Think Forward.

For once, the PJD is proposing to set up a national sports council 6860

It's not customary, but this Sunday, April 6, 2025, the article is about sports. I don't usually like to talk about it unless I'm forced to. It's paradoxical, given that I've dedicated my life to sports and made it my profession. Many are convinced that it's very difficult to make changes, as mediocrity is deeply rooted, good intentions are disrupted, undesirable skills are present, dedication is not valued, and honesty is perceived as questionable. The opportunity arose due to two political parties, as it's not common for both parties to show interest in sports within a week. The PJD and the FFD have done so. I found this very interesting because usually, parties only address the subject after unacceptable results. Then, succumbing to emotion, they take advantage of the situation to question the government and, for a while, take a stand, criticizing the responsible minister and blaming the federations. This was the case recently following the disappointing results at the Paris Olympics. Afterwards, there was complete silence. During the preparation of electoral campaign programs, some parties, though rare, mention sports in simple narratives that are generally devoid of meaning; just to say it's important, without specifying why or how they plan to address it once in parliament or government. This quickly translates into a lack of vision in the inaugural speeches of prime ministers, now chiefs of government. We settle for a few phrases picked up here and there to say that sports are not forgotten. From memory, I can cite a few exceptions that confirm the rule. The Ittihad Addoustouri, in its program at its creation, dedicated a good chapter to sports. I contributed significantly to it. The USFP, during the last elections, also invited me to a reflection that served as the basis for the party's program. I also remember participating in similar work a long time ago with the Istiqlal under the impetus of Si Belmahi, the valiant president of the FRM cycling federation. This time, it's the PJD that has taken a stand by proposing, according to the press, a bill to create a National Sports Council in place of the current responsible department, namely the small sports department under the Ministry of National Education, Preschool, and Sports. The structure of Si Akhanouch's Government and its revised version continues to astonish, reducing sports to a simple department without prominence among the prerogatives of a ministry bogged down in endless reforms, without us seeing the end of the tunnel. Since independence, national education has been in perpetual reform. The latest one dates back to just last week. Let's hope it's not the last. Since this attachment, the two ministers in charge seem not to have time for sports. The PJD has come boldly with this project, which is not new. The first sports conferences in the early sixties already mentioned it. Since then, sports have experienced at least 14 or 15 upheavals, going from an independent department to being attached to youth, national education, passing through a secretariat attached to the prime minister. It was even attached to labor during the time of the late Arsalane El Jadidi. Sports will continue on its path with more or less success, but mostly repetitive failures. The only time it experienced some stability was during the time of the late Abdellatif Semlali, who still holds the record for longevity as a sports official. His tenure as Secretary of State and then Minister lasted eleven good years. We talked then about a sports takeoff. It was a relatively happy period that saw a restructuring of the sports field with sponsorship, the second round in the World Cup, the creation of the National Athletics School, and a resurgence of youth in more than one sport discipline. The PJD, which led the government, didn't it realize the malaise that sports were experiencing during its ten years of glory? Better late than never. Moving to a sports management system that escapes political time is a necessity. It's an evident demand made by many specialists for a long time, without the political world following up. Sports time is longer than political time. Preparing high-level athletes requires 7 to 8 years of continuous and linear work. Sports performance requires time and stability. The number of ministers in charge of sports who have succeeded each other in a short period shows how much we need this stability, and that's one of the flaws, but not the only one. Due to ignorance of this history, some say that the project is inspired by what happened in France with the creation of an agency to handle sports. This is completely false. The demand in Morocco is much older. For about forty years, it has been discussed. Already during the government of Driss Jettou, it was on the table but did not succeed for many reasons, including a certain resistance that does not want this highly promising sector to leave the political sphere. National sports can only thank the PJD for this bold move, even if it doesn't have much chance of succeeding, given how things are going in the current parliament. The PJD, being largely in the minority and without real support from its partners in the opposition, will have at least succeeded in opening the debate in the right direction. The supporters of Si Benkirane rightly refer to the royal letter of 2008. They cite the law 30.09 without saying that it was catastrophic for national sports. This could be the subject of a future article. The second party that raised the issue of sports did so just yesterday. It is the Front of Democratic Forces. The party, under the leadership of Si Mustapha Benali, has brought back to the forefront the discussion of public sports policies with an extremely wide and varied panel of specialists and sports leaders, and in the presence of representatives from political parties of the same persuasion. The debates were of very good quality with a broad consensus around solutions that seem obvious and the surprise that they are not being implemented. This kind of debate is as necessary as it is urgent. Morocco, which makes sports and football in particular a driver of development, cannot wait any longer, lest it see its colossal efforts wasted and thus dangerous for its near and distant future.
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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The Golden Dawn 34

It is impossible to discuss about magick without mentioning The Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn. It was founded in the late 19th century and stands as one of the most influential occult societies in modern history. Emerging during a period of intense fascination with mysticism, spiritualism, and ancient wisdom, the Golden Dawn synthesized a wide range of esoteric traditions—Hermeticism, Kabbalah, alchemy, astrology, Tarot, Rosicrucianism, and Enochian magic—into a structured, initiatory system. Its teachings and rituals laid the foundation for much of today’s ceremonial magic, influencing major occult figures such as Aleister Crowley (1875-1947), Dion Fortune (1890-1946), Israel Regardie (1907-1985), and even elements of Wicca and New Age spirituality. The Order was formally established in 1888 in London by three Freemasons—William Wynn Westcott (1848-1925), Samuel Liddell MacGregor Mathers (1854-1918), and William Robert Woodman (1828-1891)—who claimed to have received authorization to form the group from mysterious German Adepts through the discovery of a cipher manuscript. This document allegedly contained the outlines of a magical order structure and provided the inspiration for the Outer Order of the Golden Dawn, which focused on ceremonial ritual, magical symbolism, and spiritual transformation through the Tree of Life in the Jewish Kabbalistic tradition. The Golden Dawn was hierarchical and initiatory, with members progressing through a series of grades based on the Qabalistic Tree of Life, each corresponding to deeper levels of metaphysical understanding. The Outer Order (or First Order) focused on theoretical knowledge—Hermetic philosophy, astrological correspondences, geomancy, and the use of symbols, especially those from Egyptian and classical sources. Students were trained in ritual magic, visualization, and the manipulation of elemental and planetary energies. The Second Order, known as the Rosae Rubeae et Aureae Crucis (RR et AC), was an inner circle reserved for initiates who had demonstrated proficiency and inner development. Here, the emphasis shifted from theory to practical and ceremonial magic, including advanced work in scrying, spirit evocation, Enochian magic, and astral projection. Members of the Second Order were tasked with performing complex rites, often involving magical tools such as wands, swords, pentacles, robes, and the use of consecrated temples. One of the Order’s most innovative features was its integration of diverse traditions into a coherent symbolic and ritual framework. For example, the Enochian system—derived from the angelic communications of John Dee and Edward Kelley in the 16th century—was systematized and used in conjunction with Kabbalistic and astrological symbolism. Tarot cards were not only used for divination but also mapped onto the Tree of Life and the Hebrew alphabet, giving them philosophical depth. The Golden Dawn also refined techniques of pathworking, where initiates would meditate upon the paths of the Tree of Life to achieve spiritual insight and astral exploration. Despite its achievements, the Golden Dawn was plagued by internal disputes and power struggles, particularly between MacGregor Mathers and other senior members such as Aleister Crowley and A.E. Waite (1857-1942). By the early 20th century, the original Order had fragmented into various offshoots. Yet these splinter groups—such as the Stella Matutina, Alpha et Omega, and later Builders of the Adytum (B.O.T.A.)—continued the legacy, adapting Golden Dawn teachings for new generations. In the 1930s, Israel Regardie, a former initiate, published many of the Golden Dawn’s rituals and teachings in *The Golden Dawn: A Complete System of Magic*, ensuring the Order’s survival and revitalization. His work preserved and democratized the system, bringing its methods to solitary practitioners and small esoteric groups around the world. Today, the Golden Dawn’s influence is nearly universal in Western esoteric and magical traditions. From Thelema to Chaos Magic, Wicca, and modern Hermeticism, echoes of its symbolism, ritual structure, and magical philosophy remain foundational. Its emphasis on disciplined self-transformation through knowledge and will continues to resonate with seekers pursuing spiritual development beyond dogma. In summary, the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn was not merely a secret society—it was a philosophical and magical renaissance, seeking to awaken the divine potential within each individual through a synthesis of ancient wisdom and modern ritual. It represents a key turning point in the Western Mystery Tradition: a bridge between the occult revival of the 19th century and the rich diversity of contemporary magical practice.

Towards a New Era: The CAA Advocates for Fairness and Representativeness in World Athletics 131

At its latest congress held on July 14, 2025, in Abeokuta, Nigeria, the Confederation of African Athletics (CAA) adopted a resolution that could shake up the governance structure of global athletics. At a time when the debate around modernity and representativeness in international sports institutions is intensifying, the CAA proposes major reforms for the organization World Athletics (WA). **At the heart of the reform: towards fairer governance** In light of recent developments in global sport and the imperative to ensure transparency and efficiency, the CAA believes it is time to revise the statutes of World Athletics, the global governing body for athletics. The primary goal is to strengthen continental representativeness within the WA Council. This reform necessarily hinges on key points in the resolution, notably fair representation by continent. The CAA suggests the establishment of a fixed quota of representatives for each continent within the Council. Such a measure would give each region an effective voice, limiting the overrepresentation of continents already firmly entrenched in international decision-making bodies. The CAA also proposes that members of the World Athletics Council be elected by the continental associations themselves, rather than by the global general assembly. According to the CAA, each continental association should directly elect its own representatives. The only exception in the proposed reform concerns the presidency: the position of World Athletics President would remain subject to the traditional election by the WA General Assembly, thereby preserving a form of institutional unity. The resolution goes further, proposing that for all World Athletics commissions and working groups, the appointment of members should also fall under the authority of continental associations—according to quotas predetermined by WA regulations. This approach aims to ensure genuine diversity in the technical and strategic circles of global athletics. This represents a new impetus for international sports democracy. The CAA’s initiative aligns with a worldwide movement demanding greater democracy, transparency, and balance in the governance of major sports federations. Several observers consider that such a reform, if supported by other continental associations, could serve as a model for other sports and contribute to a balanced, representative, and inclusive international sports world. However, the proposal will face multiple challenges in its implementation. Despite its ambitions, the resolution must overcome several hurdles. Obviously, consensus must be reached with the other continental associations. It will also require negotiation with the World Athletics Council, which may fear a loss of influence for certain continents. Finally, the regulatory texts must be adopted within a timetable compatible with the desired institutional evolution. Carried by the spirit of Abeokuta, the CAA’s proposal could well usher in a new era for athletics. It reaffirms the legitimacy of emerging continents and raises the fundamental question of fairness in international sport. Time will tell if this reform ambition will resonate globally and lead to a profound transformation in the governance of World Athletics.

Moroccan Women’s Football: When Hope Hits the Glass Ceiling 173

For the second consecutive time, the Moroccan women's national football team has been defeated in the final of the African Women's Cup of Nations, despite both tournaments being hosted in Morocco. The second loss seems hard to accept, reigniting deep frustration among fans and sparking heated debates across the country. This defeat, this time against Nigeria following a previous loss to South Africa, highlights complex issues far beyond the playing field. The start of the final was quite fantastic. The Moroccan national team, displaying a dazzling and effective style of play, found themselves leading 2-0 at halftime against a Nigerian side appearing lost on the pitch, as the Moroccans were skillful and disciplined. Unfortunately, they were caught up later. The popular enthusiasm generated by the journey of the Atlas Lionesses contrasts sharply with the bitterness of the final defeat. For many observers, this failure is not simply bad luck. Several voices, expert and anonymous alike, offer various explanations that fuel the debate. The coach’s tactical choices are being questioned. Many believe that the second half against Nigeria revealed a lack of inspiration and responsiveness, hence a lack of competence, notably through late substitutions that failed to dynamically revive the team as the game seemed to slip away from Morocco. Although not solely responsible for the outcome, these technical decisions sparked a wave of criticism regarding bench management and adaptability to the match’s developments. Among various points raised is the average age of the players, arguably too high at 31. At this age, unless blessed with exceptional physical, technical, and mental qualities, it is difficult to sustain 90 minutes, especially after enduring 120 minutes and penalty shootouts just days earlier. There is also mention of sentimental considerations in the selection of certain players, picked to please others. Further criticism targets the deployment of some players who were not placed in their usual positions. In short, many viewpoints tend to converge on the technical staff’s responsibility. The issue of physical conditioning is also raised. Several analysts and fans point to insufficient physical preparation, reflected in a drop in intensity and sharpness during key moments of the match. Facing opponents known for their athletic power and their ability to maintain high levels of demand throughout 90 minutes, this deficit proved fatal. In truth, physical conditioning is a long-term process that cannot be meaningfully developed at the national team level due to lack of time. It primarily occurs at clubs that have the players throughout the season. At the national team level, the fitness coach mostly focuses on maintenance. However, the analysis does not stop at strictly sporting aspects. Throughout the tournament, the feeling of having been wronged by the refereeing was palpable. Some even spoke of "theft" or systemic injustice against Morocco. The controversial penalty, awarded then ultimately canceled for obscure reasons, only confirmed this sentiment. Was a certain number of Nigerian titles guaranteed at all costs? Social media, acting as a true echo chamber for popular emotions, immediately ignited after the final. Criticism multiplied against the federation and its president. Some internet users accused him of failing to assert Morocco’s authority in its own stadium, while others pointed to management detached from supporters’ expectations, who had been buoyed by recent progress in national women’s football. A polarization of the debate has since emerged. On one side, a segment of the public, legitimately disappointed, demands accountability and calls for radical changes in team management. They remind that it was the same coach who led the team to victories before losing the Olympic qualification to Zambia on home soil. On the other side, defenders of the current leadership emphasize the progress made, insist on the need for stability, and caution against hasty judgments, citing the impressive record of the Spanish coach. They remind critics that Nigeria holds 10 African titles and has reached a World Cup quarter-final, while Morocco had little clout before. While the Royal Moroccan Football Federation has succeeded in putting women's football on the continental map—something that barely existed not long ago—the path from dream to achievement remains fraught with obstacles. It now appears urgent to draw conclusions, both technically and structurally, especially since the tournament will soon be held again in Morocco and, under the new format, will serve as a qualifier for the 2027 World Cup in Brazil. Will the same staff be kept despite everything, with a squad whose average age does not allow for enduring the seven matches of the African Cup and a deep run in the World Cup? Although premature, it might be wise to quickly assess the strategy of a women’s football program fully funded by the federation to the tune of 1.2 million per team—a very substantial amount compared to other teams in other sports. Are clubs doing their job properly to avoid wasting money for a near-zero return at the national team level? Priority should be given to improving scouting and physical preparation, expanding the pool of professional players, and raising the standards in Botola (the Moroccan league). At the same time, efforts in communication and dialogue with supporters seem essential to restore trust, ease tensions, and encourage collective mobilization around upcoming challenges. The reading of His Majesty the King’s message, may God assist him, to the team must be twofold. Yes, the team and staff deserve congratulations for the journey, but the Royal message is also a warning regarding future expectations. And the future includes other football competitions the country is preparing to host. Moroccan women’s football is at a turning point. Between the merit of past achievements and the need to reach a new level, the challenge remains immense. But sports history is made as much of setbacks as resilience. The key may lie in the ability of those behind this project to transform current frustration into a driving force for the future, so that the hope raised by these bittersweet finals finally turns into accomplished victory.

When Christopher Nolan Illuminates Dakhla, Dakhla Enhances His Film... 180

Christopher Nolan has just finished shooting part of his upcoming film, *The Odyssey*, in Dakhla, a gem of southern Morocco. It is a cinematic adaptation of the epic of Ulysses. Among the chosen shooting locations is the spectacular White Dune, located about thirty kilometers from Dakhla — an exceptional natural setting blending white sand and turquoise lagoon — which greatly contributed to the film’s visual richness. This Hollywood blockbuster features a prestigious cast: Matt Damon plays Ulysses, alongside Zendaya, Charlize Theron, Tom Holland, Robert Pattinson, Anne Hathaway, and Lupita Nyong’o. The worldwide release of the film is scheduled for July 15, 2026. Before setting up cameras in Dakhla, Nolan’s team had filmed sequences in Ouarzazate, notably at the Ksar Aït Ben Haddou, as well as in Italy. Originally, Nolan considered locations such as Bermuda or Australia for some maritime scenes, but ultimately chose southern Morocco, recognized for the diversity and quality of its natural landscapes. The shoot in Dakhla is widely seen as a great opportunity for the city and for Morocco, boosting their visibility on the international film scene while promoting the local film industry. But who is Christopher Nolan in the world of cinema? In 2024, he won two major Oscars: Best Director and Best Picture for *Oppenheimer* (2023). He also received an honorary César for his entire career, the BAFTA for Best Director, as well as several other prestigious awards such as the Golden Globes and the Directors Guild of America Awards, all for *Oppenheimer*. This brief overview proves that Nolan is no ordinary figure in the film industry — he is one of the greatest filmmakers in the world. However, this production sparked some controversy and unfounded criticism lacking rigor. The media outlet Middle East Eye dedicated an article condemning the shooting in Dakhla, adopting a selective and victimizing tone, relying on a rhetoric of “decolonization” and supposed “indigenous voices.” This critique, riddled with historical inaccuracies and an obvious bias, reveals either a deep ignorance of the history and physical and human geography of these regions or a deliberate will to distort reality for some ulterior motive... The filming took place in a peaceful and stable city, equipped with modern infrastructure, where Moroccan sovereignty is indisputable. It is probably this stability that troubles some, especially because it highlights the Kingdom’s successes in this region of its territory, contrasting sharply with the difficult situation caused by the Polisario Front, which, under its tutelage, has brought nothing but despair and a lack of dignity to populations held hostage in the Tindouf camps for nearly 50 years. While Middle East Eye accuses Morocco of “cultural normalization,” the article omits mentioning that Algeria exerts a true occupation over the Sahrawis held captive in the camps of shame, where they are a minority compared to the Sahrawis in Morocco, and have neither freedom of movement, nationality, nor an independent press. They don’t even benefit from refugee status, with the United Nations prevented by the host country from registering them. The real question remains: who is the true colonizer in this context? The Sahrawis, who are the majority and live in Moroccan Sahara, enjoy a significantly higher standard of living than the populations in the Tindouf camps — or even compared to those in the host country overall. They participate in democratic processes, govern their communes, towns, and regions, engage in the political life of the Kingdom, hold positions of responsibility at all levels of government, create businesses, run associations, travel freely, and produce cultural works enriching their country. Their children attend quality schools and universities. They receive care in top-tier hospitals and do not need a media outlet to speak for them. In reality, this article has nothing to do with serious journalism but rather reflects nostalgia for reversed colonialism and an outdated neo-Orientalist vision. It is an ideological staging orchestrated by a group of European activists using the Sahrawis as instruments of propaganda that has been seen before, and that is, frankly, absurd. The goal here is neither peace nor real autonomy, but the perpetuation of artificial resentment in service of their chimera of an independent Sahrawi state — a state that will never exist. Meanwhile, the *The Odyssey* shooting team, satisfied with the quality of reception, assistance, and support from the Moroccan authorities and the work accomplished, has indeed returned to the USA aboard a Royal Air Maroc plane chartered for the occasion. Let us hope Christopher Nolan will not take long before returning with another project and that the beauty of the images in his film will encourage other major filmmakers worldwide to come to Dakhla to elevate their upcoming works.

Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 494

The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position