The Garonne
86
The Garonne
On the Pont Saint Pierre
I contemplate the Garonne
Majestic as always
Its waters flow
And purr slowly
As if by magic to say hello to me
On the Pont Saint Pierre
The Hôtel-Dieu Saint-Jacques
rises like a crack
Nostalgic for medicine
of alchemy and penicillin
On the Pont Saint Pierre
I walk humming a chance at love
waiting for nightfall
And watching the day slip away
Dr. Bouchareb Fouad
Toulouse, October 5, 2022 and
May 31, 2025
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Morocco 2030: Football as a Geopolitical and Strategic Lever While Waiting for Other Sports Disciplines...
202
The Kingdom of Morocco, through football, is today establishing itself as a major player in sports geopolitics. It clearly demonstrates its determination to carve out a prominent place on the international stage in this field. This vision comes from the highest levels of the State and is also shared by the Moroccan people, who have embraced this choice. This dynamic is notably illustrated by the co-hosting of the 2030 World Cup with Spain and Portugal, a historically significant event symbolizing a major political and diplomatic victory.
This co-organization of the 2030 World Cup alongside two European states is the result of a long, patient, and determined strategy. It stems from an enduring conviction that has never wavered. After five unsuccessful bids, the Kingdom managed to convince FIFA and its member federations, becoming the second African country to host the tournament after South Africa in 2010. In fact, aside from the political contingencies of the time, the global sympathy for Nelson Mandela, and the questionable practices of FIFA decision-makers then, South Africa would never have been able to host the World Cup before Morocco for obvious footballing reasons.
The Kingdom has nonetheless been rewarded for its patience, resilience, and conviction. It will host the centennial World Cup, an edition exceptional in every respect and designed under a cost-sharing logic. It will have a considerable economic and diplomatic impact, strengthening ties between Europe and Africa and highlighting football’s role in bringing peoples closer, as well as in the social and sporting development of the region. Never has Europe been so close and cooperative with the African continent—and vice versa. Morocco is organizing on behalf of an entire continent.
Football is a true soft power tool that Morocco wields to strengthen its diplomatic relations in Africa. Did His Majesty the King not order the Local Organizing Committee to include expertise from across the continent?
The Royal Moroccan Football Federation has long multiplied partnerships with African federations, providing financial and logistical support and inviting many countries to use the country’s numerous modern infrastructures for their training or competitions. This proactive and positive policy naturally consolidates Moroccan influence on the continent, in a context where the country seeks to counter the influence of other regional powers that do not look upon it favorably.
From a purely footballing standpoint, Morocco is gradually asserting itself as an African powerhouse. It wins or participates in all major continental finals with a steady rise in the performance of its national teams. This success is supported by massive investments in player development, with the construction of high-performance training centers such as the Mohammed VI Academy in Salé.
The Kingdom is also increasingly exporting players and coaches to leagues in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. This contributes to strengthening its image and influence. For example, Jamal Selami recently qualified Jordan for the World Cup for the first time in its history, a team propelled by his compatriot Houcine Amouta.
Moreover, the Moroccan diaspora plays a key role: many players born or trained abroad enthusiastically choose to wear the Moroccan colors, proud and unashamed to represent their country of origin. This mobilization of diaspora talent is a strategic asset that enriches the national teams and enhances their reach.
Morocco therefore does not limit itself to mere sporting ambition in football. It conceives football as a vector of international influence, a territorial marketing lever, as evidenced by the strategic agreement “Morocco, Land of Football” signed between the FRMF and the Moroccan National Tourism Office. This alliance reflects the Kingdom’s desire to build a strong, inspiring image and attract enthusiasts and tourists from around the world. It is a continuation of the policy of building and strengthening the Morocco brand, which is increasingly asserting itself globally in the economic sphere. Morocco no longer hesitates to admit it is an industrial power asserting itself more and more every day.
This approach fits into a global geostrategic perspective where football is called upon to reinforce Morocco’s position on the African and international stage, assert its continental leadership, and support its diplomatic advances, notably on the sensitive issue of the southern provinces.
By using sport as a diplomatic and economic tool, Morocco aims to consolidate its alliances, extend its influence, and prepare a future where it occupies a central position in relations between Africa, Europe, and the world—and it makes no secret of this. Everyone today understands that to engage with Africa, especially on economic issues and certain political aspects, the Kingdom is indispensable.
The question now arises for other sports disciplines. In fact, this football policy could only be implemented and succeed thanks to the royal vision in this domain, understood by a federation that, before all others, corrected its course following the royal letter addressed to the world of sport in 2008. The FRMF has smartly set itself in motion, now reaping the first results of its commitment.
Unfortunately, other federations have remained in the shadows, mired in a certain mediocrity or even lethargy that makes them increasingly ineffective and criticized. Some, and not the least, are simply insignificant at the continental and global level, or have become so due to lack of foresight and competence, despite the available resources and the green light for sports in general.
Developing other disciplines could diversify the country’s sports soft power, strengthen its diplomatic ties, and better distribute the economic and cultural benefits of sporting events across the national territory. Diversification is precisely at the heart of the royal vision.
Meanwhile, Morocco is making football a major political asset, blending sport, diplomacy, and economic development to establish itself as an unavoidable player in sports geopolitics.
The 2030 World Cup is both a symbol and a catalyst of this ambitious strategy, which promises to reshape regional and international balances around a ball rounder than ever—while awaiting the awakening of other sports disciplines.
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Blind love
531
Blind love
To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me
While she is the source of my sorrows and setbacks
Yet she confesses to others that she loves me who believes
Leaning on her balcony every evening
She doesn't care that I always be there at my perch Waiting for a signal from her, a hope
To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me
While she is the source of my sorrows and my setbacks
In spite I keep drinking And drinking get drunk every night
Sitting in front of her window on the sidewalk
To the one who looks at me and pretends not to see me
While she is the source of my sorrows and my disappointments
I say that this story is over now
And that elsewhere I will go to see
Dr Bouchareb Fouad July 5, 2022 Inspired by a piece of Andalusian music
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Mauritania Facing Security, Diplomatic, and Geopolitical Recomposition Challenges in the Sahel..
875
After four years of intervention, the Russian paramilitary group Wagner officially announced its withdrawal from Mali in June 2025. It had been active in the region since 2021. This departure occurs in a context marked by a resurgence of jihadist attacks weakening Malian and regional stability.
Wagner’s departure does not signify a Russian disengagement, as its missions are being taken over by a new paramilitary organization, the Africa Corps, directly controlled by the Russian Ministry of Defense. This group, born after the failed coup attempt by former Wagner leaders in 2023, continues Russia’s strategy of influence in Africa, notably in what is declared to be the training of Malian forces to face the rising terrorist threats.
This transition illustrates the complexity of the security context in the Sahel, where Wagner’s relative failure to stabilize Mali and contain Tuareg and jihadist armed groups forces Moscow to readjust its methods while maintaining its strategic influence. This new situation raises serious questions about the real capacity to contain terrorism in the region, especially at Mali’s border with Mauritania.
Meanwhile, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement, is increasingly associated with terrorist activities. In Spain, a militant affiliated with the Polisario was arrested for preparing terrorist acts against Morocco, with evidence of incitement to jihadism and acquisition of explosive materials.
This radicalization fits into a dynamic where the Polisario cooperates more closely with Islamist groups, notably benefiting from the support of Iran and its proxies including Hezbollah. Well-documented longstanding links exist between the Polisario and terrorist groups in the Sahel, such as the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, whose founders were former Polisario fighters.
This collusion manifests through logistical support, arms transfers, and increased militarization, including the use of suicide drones supplied by Iran.
These facts reinforce the perception of the Polisario not only as a separatist actor but also as a vector of instability and terrorism in the region.
At the same time, Morocco has recorded numerous diplomatic breakthroughs and growing international pressure to formalize Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara provinces.
In 2024, Morocco achieved several major victories in the international recognition of its sovereignty over its southern provinces. More than 116 countries, including powers like France, now support the Moroccan autonomy plan as the only viable solution to the conflict. This position was recently shared by the United Kingdom following the United States. Influential African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire and, more recently, Ghana have done the same. The fresh stance of Zuma’s party in South Africa further confirms this evolution.
Morocco’s diplomatic progress relies on skilled international relations management and active engagement in regional security, notably in the Sahel. The Kingdom’s tact is evident as it avoids embarrassing its southern neighbor Mauritania, which has long recognized the so-called RASD puppet entity.
It is also important to recall the U.S. intention to classify the Polisario Front as a terrorist organization, a measure supported by analyses documenting its links with Hezbollah, the PKK, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Cuba, Venezuela, and other states unfriendly to the U.S. This classification aims to reveal the true nature of the Polisario.
In this context, Mauritania finds itself in turmoil. Things have moved too fast. The comfort it once enjoyed is gone. The conjunction of these developments forces the country’s authorities to rethink their political positioning.
Faced with the recurring fragility caused by the Polisario, which hinders its development and threatens its stability, and observing Algeria’s inability to move beyond Boumediene’s legacy to ensure effective security, Mauritania is inevitably pushed toward rapprochement with Morocco.
Morocco is perceived as the only actor capable of guaranteeing lasting security in the region, especially against rising terrorist threats and current geopolitical challenges. Some Mauritanian publications already address this question very directly.
This shows that Mauritanian decision-makers are indeed embracing this paradigm shift. Recent movements by the Mauritanian army align with this trend, especially as some Polisario cadres no longer hesitate to threaten Mauritania, which they label as a traitor.
This tension further complicates Mauritania’s capacity to secure its borders, a young country whose resources remain very limited given the vastness of its borders, notably with Mali and Algeria.
In this environment, Algeria, a blind and staunch supporter of the Polisario, today appears more trapped in rhetoric without real capacity for action, which weakens its regional position. Mauritania seems to have understood this for some time, though perhaps not openly.
Conversely, Morocco, strengthened by its diplomatic successes and proven commitment to counterterrorism, appears as an indispensable partner for Mauritania in its quest for stability and prosperity.
It would therefore not be surprising to see Mauritania in the very near future withdraw its recognition of the so-called RASD puppet entity or at least move away from what it has so far called a positive neutrality.
In fact, Mauritania has already distanced itself somewhat from the separatists, which does not please Algeria, which is losing influence.
The withdrawal of Wagner from Mali, the radicalization of the Polisario which seems overwhelmed, Morocco’s diplomatic successes, and the likely imminent designation of the Polisario as a terrorist organization by the U.S. clearly redraw the geopolitical map of the Sahel and the Maghreb.
Mauritania is probably preparing for this and even taking the lead. In this shifting context, it is pushed toward a natural strategic realignment with Morocco, the only actor capable of offering a credible security alternative against terrorist threats and development challenges.
This repositioning marks a major step in the reshaping of regional alliances, with profound implications for the future stability of the Sahel and the reconfiguration of North Africa.
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His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity
877
Long before the major transformations of the 1920s, Morocco experienced significant attempts at modernization under the reign of Hassan I (1873-1894).
A visionary Sultan, Hassan I undertook reforms of the administration, strengthened the army, and developed infrastructure, notably roads and communications. His efforts encountered a conservative internal context, marked by resistance from the fouqahas (Islamic scholars) and elites attached to traditional structures. He also faced increasing pressure from European powers seeking to establish themselves in Morocco. These dual obstacles limited the scope of the reforms but nevertheless laid the foundations for gradual modernization.
Before him, Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, an enlightened 18th-century Sultan, had already played a major role in opening Morocco to the world. He notably founded and developed the port of Essaouira (then Mogador) in 1765, conceived as a strategic commercial hub to control foreign trade. Thanks to its geographic position and infrastructure, Essaouira quickly became an essential crossroads for exchanges between Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Mediterranean, thereby strengthening the kingdom’s economic and diplomatic ties.
Other sovereigns continued this dynamic. Moulay Abdelaziz (1894-1908) pursued certain military and administrative reforms despite increasing instability. Under the French protectorate, Moulay Youssef (1912-1927) had to navigate colonial domination while trying to preserve some Moroccan sovereignty.
Ascending the throne in 1927 at only 19 years old, Mohammed V became a symbol of Moroccan resistance against the French protectorate. Rejecting colonial domination, he supported the nationalist movement, notably during his historic speech in Tangier in 1947, where he called for Moroccan unity and independence. Exiled from 1953 to 1955, his triumphant return marked the beginning of the end of the protectorate. In 1956, he proclaimed independence and laid the foundations of a sovereign Morocco. He then engaged in building a modern state by reforming institutions, unifying the territory, developing education, and initiating economic modernization, creating the Royal Armed Forces and other security bodies while affirming national cultural identity.
Son of Mohammed V, Hassan II (1961-1999) consolidated the Moroccan state by establishing a constitutional monarchy and developing essential infrastructure. He skillfully combined tradition and modernity, strengthening national sovereignty while opening the country to foreign investment and international exchanges. Under his reign, Morocco made major advances in economic, social, and cultural fields, laying the groundwork for sustainable modernization and preparing the terrain for current transformations. Hassan II is remembered for gradually recovering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom in a difficult, even hostile, internal and international context.
Under Mohammed VI, Morocco is undergoing a profound transformation, comparable in scale to that of the 1920s but within a sovereign and globalized context. His reign, marked by a clear vision and firm will, combines respect for traditions with openness to modernity. The country is investing massively in transport infrastructure: roads, high-speed trains, airports, and public and private facilities throughout the territory.
Integration with Western economies has strengthened, making Morocco a preferred destination for foreign direct investment, attracting billions of dollars annually. Flagship projects, especially in preparation for the 2030 World Cup, are stimulating the development of sports, tourism, and cultural infrastructure, affirming the country’s international influence.
At the same time, social and economic modernization is underway, with initiatives to improve education, health, innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Morocco within a global and modern dynamic. The country has simply tripled its GDP in less than twenty years.
All this reflects continuity and renewal. Morocco is, in fact, in perpetual reinvention.
The parallel between the major transformations of the 1920s and the era of Mohammed VI reveals a Morocco capable of constant reinvention. While the metamorphosis of the 1920s was dictated by a colonial context, today’s transformation is the fruit of a sovereign ambition, focused on balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development. It embodies the will of a sovereign with a multilateral vision. No domain is left aside or forgotten.
The great projects of yesterday and today testify to an even stronger and more determined energy for transformation, with different goals: to move from a Morocco under tutelage, dependent and powerless in the face of circumstances, to a major player on the international stage, capable of attracting and cooperating with the world and building its future with confidence.
Today, Morocco fits into a long tradition of historical metamorphoses. Each era has shaped a dynamic country, attempting modernity and ambitions, sometimes successful, sometimes aborted. Yet it has remained faithful to its millennial history and cultural heritage. Today it is rising, modernizing, and asserting itself as an emerging country on which one can rely.
The Kingdom of Mohammed VI is thus ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century with boldness and determination, armed this time with institutions, clear and powerful visions and strategies. The royal will thus guides the country toward genuine development benefiting all, an indispensable geostrategic position, sustainable economic breakthroughs, a reliable political system, and truly irreversible progress.
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His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity
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The Greek Magical Papyri
943
The Greek Magical Papyri (Latin: Papyri Graecae Magicae, abbreviated PGM) represent one of the most important and enigmatic bodies of esoteric literature from the ancient world. Comprising a collection of spells, rituals, hymns, and invocations compiled between the 2nd century BCE and the 5th century CE, these papyri offer an extraordinary glimpse into the syncretic spiritual practices of Greco-Roman Egypt. Preserved mainly on fragile scrolls and manuscripts written in Greek (with occasional Coptic, Demotic, and even Hebrew terms), the PGM bridge the realms of religion, folk magic, and mystery traditions. They are not only historical artifacts but also bear witness to a time when the boundaries between magic, religion, and science were fluid and deeply interconnected.
The texts were discovered primarily in Egypt, particularly in the city of Thebes, and made their way to European collections during the 19th century. They were finally compiled and published in the early 20th century, most notably by Karl Preisendanz, and later translated into English by scholars such as Hans Dieter Betz. The rituals recorded in the PGM range from practical spells—such as those for healing, protection, love, and curse-breaking—to theurgic operations intended to invoke divine beings and achieve ecstatic union with the cosmos.
One of the most distinctive features of the Greek Magical Papyri is their religious syncretism. The practitioner calls upon gods and spirits from various traditions: Greek deities like Hermes, Hekate, and Apollo appear alongside Egyptian gods such as Thoth and Isis, and even Jewish and Gnostic elements—like references to Iao (YHWH) or archons—are present. This reflects the religious pluralism of Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, where practitioners saw divine power not as confined to one pantheon, but as accessible through many forms, names, and languages. In this sense, the papyri reflect a universalist approach to the sacred, a distinctive characteristic of late antiquity’s mystery cults and Hermeticism.
The goals of the rituals varied widely. Some texts focus on personal gain—attracting lovers, gaining favor from rulers, or acquiring wealth. Others describe elaborate invocations of daemons or spirits, often accompanied by complex visualizations, sacred names (called voces magicae), and symbolic gestures. One famous category of these rituals is the “Headless Rite”, an invocation of a cosmic spirit that transcends the gods themselves. The magician declares mastery over heaven and earth and seeks personal transformation and empowerment through divine contact. This ritual later influenced Western ceremonial magic, especially in the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn and Thelemic traditions.
The PGM also contain magical alphabets, sigils, amulets, and magical words—often long, untranslatable sequences of syllables intended to carry vibrational power. These expressions may represent remnants of older oral traditions or attempts to imitate divine or non-human speech. The importance of divine names—often in long, hybrid strings—is central, reflecting the ancient belief that knowing the true name of a deity conferred control or communion with that entity.
Rather than being fringe documents, the Greek Magical Papyri reveal that magic was integrated into daily life and spiritual aspiration in antiquity. Priests, philosophers, and laypersons alike sought access to divine power through these rites. Far from the later Christian demonization of magic, the practitioners of these texts viewed themselves as mystai—seekers of truth and harmony with the cosmos.
In modern times, the PGM have become an essential source for scholars of religion, anthropology, and occultism. They offer direct insight into ancient ritual techniques, influencing contemporary esoteric traditions such as Hermeticism, Neopaganism, and Chaos Magic. Moreover, they have helped to reconstruct ancient mystery practices that had otherwise been lost to time.
In conclusion, the Greek Magical Papyri stand as a testament to the richness, complexity, and spiritual depth of ancient magical traditions. They are not merely spells or superstitions, but part of a larger sacred worldview in which humanity, the gods, and the cosmos were intimately connected. In these texts, we hear the voices of ancient magicians calling out to the stars—not just for power, but for divine communion and wisdom.
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Moroccan cybersecurity dangerously undermined by successive attacks
1092
Since April 2025, Morocco has been facing a series of major cyberattacks claimed by a collective of hackers allegedly Algerian, named "JabaRoot DZ." These cyberattacks have targeted key economic and administrative institutions, notably the Ministry of Employment, the National Social Security Fund (CNSS), and more recently the Ministry of Justice, as well as platforms related to land registry and property conservation.
What is clear, let’s say it outright, is that Algeria does not possess the technological power or expertise for such operations. It is highly likely that its services call upon "skills," notably from Eastern Europe, to attack the Kingdom’s interests in its ongoing global war against its "classic enemy." If this hypothesis proves true, the question would then be who else might have the hacked information and for what purpose.
The first intrusion, which occurred in early April 2025, began with the hacking of the Ministry of Employment’s website and quickly extended to the CNSS database. This attack led to the leak of thousands of sensitive documents, exposing the personal information of nearly two million employees and the administrative data of about 500,000 Moroccan companies. Among the leaked data were pay slips detailing names, social security numbers, salaries, and sometimes identity card numbers of very important personalities and leaders of Royal Air Maroc, Attijariwafa Bank, Banque Centrale Populaire, and the Mohammed VI Investment Fund.
Less than two months later, in June 2025, JabaRoot DZ claimed a new "large-scale" cyberattack against the National Agency for Land Conservation, Cadastre, and Cartography (ANCFCC). Although the ANCFCC denied any direct intrusion into its servers, it was revealed that the vulnerability originated from an electronic platform used by some notary offices for archiving land documents. The hackers claim to have obtained about 4 terabytes of data, including millions of land titles, contractual documents, copies of identity cards, passports, as well as banking documents and information concerning high-ranking officials and public figures. This leak led to the temporary shutdown of the platform by the ANCFCC for security reasons.
The hackers justify these attacks as retaliation for alleged Moroccan hacking attempts against Algerian institutions, notably the Twitter account of the Algerian Press Agency (APS). They also threatened further actions in case of future attacks against Algerian interests. These events occur in the context of geopolitical tensions between Morocco and Algeria, exacerbated by recent developments related to the Sahara issue and regional rivalries; Morocco has been recording victory after victory at a rapid pace. Algeria, in its official and unofficial media, no longer hides and even implicitly claims responsibility for the hacking, ignoring that this amounts to a form of state terrorism.
These cyberattacks have had serious consequences: they have eroded citizens’ trust in digital public services, increased the risks of identity theft and banking fraud, and damaged the reputation of the affected companies. The Moroccan government has condemned these acts as "criminal" and announced measures to strengthen cybersecurity while launching internal investigations.
The series of attacks especially highlights major vulnerabilities in the cybersecurity of Moroccan institutions. The massive centralization of sensitive data on single platforms and the creation of junctions between multiple actors and platforms facilitate things for citizens and institutions in the context of digitalization, but also make it easier for hackers to gain massive access in case of a breach. It is therefore crucial to thoroughly and promptly review the national data protection strategy.
To better distribute its data and strengthen its security, Morocco could adopt several complementary strategies, relying notably on the 2030 National Cybersecurity Strategy and international best practices. It should likely avoid excessive centralization by distributing sensitive data across multiple secure systems, segment networks to limit lateral movements by hackers, and use data transmission techniques through several distinct channels to reduce the risk of simultaneous theft.
Morocco must also integrate decentralized cybersecurity solutions based on blockchain and collective intelligence, establish a national sovereign cloud with local hosting and end-to-end encryption guaranteeing the protection of critical information.
Moreover, the country should develop an agile and adapted legal framework, build a national pool of qualified cybersecurity professionals through specialized curricula and certifications, and establish a high-performance Security Operations Center combining advanced detection tools and local teams capable of managing threats specific to the Moroccan context. A higher cybersecurity school, where carefully selected students—true specialists—would be trained, could be a major strategic advance guaranteeing both competence and independence in this field.
Faced with rising cyber threats, it is urgent for Morocco to adopt a proactive and innovative cybersecurity policy based on a decentralized technical architecture.
Strengthening regional and international cooperation is not a luxury here. The real-time exchange of critical information is crucial; as is encouraging public-private collaboration through threat intelligence-sharing platforms to anticipate and respond quickly to incidents.
Today, it is clear that many claim to master the issue, offering services that will soon expose their limits and incompetence. Administrations and companies must be very cautious before engaging or hiring skills in this very sensitive domain.
This sphere relies on agile governance, the development of human skills, and active cooperation at national and international levels. An integrated approach is essential to build a resilient, sovereign cyberspace capable of supporting the country’s ambitious digital transformation while effectively protecting its security, institutions, citizens, and economy.
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The Polisario Front Confronted with Increasing Accusations: Moving Towards Being Designated as a Terrorist Organization
1605
For several years now, the Polisario Front, a separatist movement supported and armed, as everyone knows, by Algeria, which has provided it with an entire territory in the Tindouf area, has been at the center of a growing international controversy. In the United States, Japan, and Europe, voices are rising to have this group officially classified as a terrorist organization. This shift is based on tangible evidence of its links with actors qualified as terrorists, its involvement in violent actions, but also on a network of international alliances that go beyond the regional framework.
While Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah are often cited as the main supporters of the Polisario, as well as South Africa, Cuba has also played a historic and decisive role in the military and logistical training of separatist fighters. As early as 1977, under the impetus of Fidel Castro and at the request of Algeria, a tripartite military agreement was signed between Cuba, Algeria, and the Polisario, paving the way for intensive cooperation.
This agreement allowed the sending of many separatist fighters to Cuba to receive specialized military training. Dedicated military schools were created on the island, where Polisario recruits were trained in guerrilla tactics, special operations, and military logistics. A Cuban delegation even went to Tindouf in 1988 to study Moroccan defenses and help develop strategies to breach the defense wall erected by the Kingdom.
Cuba also provided naval logistical support, notably in the waters near the Canary Islands, where Cuban ships were involved in operations to facilitate Polisario infiltrations. Between 1975 and 1991, Cuba delivered to the Polisario a significant arsenal including assault rifles, mortars, rocket launchers, and ammunition, thus strengthening its military capabilities.
Even after the 1991 ceasefire, Cuba maintained its support, continuing to train warriors especially in special operations. The last known class trained in Cuba dates back to 2003. More recently, six-month training courses have been given to groups of about forty separatists, focused on special forces tactics.
Moreover, for a long period, damning testimonies report the kidnapping of children from the Tindouf camps, sometimes as young as 9 years old, to send them to Cuba on a "youth island" under high military surveillance. They undergo intensive military training mixed with strong political indoctrination. These children, isolated from their families, are trained to become soldiers in the service of the Polisario, under conditions denounced as inhumane by witnesses and former detainees.
Some recent signals suggest a possible repositioning of Havana. Indeed, at the 2019 Non-Aligned Movement summit, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel omitted any reference to the Polisario, marking a break with the tradition of support displayed by Fidel and Raúl Castro. This evolution could reflect a diplomatic realignment, notably after the resumption of diplomatic relations between Morocco and Cuba in 2017, relations broken for nearly 37 years due to Cuban support for the Polisario. However, to date, the aforementioned tripartite agreement has not yet been repealed.
Cuba's role is part of a larger network of Polisario alliances. Algeria, the main political and military supporter, continues to arm and shelter the movement. Iran, through Hezbollah, provides military and logistical support, notably also training fighters and delivering sophisticated weapons. This is well documented.
There are also hundreds of Polisario mercenaries captured in Syria, where they operated alongside Assad's army, reinforcing the image of a group involved in international terrorist conflicts.
On the ground, the Polisario is also accused of violence against civilians in southern Morocco. The missiles launched against the city of Smara bear witness to this, in addition to the blockage of the strategic Guerguerat passage. The sequestration of Sahrawi populations in the Tindouf camps, where it refuses, with Algerian support, any official census, is another proof of the true nature of the movement.
Faced with these elements, several American, European, and Asian political leaders advocate for the Polisario Front to be quickly listed as a terrorist organization. American Congressman Joe Wilson has proposed a bill to this effect, denouncing the use of the Polisario by Algeria and its accomplices to destabilize the Kingdom of Morocco, a long-standing strategic ally of the United States in the region.
This eminent designation would deal a major blow to Algeria, which seems tireless in supporting the Polisario for nearly 50 years, while it simply costs the country development. It would further strengthen Morocco's position on the international stage, notably after the American recognition in 2020 of Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces, that of Spain, France, the recent one of the United Kingdom, and many other African and Latin American countries.
The historical, military, and educational support of Cuba, combined with the role played by Algeria, Iran, and Hezbollah, places the Polisario in a network of actors with manifest destabilizing and terrorist activities. The rise in calls for its classification as a terrorist organization fits into a logic of regional and international security, requiring a coordinated response to restore stability in North Africa, the Sahel, and beyond.
This page must be quickly turned for the good of the populations of the entire region
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A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East
1649
The Middle East is undergoing a major geopolitical transformation, marked by a strategic realignment between Israel, the United States, and the Gulf powers. These latter, long marginalized from traditional alliances or subjected to them, are now asserting themselves as indispensable actors on the political, economic, and military stage, reshaping balances once considered historic and immutable.
Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the main Western ally in the Middle East, notably of the United States, which initially opposed its establishment, in a region marked by recurring conflicts. Its expansionist and influential policies, supported by Washington, have long crystallized tensions with several Arab countries and armed groups. However, this belligerent stance now seems contested, both by its neighbors and some of its traditional allies. In any case, it is widely disapproved of and even condemned by civil society everywhere. This cannot last.
The most notable evolution in the region has come from the Gulf monarchies. After decades of hostility, they initiated a historic rapprochement with Israel, formalized by the Abraham Accords in 2020, under American impetus. These accords, signed notably by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, opened the way to strengthened cooperation, especially against Iranian influence, while fostering unprecedented economic and technological exchanges. The monarchies that did not sign these accords also have no qualms about dealing with Israel. Strong relations are also often mentioned between the Israeli state and Turkey, especially since it has been governed by Erdogan, a champion of Islamism.
In this rapidly changing context, the United States has gradually reoriented its regional policy, focusing more on the Gulf monarchies, which offer political stability, financial power, and strategic positioning. The American military presence in the region, notably at the Al-Udeid base in Qatar, illustrates this new reality. During the 2025 American tour of the Middle East, nearly two trillion dollars in investments were announced, particularly in defense, technology, and artificial intelligence sectors.
At the same time, Washington seems to adopt a more nuanced stance towards Israel, especially in the framework of negotiations with Iran, reflecting a diversification of regional alliances. Despite its military weight, Israel is gradually losing its exclusive influence, increasingly perceived as a source of tension. The current policies of Netanyahu’s cabinet, leading to a near-genocide in Gaza, do not help matters.
Unlike previous decades, Arab countries, especially those in the Gulf, no longer systematically respond to Israeli provocations with force. Current leaders favor a pragmatic approach, now distinguishing the Palestinian cause from the actions of armed groups like Hamas. This evolution marks a turning point compared to the belligerent attitudes of past military regimes, which over time became de facto allies of the Zionist cause. Hassan II, a visionary, once said on this subject, "Hatred of Israel and the Jew is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab-Muslim world."
The Gulf monarchies, long proponents of a moderate discourse favorable to dialogue, are now imposing themselves as regional models of stability and cooperation with the West, as well as with Asian powers.
Israel’s traditional role as the pivot of Western interests in the Middle East seems to be eroding in favor of a dynamic where Gulf monarchies take center stage. The multiplication of conflicts and the perception of an increasingly isolated Israel on the international stage—albeit mostly among populations—weakens its position.
Europe, while hesitant, shows a hardening of tone towards Israeli actions, notably after recent incidents in the West Bank where diplomats were targeted by heavy fire from the Israeli army. This change in attitude can only strengthen the legitimacy of the Gulf monarchies as reliable partners for the West, as guarantors of regional stability and calm.
The recent organization of a global conference on the Palestinian issue in Morocco, a signatory of the Abraham Accords and co-chaired by the Netherlands, illustrates this new dynamic. It is worth noting again that Morocco is a strategic ally of the Gulf monarchies, linked by multiple agreements, including defense. The words of Moroccan Foreign Minister Nacer Bourita are clear about the need to condemn all extremisms—implicitly Hamas extremism but also that of the current Israeli government. This discourse symbolizes hope for political renewal in the region, emphasizing respect for international law and the only possible solution: two states living side by side. This is also the position of France, whose president no longer hesitates to speak of recognizing the Palestinian state, making it a key element in his discussions during his many foreign visits. Addicted to blood and violence, Netanyahu no longer hesitates to accuse President Macron of crusading against the Jewish state. Excuse me? The Israeli leader is deeply wounded and has no plausible argument except to hide behind his own definition of antisemitism, which he throws around indiscriminately. It must be said that repeated American vetoes at the Security Council somewhat reinforce his delusion.
Israel’s disproportionate reaction following the senseless Hamas attacks has become counterproductive for the Jewish state. As it seems to lose its role as the undisputed leader of Western interests in the region, the Gulf monarchies appear as the new stabilizers and promoters of peace in the Middle East. This geopolitical reshuffling could well redefine the balance of power in a region marked by incessant conflicts. The strong interconnection of the American economy with these countries, in light of the latest announced investments, will inscribe this emerging situation in a stable and likely lasting perspective. Israeli voters would do well to understand this quickly. At the next election, they should definitively rid themselves of these zealots who have only death on their lips and the extermination of a legitimate people as their goal.
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A Major Geopolitical Transformation in the Middle East
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