Algeria Faces Strategic Imperative to Disarm Polisario Amid Geopolitical Shifts
255
*The disarmament of the Polisario now appears as the *ultimate option* Algeria might face in light of recent geopolitical and diplomatic developments. Several factors converge toward this perspective, which is no longer merely hypothetical but a strategic and political necessity.
For several years, the international community, notably driven by the United States, has clearly positioned Morocco’s autonomy proposal as the only credible basis for resolving the so-called Western Sahara conflict. This shift has fundamentally changed the dynamics, marginalizing the Polisario and weakening its traditional support, especially from Algeria. Algeria, which has long provided military and political backing to the Polisario, now finds itself in a delicate position, under international pressure and confronted with realities on the ground.
The movement of Polisario militias out of Algerian territory perfectly reflects Algeria’s impotence, even debacle, as separatists openly use it as a logistical rear base. Separatist incursions into the buffer zone—part of Moroccan territory, a restricted area under tight Moroccan military surveillance—significantly weaken the Polisario, which emerges defeated each time.
**In an already tense regional context, the recent terrorist attack in Mali illustrates the worsening security threats. Several Malian cities have been seized by a genuine terrorist army, an unprecedented coalition of all extremist factions in the region, including about 300 fighters armed and coming from the Polisario. This alliance complicates the security landscape in West and North Africa, blurring lines between armed groups and political movements, increasing pressure on neighboring states, particularly Algeria with its porous borders. For the first time, terrorists approached the Senegalese border, a significant development. Are we on the verge of the birth of another Islamic state?**
In the United States, bipartisan calls to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization implicitly target Algeria, which could be labeled a “state sponsor of terrorism.”
Facing these pressures, the Algerian military junta has few options. The most likely is a calibrated backtrack: accepting Morocco’s autonomy proposal as a negotiation basis. Reluctantly, it is forced to reduce its military support for the Polisario, which will also lose backing from Iran and its proxies.
In this context, disarming the Polisario is not only a military option but a political and security imperative. Maintaining armed militias, fed illusions and weapons for decades, has become a burden for Algeria, which must now consider their dissolution, halt their funding, and isolate the most belligerent elements.
This implicit approach aligns with the political settlement logic based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. It would pave the way for the return of Sahrawis held in camps to their Moroccan homeland. The political end of the Polisario renders its armed existence obsolete.
Disarmament thus appears as Algeria’s last card to exit the Western Sahara conflict deadlock without losing face or risking international sanctions. This choice, imposed by circumstances, could mark the end of an armed confrontation era and open the path to a painful but peaceful resolution for separatists and Algerian military leaders, who would suffer yet another defeat against Morocco.
On the other hand, Algeria must finally allow a precise census of the Tindouf camp inhabitants and clearly determine their origins. It is known that Sahrawis from Moroccan Sahara are a minority, about one-third of the population. This census, repeatedly requested by the United Nations and the UNHCR, is essential to ensure transparency and the future of all. Morocco would likely not allow non-Moroccans to settle on its territory.
Algeria’s persistent refusal to permit this census raises serious questions about its motives, given contradictions over the real number and origins of the camp populations, who are not only displaced from Western Sahara but also include Sahrawis from Algeria, Mauritania, and elsewhere. This opacity contributes to militarization and a situation contrary to the 1951 Refugee Convention principles, as populations are effectively detained and armed, incompatible with refugee status.
Moreover, a refugee cannot be armed. Disarming the Polisario is thus a major strategic and political necessity for Algeria, facing increased international, especially American, pressure demanding not only militia disarmament but also dismantling of the Tindouf camps. Maintaining armed militias in these camps is a real burden for Algiers and an obstacle to peaceful regional relations.
Population census is therefore an essential step to clearly distinguish civilian refugees from armed fighters, a prerequisite for disarmament and militia dissolution. Without this clarification, the international community cannot control the situation, prevent fraud, or guarantee regional security.
In sum, Algeria must stop evading its responsibilities by finally allowing an internationally supervised census, which would open the way to more transparent and humane conflict management while facilitating Polisario disarmament, indispensable for a lasting political solution based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. This difficult but unavoidable choice is crucial to avoid diplomatic isolation, sanctions risk, and regional security deterioration.
However, this option remains delicate and fraught with consequences for Algiers, which must first convince its population of the paradigm shift and find solutions for separatists whose hands are stained with blood.
Disarming the Polisario, far from a mere military operation, will be a major turning point in regional dynamics and a decisive test for Algerian diplomacy. This will require great courage and perhaps new leadership.*
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The Electron Rebellion of Jan Val Ellam
432
Jan Val Ellam, a Brazilian author and spiritual thinker, proposes a unique cosmological vision that integrates scientific imagery with metaphysical philosophy. Central to his view is the notion of "A Rebelião dos Elétrons" (The Rebellion of the Electrons), in which electrons symbolize the primordial agents of a cosmic rupture. Far from being inert subatomic particles, these electrons are imbued with a form of micro-consciousness, representing fragments of the spirit that once participated in the original harmony of the universe.
According to Ellam, this rebellion of the electrons mirrors the ancient Gnostic narrative of the fall—a departure from divine unity that resulted in the creation of the material world. Much like the Gnostic myth of Sophia’s descent or the formation of the Demiurge, Ellam’s metaphor describes a universe where the material plane emerges as the consequence of this separation. The electrons, in this framework, are similar to spiritual exiles, each carrying within itself the memory of the lost unity and the desire for reintegration with the Source.
Ellam’s cosmology also connects with Kabbalistic principles, particularly the concept of Tzimtzum, or the self-contraction of the divine, which allows for the existence of the cosmos and the experience of exile. In this context, the rebellion of the electrons reflects not only the dispersion of divine light (or spiritual energy) but also the ongoing drama of creation, fragmentation, and the potential for spiritual return.
Futhermore, Ellam introduces the idea that these electrons serve as the custodians of universal memory. In his works, including the "Mentalma", he suggests that matter itself—down to its most fundamental components—functions as a repository for the memories of cosmic history. The electrons, as bearers of this memory, encapsulate the entire evolutionary journey from the fall to the present moment. Thus, the very fabric of the material world becomes a kind of living archive, retaining the psychic imprints of the universe’s spiritual trajectory. This strongly resonates with the concept of the Akashic Records found in Hindu, Theosophical, and esoteric traditions.
Through this synthesis of science and mysticism, Ellam presents a vision in which spiritual awakening involves not only a metaphysical ascent but also a reconciliation with the memory embedded in matter. By understanding and harmonizing with these “rebellious” electrons, human beings participate in the restoration of cosmic order, recovering the lost unity that lies at the heart of existence.
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Morocco’s Heatwave Exposes Critical Failures in Train Air Conditioning Systems
658
Morocco has just experienced an exceptional heatwave, like many other countries in the region, including those further north. While temperatures exceeded 45°C in several areas, train passengers expressed strong anger over the air conditioning failures on many trains operated by the National Office of Railways (ONCF), especially on conventional lines connecting the main cities of the Kingdom.
On social media, increasing testimonies of frustration described train cars as true “walking ovens.” For many, some journeys, particularly the heavily trafficked line between Casablanca and Rabat, have become nearly unbearable. Numerous travelers are outraged, going as far as to call this situation a clear sign of disrespect toward passengers.
This failure mainly affects classic trains, often over twenty years old, whose air conditioning systems are outdated and frequently out of order. In contrast, the high-speed Al Boraq line, which connects Casablanca to Tangier, is better equipped to handle these extreme conditions, offering a striking contrast between modernity and obsolescence.
The National Meteorological Directorate recorded historic peaks: 47.3°C in Marrakech, 46°C in Fès, and 45.5°C in Kénitra. Under these conditions, inside a non-air-conditioned carriage, temperatures far exceed the tolerable threshold, endangering not only passengers’ comfort but also their health, especially the most vulnerable such as the elderly and children.
In this context, it is often the controllers, powerless, who bear the brunt of passengers’ anger and verbal outbursts.
It is important to recall that international railway transport standards require functional air conditioning systems, especially during heatwaves. In several countries, prolonged absence of air conditioning can even lead to financial compensation for travelers. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case in Morocco, where no regulations provide for compensation, which is absurd: citizens do not receive a service commensurate with their expense, while the law should protect them, especially in a monopoly situation. And this is indeed the case.
Facing a flood of criticism, the ONCF acknowledges the technical difficulties related to old train sets and announces maintenance operations. However, these explanations fail to convince users, who denounce a lack of structural investment in renewing the railway fleet, despite regular fare increases.
The question also arises whether the problem lies solely in the obsolescence of equipment, or if it also stems from a lack of maintenance team skills, or even negligence. Elsewhere, sometimes older trains still provide good ventilation and air conditioning service.
In 2025, traveling without air conditioning in a country where heatwaves have become the norm is no longer acceptable. An emergency plan must be implemented, especially as summer has just begun, with holidays and major travel ahead.
The ONCF regularly communicates about its future acquisitions of modern trains, but will any be in service this summer? In any case, the current rolling stock must be better maintained to improve passenger comfort. It is a basic right.
Beyond the obvious discomfort, this situation raises a deeper issue related to respect for passengers and the quality of public service. In a context where the government encourages the use of public transport to reduce the carbon footprint, trains should be a reliable and attractive alternative.
However, recurring failures tarnish the ONCF’s credibility, widening the gap between the Al Boraq line, Morocco’s technological showcase, and the conventional lines, perceived as outdated and uncomfortable despite visible efforts in seat comfort and station organization, especially at newer stations.
Faced with this crisis, it is imperative that the ONCF revise its strategy. While significant investments have been made in high-speed rail, it is urgent to give equal attention to conventional lines that serve thousands of Moroccans daily.
During heatwaves, the absence of air conditioning on trains is not a mere oversight but a crucial public health and dignity issue for travelers. A clear action plan, including a precise schedule for renovating train sets, better maintenance of existing systems, and a revision of passenger rights in case of failure, must be adopted without delay and made public.
Everyone knows that the ONCF aims to transform its services by 2030, but until then, millions of Moroccans will take the train and deserve dignity and respect.
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Moving away from me
808
By leaving me you exhausted me, and it's cruel
Have mercy on me my beautiful
You fucked up my passion
But one day you'll find your sanity
You cross me carelessly
Me who loves you and that's all the difference
They were beautiful our lovers' kisses
If you don't remember them
Ask your lips
They are still in fever
Our bonds were so strong
So much so that when our blood squirts
We don't know if it's yours or mine
Ask the night why these stars despite their splendor
And their glow
Are not worth that of your smile
O moon, if you accompany me in my loneliness ………and if one day I agonize in the meanders of space
Tell the darkness that the martyr of love is dead........
and sprinkle stardust on my shroud
Dr Fouad Bouchareb
Inspired by Farid Al Atrache's song >
https://youtu.be/57Xezl_YR6c?si=JVP_kEQZCY8rZbNF
All rights reserved
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No Religion in Science But Ethics in Citizenship
921
I write these words with deep respect and a sense of emotion. Professor Jamal Fezza my former high school philosophy teacher and later my thesis co-supervisor is currently facing an unfair wave of criticism. And I feel the need to publicly express my support.
Those who know him understand how deeply he embodies intellectual rigor, ethical integrity, and an unwavering commitment to what science is meant to be: a space for free thought, beyond identity-based boundaries.
In emotionally charged moments, it’s easy to withdraw into national or personal reactions. I know this I’ve experienced it myself. Once, I was faced with a difficult decision, and I chose not to attend a scientific event, out of loyalty to my country. But that decision was mine alone. I never asked anyone else to follow suit, nor did I demand that scientific spaces be shaped to reflect my personal stance.
That’s what Jamal Fezza is reminding us of today and that’s what I stand by: science should never be confused with foreign policy. Refusing to engage with researchers based on nationality is not an act of resistance it’s a step away from dialogue and intellectual integrity.
This doesn’t mean turning a blind eye to injustice. It means preserving the university as a place where ideas, not identities, are confronted.
I am proud to have had Professor Fezza as a teacher, and later as a mentor. But beyond the personal bond, I am above all grateful for the example he continues to set with clarity, honesty, and courage.
We need voices like his, especially when they are inconvenient.
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Morocco: Voices of Rebellion, From Najat Aatabou to El Grande Toto...
818
The recent edition of Mawazine Music Festival did not go unnoticed and will be remembered. There were, of course, tens of thousands of citizens from all over Morocco and beyond enjoying the various stages, with Boutchart’s record simply making them sing along, as well as that great diva singing in playback, provoking the anger of those who cried scam. But above all, there was El Grande Toto. This great star of Moroccan and global urban music, whom many dislike, or dislike intensely.
El Grande Toto packed the audience, but also sparked a large number of articles and reactions, mostly unfavorable, with only a few exceptions. The majority of these reactions were rather critical, some almost scathing.
*Let me say it straight away: I am not a fan of El Grande Toto nor of his type of music. At my age, it would be an insult to my musical tastes, as I can only be soothed in my Arabic version by Doukkali, Abdelhalim, Belkhayat, Samih, Farid, Oum Kaltoum, and Abdelwahab; in my French version by Brel, Reggiani, Piaf, Barbara; and in my English version by Dylan, Clapton, BB King, James Brown, and many others.*
That said, I cannot judge those who dislike him, nor those who love El Grande Toto’s musical genre—that is, all the youth who identify with this style, who resonate with his intonations and rejoice in absorbing his lyrics. It is their time and their music.
This reminds me that about thirty years ago, Najat Aatabou could only be heard by accident, passing by a cassette seller’s stall in a souk or secretly in one’s car. Her music seemed annoying and her lyrics vulgar. It took a long time before she was finally accepted, and later adored.
What brings me to this topic is that there is something in the artistic trajectories of Najat Aatabou and El Grande Toto that resembles a broken mirror: the shards oppose and scatter, yet, upon closer look, they reflect the same reality. That of a multiple, rebellious Morocco, torn between its traditions and its desires for modernity. A Morocco that thinks it is what it is only little or not really. What it has never truly been except in a falsely constructed imagination.
Najat Aatabou is the hoarse voice of the Zemours, the one who emerged in Khémisset, carried by the winds of the Middle Atlas and the whispers of a society still constrained by honor, the gaze of others, and the strictness of conventions. In the 1980s, while the Kingdom was taking its first steps toward social openness, Najat dared to sing what so many women whispered in silence: thwarted loves, betrayal, emancipation, wounded pride, desire—all in rather raw language.
Her “Hadi Kedba Bayna” (“It’s an obvious lie”) resonates like a cry, soft but firm, in popular weddings, shared taxis, and the cozy living rooms of the Moroccan diaspora in Europe. With her, chaâbi, the music of the people par excellence, becomes a vector of affirmation. Najat does not apologize for being a woman, an artist, Amazigh, a rebel. She disturbs, sometimes shocks, but she imposes herself. Her music was even used in a global advertisement.
Forty years later, it is another Moroccan who shakes the walls of certainties: El Grande Toto, child of Casablanca’s suburbs, dyed hair, tattooed face and arms, and sharp tongue, imposes himself as the bard of an uninhibited Moroccan youth. With him, words snap in darija, intertwine with French and English, flirt unabashedly with taboos: drugs, money, sex, and challenge social hypocrisies. Where Najat Aatabou denounced half-words, Toto displays, claims, provokes.
Certainly, the forms differ: Najat draws from the ancestral repertoire, her melodies reminiscent of village weddings and the ululations of yesteryear. Toto, on the other hand, drinks from the sources of global rap, trap, and social networks, where punchlines matter more than silences. But behind these differences, the same sap nourishes their works: the thirst to speak, whatever the cost, without feeling guilty about anything.
Najat Aatabou paid a high price for breaking taboos. We still remember the harsh criticisms, the heavy judging looks, the outraged fathers. But time proved her right: she is now respected, even adored, seen as one of the great voices of popular Morocco.
El Grande Toto, meanwhile, is still in the midst of the storm. It will take him a long time before he is finally tolerated and accepted. Repeated controversies, court summons, accusations of indecency… Yet, his success does not wane. The numbers speak: millions of streams on platforms, growing international influence, a Moroccan youth that recognizes itself in his anger and dreams. They sing their reality and find themselves in him, whether we like it or not.
Ultimately, from the 1980s to today, across centuries, Morocco has never stopped telling its story through its most unsettling artists. There were others before: Zahra Elfassia, Fatna Bent El Houcine, and many known or unknown Chikhates, female voices of the frustrations and hopes of a silenced generation.
El Grande Toto, the insolent spokesperson of an urban youth in search of recognition, space, freedom, embodies this spirit today. We must not forget there were others before him: Faddoul, Nass El Ghiwane, Ach Kayne, Rebel Moon, and Lbig, among others. There was also a tradition of rebellion and bold language in malhoun with qassidas that one would no longer dare to sing nowadays, even in the most intimate circles.
Between them all, decades and universes, but also this invisible thread that connects those who dare to say out loud what others still keep silent. Perhaps that is what it means to be an artist in Morocco: to shake the established order, to hold a mirror to society, and to accept to pay the price, even if it is too high...
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The Smara Attack: A Reflection of Power Struggles in Algeria...
1174
The recent Polisario attack on Smara, in the Moroccan Sahara, takes place within a context of deep divisions within the Algerian military hierarchy, which directly influence the policy of the Algerian state. These internal tensions, marked by strategic rivalries, impact the Algiers-Polisario strategy vis-à-vis Morocco.
This offensive, targeting notably a MINURSO base and the small airport of Smara, reflects the will of certain sectors of the Algerian army, supporting the Polisario, to challenge the international community and counter American diplomatic pressure, particularly the bill in Congress aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization. This move also likely reflects a disagreement within the Algiers-Polisario alliance, exacerbated by the request of the Algerian Chief of Staff, Said Chengriha, to return the Iranian weapons supplied to the Polisario, signaling a probable change of course under international pressure.
The Polisario, dependent on Algerian authorities for its actions, illustrates through this attack the fractures within the Algerian military hierarchy. Several currents oppose each other: some advocate rapprochement with France, others maintain the historic relationship with Russia, while others seek to appease the United States. These divergences are amplified by regional geopolitical stakes, notably the war in Ukraine, and by Morocco’s rapprochement with Sahel countries, which exasperates certain members of the general staff.
Moreover, the concentration of military, political, economic, and diplomatic powers in the hands of General Chengriha fuels tensions with the civilian presidency. President Tebboune, although formally head of state, sees his authority challenged, as demonstrated by the private meeting with Emmanuel Macron held without prior consultation of the general staff, causing a cooling of relations at the top before the ‘president’ was reprimanded.
These internal conflicts directly influence the management of the Sahara dossier. The Polisario attack appears as an expression of power struggles: some officers favor an aggressive posture to preserve their influence, while others prioritize caution in the face of risks of diplomatic isolation and sanctions.
The increasing integration of the military into the civilian administration, reinforced by a recent presidential decree, illustrates the general staff’s desire to control all levers of power, accentuating the politicization of the army and internal tensions.
Finally, the fact that the attack did not achieve its major objectives seems deliberate, constituting a kind of “signature” with Iranian rockets. This gesture can also be seen as a sign of despair from a diplomatically isolated movement and an indicator of divisions at the military top, with some seeking to show that a change of power could open other regional options.
This operation, far from unanimous, weakens Algiers’ position and strengthens the arguments of figures like Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta.
Highlighting that major national decisions occur within a context of internal rivalries within the military institution, a pillar of power in Algeria, no one can believe that the decision to launch rockets against Morocco was made in a unanimous conclave.
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Make Your Posts Beautiful: Bluwr Text Formatting Guide
1178
Bluwr has a simple text formatting system that automatically transforms your writing into beautifully styled posts. Here's how to use these powerful features to make your content stand out.
==Essential Text Styling==
**Bold Text**
To make text bold, wrap it with two asterisks on each side. For example, if you write two asterisks, then the word "important", then two asterisks, it will appear in bold formatting.
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asterisk asterisk important asterisk asterisk
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*Italic Text*
For italic text, use single asterisks around your words. Write one asterisk, your text, then another asterisk.
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asterisk text asterisk
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__Underlined Text__
Create underlined text by using two underscores before and after your text.
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underscore underscore highlighted underscore underscore
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==Layout Elements==
Create Visual Breaks
Want to add a horizontal line to separate sections? Simply type four dashes in a row.
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dash dash dash dash
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Center Your Text
Make text appear centered by wrapping it with two equals signs.
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equals equals This text will be centered equals equals
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Show Code and Examples
Display code or preserve exact formatting by wrapping text with two semicolons. This is perfect for showing examples or code snippets.
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semicolon semicolon
Your code here
semicolon semicolon
;;
==Lists and Organization==
Bullet Points
Create bullet lists by starting each line with a dash and a space.
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dash First item
dash Second item
dash Third item
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Numbered Lists
Make numbered lists by starting lines with numbers and periods.
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1. First step
2. Second step
3. Third step
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==Automatic Magic==
**Lead Paragraphs**
Here's something special - Bluwr automatically styles the first sentence of your post as a lead paragraph. Just write naturally and your opening will be highlighted to draw readers in.
**Smart Processing**
All these formatting options work together seamlessly. The system processes your text in the background, so you can focus on writing great content while Bluwr handles the presentation.
==Pro Tips for Great Formatting==
- **Mix different styles** for rich, engaging posts
- **Don't overdo it** - let your content be the star
- **Use bullet points** to break up longer paragraphs
- **Try centered text** for important announcements
- **Code blocks** are perfect for sharing examples or preserving specific formatting
**Start experimenting** with these formatting options in your next post. They're designed to be intuitive - just type naturally and watch your words transform into beautiful, readable content that captures your readers' attention.
The best part? Once you learn these simple patterns, they become second nature. Your posts will look professional and polished without any extra effort.
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Gnosticism
1325
Gnosticism (from the Greek γνῶσις, gnosis, meaning “knowledge” or “insight”) refers to a diverse set of spiritual movements that emerged in the early centuries of the Common Era, primarily within the Greco-Roman world. These traditions share a central conviction: that the human soul contains a divine spark exiled in a flawed or fallen material world, and that salvation comes not through faith alone, but through direct, experiential knowledge of spiritual truths.
Gnostic cosmology, at its core, shows a clear dualism between spirit and matter, light and darkness, knowledge and ignorance. The cosmos is depicted as the creation not of the highest God—Ἀγαθός Θεός (Agathos Theos, the Good God)—but of a lesser, ignorant, or even malevolent power often termed the Demiurge (Greek Δημιουργός, Demiourgos, meaning “artisan” or “builder”). This Demiurge, sometimes identified with the god of the Old Testament in certain Gnostic sects, fashions the material world as a prison or illusion, veiling the true divine realm.
In Gnostic thought, the true God resides beyond the material cosmos, in the fullness of divine being known as the Pleroma (Greek Πλήρωμα). From this realm of light emanate spiritual beings or Aeons (Greek Αἰῶνες, Aiones) in harmonious pairs, representing aspects of divine mind, love, and will. A disruption in this celestial order—often symbolized by the fall or error of an Aeon such as Sophia (Greek Σοφία, Sophia, meaning “Wisdom”)—leads to the creation of the material universe and the entrapment of divine sparks within human souls.
Salvation in Gnosticism is not achieved through external rites or adherence to dogma, but through gnosis itself: a deep inner awakening, in which the soul remembers its true origin and destiny. This knowledge is both intellectual and mystical, a direct experience of the hidden God and the realization of one’s divine nature. Thus, the Gnostic path involves a journey of inner revelation, often guided by a redeemer figure who descends from the Pleroma—whether portrayed as the Logos (Λόγος), the true Christ, or another messenger of light.
Gnosticism often emphasizes the rejection of the material world's illusions and corruptions, while seeking purity of spirit and alignment with the divine order. Yet, the diversity of Gnostic schools means that some embraced asceticism, avoiding bodily pleasures as snares of the Demiurge, while others saw no harm in engaging with the world’s forms, recognizing them as ultimately empty of true substance.
Gnostic scriptures, many of which were lost or suppressed for centuries, survive today in collections such as the Nag Hammadi library discovered in 1945. Several texts like the Gospel of Thomas and the Apocryphon of John offer rich and symbolic teachings, blending different elements into a vision of spiritual liberation.
Throughout history, Gnosticism has influenced mystical and esoteric traditions, from Manichaeism and Hermeticism to modern currents of Theosophy and some aspects of psychology. At its core, Gnosticism invites the seeker to look beyond appearances, to pierce the veil of the world’s illusions, and to remember the divine origin of the soul. In this way, it calls the human being not to blind belief, but to awakening—through gnosis—to an aspect of truth hidden at the heart of existence. being.
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Council of Europe Conference on Human Rights in Sport Held in Rabat, Morocco.
1582
The Council of Europe, in collaboration with the Ministry of Preschool Education and Sports, and with the support of the Swiss Embassy to the Kingdom, organized in Rabat on June 23 and 24 a conference dedicated to Human Rights in Sport. All relevant departments and administrations, the national sports movement, as well as researchers specializing in the field were invited.
The choice of date was no coincidence: we are just a few months away from the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, and a few years from the FIFA World Cup co-hosted by Morocco, Spain, and Portugal. These major sporting events require the Kingdom to strengthen and update its legal and institutional framework regarding human rights in sport.
For the Council of Europe, sport is not only an essential physical and social activity but also a fundamental vector of human rights, embodying values such as respect, non-discrimination, solidarity, and justice. To protect and promote these rights, it relies on several key conventions: the Macolin Convention, the Anti-Doping Convention, and the Saint-Denis Convention. These legal instruments form the cornerstone of its commitment to ethical, safe, and inclusive sport.
Morocco has signed the Macolin Convention, which is awaiting ratification. It has also acceded to the provisions of the Anti-Doping Convention but remains an observer regarding the Saint-Denis Convention.
The conference therefore addressed these different legal frameworks, further explained them, and reviewed the Kingdom’s progress in these areas.
Following the official opening and presentations by the departments of the Ministry of National Education, Preschool and Sports, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the representative of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Swiss ambassador and the Head of the Council of Europe Office in Rabat, several experts took the floor to elaborate on the theme:
Prof. Younes Lazrak Hassouni presented the Moroccan national legal framework concerning human rights in sport.
Dr. Fatima Abouali, President of the Moroccan Anti-Doping Agency (AMAD), spoke about AMAD’s commitment to respecting human rights. The Anti-Doping Convention (1989, amended in 2002) seeks to preserve health and sporting fairness by eradicating doping, which is considered a violation of sports ethics and a threat to athletes’ health. It supports the fundamental right to healthy and fair sport, guaranteeing the dignity of participants.
Mr. Younes El Mechrafi, General Director of Moroccan Games and Sports, addressed the fight against illegal betting in light of the Macolin Convention, highlighting recent developments, particularly in combating illegal betting. The Macolin Convention (2014) aims to strengthen national coordination and international cooperation to prevent and combat the manipulation of sports competitions, whether related to criminal activities or sports betting. It protects the integrity of sport, ensuring a fair environment for athletes and spectators—an essential aspect of human rights in sport.
The Moroccan presentations were followed by those of Council of Europe experts:
Ms. Elena Caser, from the Sports Division, outlined the Council’s priority areas for preserving sports integrity.
Mr. Nicolas Sayde detailed the implementation of the Macolin Convention to combat competition manipulation, using concrete examples.
Ms. Marie Françoise Glatz, Secretary of the Saint-Denis Convention, presented the principles and standards of this convention, emphasizing its integrated and multi-institutional approach to the secure management of sporting events.
Mr. Paulo Gomes, Head of the Convention Unit, stressed the added value of this convention for Morocco, especially regarding a strengthened legal framework and the security of upcoming major sporting events.
The objective was clear: to convince Morocco to fully adhere to the Saint-Denis Convention. To date, this convention is the only binding international instrument that establishes an integrated approach to ensure the safety, security, and quality of services at sporting events. It promotes close cooperation between public authorities, private actors, and supporters to create welcoming, safe sporting events that respect human rights, particularly in combating violence, racism, and discrimination.
This last convention sparked extensive debate, especially among representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the General Directorate of National Security, as Morocco is currently preparing its legal arsenal for hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup, in accordance with the requirements of various specifications.
Beyond international conventions, Morocco is one of the few countries in the world to have enshrined sport and physical activity in its Constitution. It establishes these as a right for citizens and an obligation for the State. Physical activity constitutes the primary pillar of any comprehensive health system, both physical and mental. Sport plays a crucial role through its recreational, social, political, and geopolitical dimensions. It is also an important economic sector, contributing significantly to GDP, directly or indirectly.
The Kingdom has a solid normative framework: Law No. 30-09 on physical education and sports, Law No. 84-12 on the organization of sports activities, Law No. 09-09 against violence in stadiums, and Law No. 97-12 on anti-doping, which regulates controls and sanctions. These laws are complemented by Decree No. 2-10-628 of 2011 relating to Law 30-09.
This fairly comprehensive system aims to make sport a space of respect, fairness, and solidarity, in line with the universal values of human rights.
The proper organization of sporting events, the fight against doping, and the fight against violence form a fundamental triptych guaranteeing integrity, health, safety, and respect for fundamental rights in sport.
This integrated vision places sport at the heart of public policies promoting human rights, making it a powerful lever for a fairer, more inclusive, and more united society.
Holding this conference in Rabat confirms the Kingdom’s determination to comply with the highest international standards in this field and demonstrates its openness to cooperation with its partners, notably the European Union and its dedicated bodies.
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Council of Europe Conference on Human Rights in Sport Held in Rabat, Morocco.
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Mauritania’s Ambiguous Stance on the Western Sahara Conflict
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The Mauritanian Minister of Culture, Arts, Communication, and Relations with Parliament, Government Spokesperson El Houssein Ould Meddou, recently spoke on France 24 regarding Mauritania’s position on the so-called Western Sahara conflict. Clearly uncomfortable, to the point of appearing surprised by the journalist’s question, he seemed to stammer while affirming that Mauritania adopts a policy of neutrality, introducing a new concept: that of “positive and active neutrality” in this matter.
Very clumsily, he reduced the issue to a matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara,” without specifying who exactly he meant. He got further bogged down when he claimed that his country does not limit itself to a passive stance but is sincerely committed to contributing to a fair political solution, serving regional stability and the interests of all parties involved. Again, no clarification was given on who these parties are, and whether his own country is included or not. This borders on contradiction with his earlier statements.
According to the Minister, this neutrality is expressed notably by Mauritania’s willingness to play a central role in facilitating dialogue between the conflict’s actors, fostering a climate of trust and overcoming political deadlock. However, he seemed not to have carefully read the Security Council resolutions since 2007.
The Minister showed more irritation when the journalist asked about the closure of Lebriga, the border post between Mauritania and Algeria. He appeared unaware of this closure, which is surprising given that the decision sparked major controversy and strong reactions from separatists against his own country and government. After some hesitation, he awkwardly stated that the recent Mauritanian decision to close the Lebriga crossing on the Algerian border was a measure taken for internal security reasons, aimed at controlling crossings and protecting national sovereignty. His attempt to recover only entrenched him further. For him, this decision has no political significance and targets no particular party but responds to a state approach to securing borders. Quite astonishing.
The Mauritanian Minister thus explicitly reduced the so-called Western Sahara conflict to a simple matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara.” Did he realize at that moment the sensitive political repercussions he was causing? Indeed, this position was perceived as indirect support for the Algerian version of the conflict. Algeria quickly reacted by officially inviting the minister and bestowing many honors on him. This instant Algerian response can only be interpreted as a reward for the minister’s risky stance.
He thus placed himself in a situation where he contradicted himself. The “positive neutrality” he mentioned becomes clear: it is actually alignment with the Algerian position.
This situation embarrassed the Mauritanian government and presidency, which did not officially endorse the minister’s remarks. Several government members expressed discomfort with this statement, emphasizing that it does not reflect Mauritania’s official position.
Moreover, within Mauritanian civil society, critical voices emerged, denouncing the apparent ignorance of the minister on sensitive issues, notably the border with Algeria. During the interview, the journalist noted that the minister seemed poorly informed on this subject, which heightened the discomfort around his statements.
On the Moroccan side, the reaction to the Mauritanian government spokesperson’s remarks was very measured, even officially nonexistent. Morocco, as usual, chose not to publicly respond to this declaration, probably considering that the Mauritanian minister is only a marginal actor, not part of Mauritania’s true leadership circle. This silence can be interpreted as a strategy to avoid giving importance to these remarks, so as not to fuel unnecessary controversy or unduly embarrass Mauritania’s real leaders.
It should be noted that this interview took place before recent Polisario strikes near Smara, close to MINURSO positions, which officially complained. The mercenaries operated by passing through Mauritanian territory, where they were neutralized by the Royal Armed Forces.
The clumsy declaration of the so-called spokesperson created implicit diplomatic tension, revealing internal divisions in Mauritania and illustrating the regional complexities surrounding the so-called Western Sahara conflict, where every stance is scrutinized and can have significant diplomatic consequences, without hindering the inevitable and confirmed historical evolution: the progress and consolidation of the solution proposed by Morocco, reinforced by the recognition of the Moroccan sovereignty over the territories in question by nearly all key countries, among others.
By his posture, the minister thus disregarded recent developments, notably the bipartisan introduction in the U.S. Congress of the “Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act,” which a political leader in his position could not have ignored.
He simply sidelined his own country, which is directly impacted.
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Mauritania’s Ambiguous Stance on the Western Sahara Conflict
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