "integrity" and "the image of African football" comes across less as a moral awakening than as a convenient reversal of responsibilities. It is not Morocco that has undermined the CAF's credibility: it is the decisions, the unspoken issues, the legal contradictions, and the off-kilter communication surrounding this dossier. Morocco is not an ordinary defendant before the CAF; it is one of its main pillars. While others shy away from organizational, logistical, and security demands, it is the Kingdom that opens its stadiums, airports, hotels, and cities to competitions that many refuse to risk hosting. The 2025 AFCON mobilized infrastructure upgraded at forced march, nine stadiums meeting international standards, smooth logistics, and security that was widely praised, delivering a tournament that no one disputes on organizational grounds. To now tell this same country that it must also absorb the symbolic and sporting bill for the CAF's regulatory inconsistencies is to punish the very actor who contributed most to the event's success. When Morocco is sanctioned, it is not just federation officials who are targeted; it is millions of Moroccans who feel aggrieved. They filled the stadiums, showcased the country's hospitality, turned this AFCON into a showcase for the continent—only to see their national team, already honored with a fair play award, caught up in a verdict deemed "incomprehensible" even in the international press. How do you explain to these citizens that an exemplary host country, organizationally speaking, is treated with such severity, while the legal qualification of the Senegalese team's temporary withdrawal or other behaviors that disrupted the final seems to have been handled with calculated leniency? The question at hand is one of coherence and proportionality. Many observers, including jurists and former CAF officials, highlight the inconsistencies in a decision where the displayed severity toward Morocco is not matched by equally firm and transparent treatment of all parties involved. The suspensions of Moroccan players and the fines imposed on the FRMF pile onto the rejection of the claim based on articles 82 and 84, while the handling of the opponent's behavior and the incidents that led to the match interruption, injuries to valiant stadium staff, and vandalized equipment leaves a sense of unfinished business. This imbalance fuels the perception that the CAF sought a "political balance" rather than clear sporting justice. Your statements, Mr. President, do announce a reform of the Disciplinary Code, more "appropriate and dissuasive" sanctions, and a commitment to protecting the integrity of African football. Your words thus confirm that what occurred during the final warrants heavy reprimand. Defending the integrity of African football should logically have started there, given the facts that the whole world deemed scandalous—except for your disciplinary commission, which openly encourages indiscipline. To millions of Moroccans, who have invested billions of dirhams in their infrastructure and staked their international image just a few years from a co-hosted 2030 World Cup, this sudden clarity comes too late and feels like a catch-up operation. Trust is not rebuilt with abstract promises, but with decisions that convey equal treatment, rigorous application of the rules, and respect for the sacrifices made by host countries. In reality, what is at stake goes far beyond a mere disciplinary dispute: it is the moral contract between the CAF and its most committed members that is in question. When a country that takes risks to host your competitions feels turned into a scapegoat to mask your own failings, the relationship turns toxic. And if Morocco were to say to you today: enough is enough. It cannot, it must not, pay for the legal ambiguities, political hesitations, and faltering governance of a confederation that hides behind the "independence" of its bodies while refusing to fully own the consequences of its choices. The CAF, under your leadership, has just taken another step toward perfidy against its star pupils, as if those working for the development of African football disturb someone somewhere... Are we not right in the midst of the red poppy syndrome, the one that stands out above the rest in the field? Yes, we are, Mr. President. Those who resent others' success because they cannot replicate it at home have triumphed. They threatened. They were heard. Morocco disturbs with its development, its unparalleled achievements, its diplomatic victories, its success in organizing and the quality it offered your confederation. It pays the price. The price of the naivety it has shown.

Light Pollution and the End of the Construction of Imagination – Part 2 5860

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
Well, as I said in the previous article, I grew up and became a scientist. Not an astronomer, but a biologist. A biologist passionate about the stars. And many may ask: why didn’t you study astronomy? There are three reasons for that. The first is that I love biology. The second is that I was never good at mathematics. And the third is that I discovered that astronomers nowadays barely look at the sky. Telescopes work automatically, providing data to be analyzed later. That romantic astronomy of the past no longer exists. It was almost poetic, because imagination was the fuel for those scientists. Therefore, in cases like mine, it is much better to remain an amateur. This reminds me of a curious anecdote in which the writer Isaac Asimov is said to have refused an invitation to visit a factory where robots performed tasks on assembly lines, because he did not want to compromise his imagination. Returning to my story, when I was 21 years old, my father surprised me by taking me to a well-known store and buying a telescope. It was a relatively simple instrument, with a 60 mm aperture, but it allowed me to see the surface of the Moon perfectly, as well as Jupiter’s four largest moons and even Saturn’s rings. I don’t even need to say how I felt, do I? I became a child again! And that telescope is still here with me today, 30 years later. But here comes the bad part, which gives these two articles their title… Light pollution has reached extremely high levels, to the point that in large cities, when you look at the sky, you see very few stars, only the brightest ones. City lights have erased the night sky. What child today will look up at the sky and be enchanted by all that immensity? Who will feel themselves on the shores of the cosmic ocean, as Carl Sagan said in the first episode of the classic series Cosmos? How will imagination be built? In the same way, the inspiration of many poets and artists will be compromised. A child today, upon hearing stories of a time when the sky was filled with shining stars, might think that either the batteries ran out and no one replaced them, or that the bulbs burned out and no one changed them. It is still a child using their imagination, but without having experienced one of the most beautiful spectacles of creation. That spectacle is still there, happening, and it will continue to happen for a very, very long time. Or rather, as long as time exists, it will continue, but with a curtain separating the stage from the audience. Today there are movements and campaigns aimed at solving this issue, but I believe it is a great challenge to overcome. Until then, one alternative is to leave large urban centers and seek regions far away, at least 50 km from these cities, where one can truly enjoy the magical view of a clear and genuinely dark sky. I always wish clear skies to everyone, and ad astra!

CAF Sanctions: Disciplinary Justice with Variable Geometry? 6123

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The decisions by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) Disciplinary Commission regarding the incidents that marred the CAN final between Senegal and Morocco are now known. They were awaited, scrutinized, sometimes feared. But beyond their mere announcement, it is their **coherence, proportionality, and equity** that raise questions today. At first glance, the CAF sought to strike hard, giving the impression of sanctioning both parties to preserve a posture of balance. The CAF simply forgot that at its core, the conflict was squarely between Senegal and the referee, not with the Moroccan team, and thus, in the end, pitted Senegal against this very same CAF, responsible for the organization and officiating. Senegal and Morocco have thus, according to the commission's logic, presided over by a Senegalese, let us recall, been sanctioned to varying degrees. Yet, a close reading of the facts, confronted with the very content of the decisions rendered, reveals an **asymmetry that is hard to justify** between the severity of the acts observed and the weight of the sanctions imposed. The ridiculous is not far off. The central problem, namely, the officiating, has simply been swept aside. The most troubling element undoubtedly lies in the **total absence of any reference to the referee** in the Commission's ruling. As if he had never existed. Yet, the images and testimonies align: in the final moments, the referee displayed **manifest irresponsibility**. How can one justify resuming play when the minimum safety conditions were clearly not met? The stadium had been invaded by official Senegalese supporters, equipment had been vandalized, and tensions were at a boiling point. In such circumstances, the rules are clear: absolute priority must be given to the safety of players, officials, and the public. By ignoring this dimension, the Disciplinary Commission misses an **essential link in the chain of responsibilities**. They are, however, clearly identified. This is not to fully exonerate the Moroccan side. Reprehensible behaviors existed, and some hot-headed reactions could have been avoided. But the nature and gravity of these acts remain **incommensurable** with those attributable to the Senegalese delegation and its immediate environment. The most striking example remains the sanction imposed on Achraf Hakimi. Reproaching him for attempting to remove a towel belonging to the Senegalese goalkeeper—an object that, incidentally, had no business on the pitch—smacks more of a **search for artificial balance** than rigorous application of disciplinary principles. Can one seriously equate this gesture with outbursts involving pitch invasions and infrastructure damage? This harms the image of world football, beyond just African football. The inclusion of such an amalgam in the dossier and the proportionality of the sanctions are manifestly debatable. It is precisely on the terrain of proportionality that the CAF's decision falters. The sanctions imposed on the Moroccan camp appear **relatively heavy** given the facts reproached to them, especially when compared to those concerning the Senegalese side, which was linked to structurally far graver incidents. This disproportion undermines the narrative of those in Senegal and elsewhere who decried Morocco's supposed "stranglehold" on CAF bodies. If such influence truly existed, how to explain that Morocco itself ends up heavily sanctioned? Where is this alleged institutional protection when the disciplinary decisions, on the contrary, seem applied with particular rigor against it? One can only regret the missed opportunity for the CAF to show a new face of power and justice. The CAF Disciplinary Commission squandered a precious chance: to **clarify responsibilities, reaffirm the central role of officiating, and lay credible foundations** for managing crises in African competitions. By opting for punitive symmetry rather than a fine analysis of the facts, it perpetuates unease, fuels suspicions, and leaves the game's actors—players, officials, and fans, in a gray zone where perceived injustice becomes more damaging than the sanction itself. African football deserves better than disciplinary justice with variable geometry. It deserves an authority capable of owning its choices, naming responsibilities where they truly lie, and protecting the essentials: the integrity of the game and the safety of those who bring it to life. Today, some chuckle under their breath for escaping truly proportional sanctions for their misdeeds; others are stunned; still others conclude the immaturity of this African body, like other continental instances. A pitiful image for a continent whose youth aspires to development and a bright future, with football and footballers as role models. Has African football missed the chance to set an example? Did the CAF issue the wrong communiqué or target the wrong match? In any case, there is one clear winner slipping under the radar: the party at the origin of it all. Like a fugitive, the commission released its statement at an impossible hour... Funny, no? One wonders whether to hold out hope and pursue the process further, or resign oneself to admitting there is no hope for a just and credible African football body.

Najib Salmi, a Conscience Fades, a Legacy Endures 5861

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- History - Society - Sports -
2.4 min read.
Najib Salmi has passed away, and with him closes one of the most beautiful chapters of Moroccan sports journalism. But beyond the collective tribute, it's also an intimate page of my own life as a columnist, colleague, and friend that turns. He leaves behind an immense professional legacy and, above all, an indelible human imprint. He was undoubtedly the greatest pen in Moroccan sports for decades. For over forty years, Najib Salmi embodied a certain idea of sports journalism, one that was demanding and responsible. In fact, he founded a school of sports journalism, having stumbled into it somewhat by chance and grown to love it. A central figure at the daily *L’Opinion*, where he directed the sports page, he marked generations of readers, especially through his cult column "Les points sur les i" (*Dotting the i's*), a rare space where freedom of tone blended with intellectual rigor and a sense of the public interest. He was an institution in himself. He belonged to that generation for which sports journalism was neither empty entertainment nor a echo chamber for blind passions, but an act of public service. At a time when Moroccan sports was entering the era of professionalization, money, and excessive media coverage, his pen knew how to denounce excesses, pinpoint responsibilities, and salute, with the same honesty, real progress and achievements when they were genuine. Najib Salmi was not just a great columnist; he was also a builder. At the helm of the Moroccan Association of Sports Press from 1993 to 2009, he fought for the profession's recognition, the defense of its ethics, and the dignity of those who practice it. He helped embed Moroccan sports journalism in regional and international bodies, earning credibility through seriousness and consistency. Wasn't it at a congress he organized in Marrakech that our friend Gianni Merlo was elected president of AIPS? Wasn't it he alone who headlined young prodigy Said Aouita after he set a new national 1500m record? He rightly predicted that Aouita would go far. He was the unwavering supporter of generations of great athletes. He attended every world championship and Olympic Games. He supported me too, with strength and determination. A man of principles, discreet but inflexible on essentials, he believed that respect for the reader and the truthfulness of information were non-negotiable. This moral uprightness, rare in an environment often subject to pressures and interests, earned him recognition from his peers as a true school of sports journalism. Abdellatif Semlali, the legendary Minister of Youth and Sports and his friend, delighted in calling him "Monsieur à côté" (*The Man on the Side*). He truly was. He never fit anyone else's mold, even during a brief stint at *Le Matin du Sahara*, then masterfully directed by Moulay Ahmed Alaoui. For me, Najib Salmi was more than a professional reference; he was a friend, a brother, and a mentor. It was thanks to his trust that I was able to write for years in *L’Opinion*'s sports pages, learning the craft day by day, line by line, under his attentive and benevolent gaze, enduring his mood swings and, above all, his corrections to style and syntax. He passed on to me more than writing techniques: a vision of what a column should be, rooted in integrity, thorough groundwork, and a rejection of shortcuts. Even today, if I continue to write, it's also because that inner voice he helped instill remains, the one that reminds us not to betray sport, the reader, or the truth. Najib Salmi passed away at the age of 78, after a long battle with illness, leaving an immense void in the newsrooms of *L’Opinion* and *Challenge*, to which he contributed with strength and diligence. He leaves a huge void in the hearts of all who crossed his path. He will rest in the Chouhada Cemetery in Rabat, where he himself had accompanied so many other friends, acquaintances, loved ones, and colleagues, and many who grew up under the benevolent shadow of his pen. May God welcome him in His mercy. To the friend, the brother, the master who showed me the way, I can say only one thing: thank you, Najib, for the delightful moments shared, for the words, the lessons, and the example. Readers will miss Najib Salmi; the family, the inner circle, and I will bury Said Hejaj. Said Hejaj departs peacefully to rest. Najib Salmi will live on in history.

From Passion to Meaning: The CAN as a Test of Truth for Africanity... 5813

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The Royal Cabinet's communiqué, published on January 22, 2026, following the CAN 2025 brilliantly hosted by Morocco, combines a call for calm after the Senegalese withdrawal episode with a celebration of an organizational success hailed across Africa and beyond. Through a measured and forward-looking tone, it transforms a sports tension into a demonstration of responsible continental leadership, faithful to a long-term vision for a united and prosperous Africa. Through the tone and content of the royal message, we understand that once the passion subsides, inter-African fraternity will naturally prevail: Morocco's success is also Africa's success. The CAN 2025 confirmed Morocco's ability to turn a continental tournament into a lever for development and influence. The smooth organization, modernized infrastructure, massive influx of supporters, and revitalization of key sectors such as tourism, transport, commerce, and services generated billions of dirhams in returns and around 100,000 direct and indirect jobs, with over 3,000 companies mobilized and some 500,000 supporters transported by Royal Air Maroc. The royal message places this success within a broader trajectory: that of a "great African country" which, in twenty-four months, has gained the equivalent of a decade of development in infrastructure and expertise, in service of its people and its continent. Without overlooking the "unfortunate" nature of the incidents in the Morocco-Senegal final, the communiqué opts for elevation over controversy. By recalling that once the passion has calmed, "inter-African fraternity will naturally prevail," it offers a mature reading of collective emotions and emphasizes that the Moroccan people "know how to put things in perspective" and reject resentment. The sports defeat thus turns into a symbolic and diplomatic victory: "hostile designs" and denigration are neutralized by strategic consistency, self-confidence, and the Kingdom's African anchoring. The Moroccan public in the stadium witnessed a grotesque tragedy, deliberately and premeditatedly staged, but was not fooled. They quickly understood, kept their calm and composure despite being deeply wounded. A noted and remarkable behavior that honors them and honors the Kingdom. In practice, as in history, Morocco-Senegal relations are imbued with a consolidated fraternity, strengthened on every occasion. The royal message thus takes on particular significance toward this brother country, with which relations are described as "exceptional and strategic," founded on shared memory, assumed African solidarity, deep religious fraternity, and strong economic convergences. The holding, on January 26 and 27 in Rabat, of the 15th Morocco-Senegal Joint High Commission, accompanied by an economic forum, gives concrete content to this resilient fraternity by relaunching investments, joint projects, and South-South cooperation in service of the two peoples and, by extension, all those in the region. Beyond the finalists, the communiqué addresses all African peoples by recalling that "nothing can alter the proximity cultivated over centuries" nor the "fruitful cooperation" forged with countries on the continent. It situates the CAN 2025 within a long-term strategy: capitalizing on intangible capital made of trust, visibility, and credibility, and using it as a springboard toward upcoming events, notably the 2030 World Cup, in an Africa that assumes its place on the world stage, seeks to establish it through continuity, and consolidate it. In this spirit, it is essential to reject deviations, racism, hate speech, media or ideological manipulations, from tarnishing our Africanity or denying its profound dignity. Being African means first sharing a geography, a history, cultures, struggles, and a common destiny, beyond borders, sports results, or political contingencies. We are not condemned to reproduce stupidity and hostility; on the contrary, we have the collective responsibility to make public space a place of encounter, listening, and fraternization, where intelligence, unconditional respect for human dignity, and curiosity about the other prevail over insult and stigmatization. In the straight line of the royal message, this CAN must remain a reminder: our African future will not be built in hatred or by imitating the worst reflexes, but in the ability to transform tensions into learning, competitions into bridges, and disagreements into opportunities for dialogue. We are Africans, together, through memory and through the future, and it is this shared consciousness that can make our stadiums, our cities, and our debates spaces of elevation rather than scenes of division. Attempts at destabilization orchestrated by some may, at best, cloud the horizon for the duration of a competition, but they cannot sustainably embed themselves in the consciousness of peoples. As facts emerge, they turn against their authors, now exposed to the world's gaze, unable to indefinitely mask their failures, the poverty of their mindset, and the pettiness of their designs. Where manipulation exhausts itself, truth always ends up prevailing, and with it the dignity of nations that bet on construction, fraternity, and the future rather than on intrigue and division.

African Football’s Leading Force: The Moroccan Model Amidst Regional Headwinds 5715

Imad Khater, 2 mon.
The curtain fell on AFCON 2025, leaving a trail of striking contrasts. While the event confirmed the Kingdom’s supremacy as a world-class logistical hub, the tensions witnessed during the final on January 18, 2026, in Rabat, served as a stark reminder of the contingencies still weighing on continental football. Between the seamlessness of the infrastructure and the archaic nature of certain disciplinary attitudes, a fundamental question emerges: how will the transition from CAF’s regulatory framework to that of FIFA in 2030 reshape the management of these organic crises? This shift represents more than a mere scaling up; it is a true paradigmatic rupture where technocratic neutrality will serve to sanctify Moroccan excellence. I. Moroccan Excellence: A Technological Showcase for Africa The massive investment deployed by the Kingdom—ranging from the deep modernization of sports complexes to the systemic integration of VAR—presented the world with the image of a modern, rigorous, and visionary Morocco. This material success, lauded by international observers, aimed to establish an African benchmark. However, this pursuit of perfection encountered a persistent psychological phenomenon: the "host country complex." In this configuration, organizational mastery is sometimes perceived by competitors not as shared progress, but as a lever of dominance, mechanically fueling theories of favoritism. The events of the final illustrate this at its peak. The disallowed goal for Ismaïla Sarr and the late-match penalty became, through the lens of regional suspicion, instruments of controversy rather than technically grounded officiating decisions. Yet, data from DM Sport reveals the opposite: Morocco was among the most penalized teams in the tournament. This discrepancy highlights a major flaw: technology is insufficient to validate a result unless it is protected by a jurisdictional authority perceived as exogenous. II. Solidary Leadership and the Diplomacy of Resentment It would be erroneous, however, to view this quest for excellence as a desire for isolation. On the contrary, Morocco maintains deep and unwavering historical ties with the majority of its sister nations across the continent. Faithful to its African roots, the Kingdom continues to actively promote continental football within CAF, offering its infrastructure and expertise to federations seeking professionalization. This "open-hand" policy ensures that Moroccan success translates into success for all of Africa. Nevertheless, such leadership breeds friction. A "diplomacy of resentment" has emerged from certain foreign media spheres—particularly in specific Arab and African countries—aiming to tarnish the prestige of the Moroccan organization. By framing Morocco as a favored "ogre," these narratives attempt to transform factual superiority into moral injustice. This media harassment specifically targets the emergence of a governance model that now aligns with the most demanding global standards. III. The Advent of "Cold Justice": Legal Sanctification The transition to FIFA’s aegis in 2030 will signal the end of the geographical proximity that fosters such smear campaigns. Unlike the continental framework, the globalization of officiating bodies will dismantle zonal rivalries. Where CAF must often navigate between diplomatic compromise and sporting imperatives, FIFA deploys a "cold justice"—purely procedural in nature. The chaos observed in Rabat would meet a surgical response in 2030. Article 10 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code is unequivocal: any refusal to resume play results in an automatic forfeit and severe sanctions. In 2030, the rule of law will act as a protective cleaver for the host, rendering victimhood narratives obsolete. IV. Technology and the "2030 Bloc": Toward an Indisputable Truth The 2030 edition, spearheaded by the Morocco-Spain-Portugal trio, will benefit from total judgment automation (Shadow VAR, semi-automated offside) and absolute transparency. The FIFA Hosting Agreement will prevail as a superior norm, guaranteeing impartiality. This legal framework will serve as a shield, preventing disciplinary incidents from being politically instrumentalized against the Kingdom. AFCON 2025 was a successful demonstration of organizational strength for Morocco, confirming its role as the driving force of African football. However, it also revealed that excellence remains vulnerable to peripheral noise. In 2030, the definitive anchoring in FIFA law will allow the Kingdom to transform its organizational prowess into a lasting institutional legacy. Sport, finally shielded from geopolitical dross, will align with the strategic vision of a Morocco turned toward the universal, making the rule of law the bedrock of its global legitimacy.

Light Pollution and the End of the Construction of Imagination – Part 1 5708

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
One of the memories I carry most fondly is when my interest in everything related to outer space first awakened. I clearly remember that in 1980 I saw a TV report about a lunar eclipse that we would be able to observe. The images shown on the news program impacted me so deeply that I could hardly sleep that night. The sight of the lunar craters, caught in that characteristic interplay of light and shadow, became etched in my mind. The next day, I questioned a teacher who was a friend of my family almost to the point of exhausting him, asking so many questions about the subject. Next year, I also saw TV advertisements announcing the theatrical release of "The Empire Strikes Back". In a way, my imagination was launched in a manner analogous to the catapult effect that spacecraft and space probes use when they swing around planets. There wasn’t a single clear night when I didn’t spend hours looking up at the sky, at the immensity of the universe. At that time, the night sky was truly dark, since light pollution caused by city lights did not yet have as significant an effect as it does today. In 1982, Carl Sagan’s series "Cosmos" also premiered on television, and even its soundtrack struck me deeply. Then, in 1984, with the debut of several animated series, two of them being "Groizer X" and "Star Blazers", the American version of "Space Battleship Yamato", I experienced yet another “gravitational catapult” effect, further fueling my imagination. In 1986, the passage of Halley’s Comet took over newspapers, magazines, TV programs, and even my school science books. That was it! This was the definitive confirmation of my passion for the space. At that time, however, I still lived in the realm of fantasy, driven solely by what my imagination brought me. I would look at the sky on clear nights and think that traveling through space was like it was in the movies, challenging, full of adventures and dangers, yet seeming simple and even comfortable. After all, in science fiction films, many aspects of physics were disregarded, using a kind of poetic license. But I grew up. I became a scientist. My gaze acquired a new perspective, yet without ever losing the magic of imagination from the beginning of this story. What came next? In the second part of this story, I will conclude… Clear skies to all, and Ad astra!

Trump’s “Council of Peace”: Strategic Pragmatism or Alarm Signal for the International Order? 6579

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
The invitation extended by U.S. President Donald Trump to His Majesty King Mohammed VI to join the new “Council of Peace” marks a significant turning point in contemporary international relations practice. It stems neither from protocol nor symbolism, but fits into an assumed reconfiguration of global conflict management mechanisms. The Sovereign's acceptance of this invitation, while the Algerian president was not invited and Africa remains largely underrepresented, if not ignored, highlights a selective logic based not on geography or ideology, but on political utility as perceived by the USA as a global actor. In the official communiqué announcing the Sovereign's acceptance, Morocco's diplomatic fundamentals regarding the Palestinian issue were explicitly reiterated, particularly the two-state solution with states living side by side. The trust-based relations with the concerned Arab parties, especially Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank on one side, and Israel on the other, perfectly foreshadow the role the Kingdom will play in establishing peace and rebuilding the region. Isn't this a direct way to consecrate a results-oriented diplomacy in the face of the long-ailing multilateralism that has been faltering for quite some time? For decades, major international institutions, starting with the UN, have struggled to resolve protracted conflicts. The Security Council is paralyzed by the veto right, peace processes are stalled, UN missions lack a clear political horizon: the symptoms of a saturated system are evident. Donald Trump's envisioned Council of Peace, by contrast, follows a logic of rupture. It seeks neither to produce international law nor to impose universal norms, but to create an informal framework for direct negotiation among influential actors, including those the UN system struggles to integrate operationally. In this context, Morocco is undoubtedly a stability actor and a discreet, credible, and effective mediator. The presence of the King of Morocco in this body reflects international recognition of a diplomatic model founded on stability, continuity, and pragmatism. Morocco has established itself as an actor capable of dialoguing with partners of divergent interests while maintaining a clear strategic line, and everyone knows that it is His Majesty himself who initiated this vision and leads this distinguished diplomacy. This explains the particular nature of the invitation addressed to the Sovereign. Conversely, the exclusion of certain states reveals the limits of a diplomacy based on permanent conflictuality and blind ideological posturing. In a Trumpian logic, effectiveness trumps representativeness. Pragmatism prevails over sterility and outdated ideological blindness. The question then becomes: in this context, is the UN being marginalized or pushed toward reform? This Council does not signal the immediate end of the UN, but it exposes its existential crisis. If a parallel body achieves tangible results quickly, as claimed on certain African dossiers, among others, then the question of the UN system's functional legitimacy will arise acutely. President Trump's initiative can thus be seen as a trigger: either for a progressive weakening of the UN, which he has little fondness for, or for a profound reform of its decision-making mechanisms, particularly the Security Council. And since President Trump is already midway through his term and cannot run again, things will move very quickly. The context is also highly particular, with a transatlantic fracture revealing a malaise that has been simmering since Trump's first term, he no longer accepts defending a hostile Europe that is increasingly dependent on American budgets for its defense. The refusal of European countries, including France, to join this new body translates a growing strategic divergence between Europe and the United States. While Washington prioritizes power dynamics and direct negotiation, Europe remains attached to a normative multilateralism, sometimes disconnected from ground realities. Its diplomatic hypocrisy and double standards on many issues are laid bare here. Its position and quagmire in Ukraine testify to the anachronistic state of its strategy. The invitation to Vladimir Putin accentuates this fracture, especially in the context of the Ukraine conflict and geopolitical tensions in the Arctic. Europe no longer knows on what ground to engage with President Trump. How to interpret President Macron's statement at Davos, where he said he did not accept the law of the strongest without naming it? Who is the strongest, then, when the one he alludes to is precisely the initiator of the new Council? Isn't this truly a sharing of power? Why refuse to be part of it! And then Trump responds to Macron by declining an invitation to a G7 meeting... For now, Donald Trump's Council of Peace is neither a complete institutional alternative to the UN nor a mere conjunctural initiative. It is the symptom of a world impatient with the ineffectiveness of traditional frameworks. In this context, the role that the King of Morocco will play illustrates the rise of actors capable of articulating pragmatism, stability, and international credibility. More than an architectural change, this initiative reveals a profound transformation of the implicit rules of global governance. And since the Council's seat is not yet known, why not envision it being established in Morocco? The special invitation addressed to His Majesty King Mohammed VI is a good omen and could even be understood in this light. Morocco would thus become the nerve center of Peace in the world.

The First Kill and the Conquest of Outer Space 6596

Julius Melien, 2 mon.
When I watched "2001: A Space Odyssey" for the first time, directed by Stanley Kubrick, I must have been around 12 to 14 years old. Obviously, I understood absolutely nothing. I watched it driven purely by my affinity for science fiction, more specifically for the theme of space. However, when I watched it again almost 20 years later, already graduated as a biologist, I arrived at an understanding of the first act that I believe few people have had. At least that was my perception, since none of the people I spoke to about it saw the connection that I am about to present. There is a striking scene in the film that I call “The Cut”: the abrupt transition from the first to the second act, in which an ancestral primate of humankind, holding a bone, throws it into the air, and the camera follows the bone as it rises until the director cuts to a space station in a future time. The message I perceived was that, at the moment these hominids began to consume meat, since before that they gathered seeds, ate roots and vegetables alongside herbivorous animals, there was a significant change that, in my view, represented an evolutionary leap. When an individual noticed the skeleton of an animal, there was a long, robust bone, probably a femur. He picked up this bone and began to manipulate it until he discovered that it could be used as a weapon. Wisely, the director alternates scenes of this individual testing the new weapon with scenes of him killing an animal that lived among them, followed immediately by scenes of them feeding on the meat of that slaughtered animal. We know that, among all sources of protein, meat has the highest protein content in the diet, and it is very likely that this increase in protein intake in the diet of our ancestors enabled an increase in brain mass and, consequently, an increase in cranial volume. This can be observed by comparing skulls of other closely related primates, such as chimpanzees, gorillas, and orangutans, and even fossil skulls that have been found. This difference is evident, allowing us to conclude that this was what propelled us evolutionarily in relation to our relatives within the primate order. It is clear in the scenes that, in addition to using the bone as a tool to kill prey, it was also used as a weapon to attack other groups or to defend against them, since behavior related to dispute and conquest has always been part of our construction as a biological species. And what is the relationship between all of this and the famous “cut” at the end of the film’s first act? It is that, at the moment our ancestors began to feed on meat, a process of brain enlargement began, which led to an increase in intelligence, an essential condition that would later make possible the conquest of outer space, as shown in the abrupt cut from the scene of the bone being thrown into the air to a space station in orbit. Well, this was my free interpretation of that important moment in the film. For this reason, I invite everyone to take a careful look at the messages that are conveyed, whether in films, songs, or works of art in general. The author has the need to communicate something through their art.