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Moroccan Women’s Football: When Hope Hits the Glass Ceiling 14445

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Art - Sports -
3.2 min read.
For the second consecutive time, the Moroccan women's national football team has been defeated in the final of the African Women's Cup of Nations, despite both tournaments being hosted in Morocco. The second loss seems hard to accept, reigniting deep frustration among fans and sparking heated debates across the country. This defeat, this time against Nigeria following a previous loss to South Africa, highlights complex issues far beyond the playing field. The start of the final was quite fantastic. The Moroccan national team, displaying a dazzling and effective style of play, found themselves leading 2-0 at halftime against a Nigerian side appearing lost on the pitch, as the Moroccans were skillful and disciplined. Unfortunately, they were caught up later. The popular enthusiasm generated by the journey of the Atlas Lionesses contrasts sharply with the bitterness of the final defeat. For many observers, this failure is not simply bad luck. Several voices, expert and anonymous alike, offer various explanations that fuel the debate. The coach’s tactical choices are being questioned. Many believe that the second half against Nigeria revealed a lack of inspiration and responsiveness, hence a lack of competence, notably through late substitutions that failed to dynamically revive the team as the game seemed to slip away from Morocco. Although not solely responsible for the outcome, these technical decisions sparked a wave of criticism regarding bench management and adaptability to the match’s developments. Among various points raised is the average age of the players, arguably too high at 31. At this age, unless blessed with exceptional physical, technical, and mental qualities, it is difficult to sustain 90 minutes, especially after enduring 120 minutes and penalty shootouts just days earlier. There is also mention of sentimental considerations in the selection of certain players, picked to please others. Further criticism targets the deployment of some players who were not placed in their usual positions. In short, many viewpoints tend to converge on the technical staff’s responsibility. The issue of physical conditioning is also raised. Several analysts and fans point to insufficient physical preparation, reflected in a drop in intensity and sharpness during key moments of the match. Facing opponents known for their athletic power and their ability to maintain high levels of demand throughout 90 minutes, this deficit proved fatal. In truth, physical conditioning is a long-term process that cannot be meaningfully developed at the national team level due to lack of time. It primarily occurs at clubs that have the players throughout the season. At the national team level, the fitness coach mostly focuses on maintenance. However, the analysis does not stop at strictly sporting aspects. Throughout the tournament, the feeling of having been wronged by the refereeing was palpable. Some even spoke of "theft" or systemic injustice against Morocco. The controversial penalty, awarded then ultimately canceled for obscure reasons, only confirmed this sentiment. Was a certain number of Nigerian titles guaranteed at all costs? Social media, acting as a true echo chamber for popular emotions, immediately ignited after the final. Criticism multiplied against the federation and its president. Some internet users accused him of failing to assert Morocco’s authority in its own stadium, while others pointed to management detached from supporters’ expectations, who had been buoyed by recent progress in national women’s football. A polarization of the debate has since emerged. On one side, a segment of the public, legitimately disappointed, demands accountability and calls for radical changes in team management. They remind that it was the same coach who led the team to victories before losing the Olympic qualification to Zambia on home soil. On the other side, defenders of the current leadership emphasize the progress made, insist on the need for stability, and caution against hasty judgments, citing the impressive record of the Spanish coach. They remind critics that Nigeria holds 10 African titles and has reached a World Cup quarter-final, while Morocco had little clout before. While the Royal Moroccan Football Federation has succeeded in putting women's football on the continental map—something that barely existed not long ago—the path from dream to achievement remains fraught with obstacles. It now appears urgent to draw conclusions, both technically and structurally, especially since the tournament will soon be held again in Morocco and, under the new format, will serve as a qualifier for the 2027 World Cup in Brazil. Will the same staff be kept despite everything, with a squad whose average age does not allow for enduring the seven matches of the African Cup and a deep run in the World Cup? Although premature, it might be wise to quickly assess the strategy of a women’s football program fully funded by the federation to the tune of 1.2 million per team—a very substantial amount compared to other teams in other sports. Are clubs doing their job properly to avoid wasting money for a near-zero return at the national team level? Priority should be given to improving scouting and physical preparation, expanding the pool of professional players, and raising the standards in Botola (the Moroccan league). At the same time, efforts in communication and dialogue with supporters seem essential to restore trust, ease tensions, and encourage collective mobilization around upcoming challenges. The reading of His Majesty the King’s message, may God assist him, to the team must be twofold. Yes, the team and staff deserve congratulations for the journey, but the Royal message is also a warning regarding future expectations. And the future includes other football competitions the country is preparing to host. Moroccan women’s football is at a turning point. Between the merit of past achievements and the need to reach a new level, the challenge remains immense. But sports history is made as much of setbacks as resilience. The key may lie in the ability of those behind this project to transform current frustration into a driving force for the future, so that the hope raised by these bittersweet finals finally turns into accomplished victory.

When Christopher Nolan Illuminates Dakhla, Dakhla Enhances His Film... 14445

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- World Politics - Art -
2.5 min read.
Christopher Nolan has just finished shooting part of his upcoming film, *The Odyssey*, in Dakhla, a gem of southern Morocco. It is a cinematic adaptation of the epic of Ulysses. Among the chosen shooting locations is the spectacular White Dune, located about thirty kilometers from Dakhla — an exceptional natural setting blending white sand and turquoise lagoon — which greatly contributed to the film’s visual richness. This Hollywood blockbuster features a prestigious cast: Matt Damon plays Ulysses, alongside Zendaya, Charlize Theron, Tom Holland, Robert Pattinson, Anne Hathaway, and Lupita Nyong’o. The worldwide release of the film is scheduled for July 15, 2026. Before setting up cameras in Dakhla, Nolan’s team had filmed sequences in Ouarzazate, notably at the Ksar Aït Ben Haddou, as well as in Italy. Originally, Nolan considered locations such as Bermuda or Australia for some maritime scenes, but ultimately chose southern Morocco, recognized for the diversity and quality of its natural landscapes. The shoot in Dakhla is widely seen as a great opportunity for the city and for Morocco, boosting their visibility on the international film scene while promoting the local film industry. But who is Christopher Nolan in the world of cinema? In 2024, he won two major Oscars: Best Director and Best Picture for *Oppenheimer* (2023). He also received an honorary César for his entire career, the BAFTA for Best Director, as well as several other prestigious awards such as the Golden Globes and the Directors Guild of America Awards, all for *Oppenheimer*. This brief overview proves that Nolan is no ordinary figure in the film industry — he is one of the greatest filmmakers in the world. However, this production sparked some controversy and unfounded criticism lacking rigor. The media outlet Middle East Eye dedicated an article condemning the shooting in Dakhla, adopting a selective and victimizing tone, relying on a rhetoric of “decolonization” and supposed “indigenous voices.” This critique, riddled with historical inaccuracies and an obvious bias, reveals either a deep ignorance of the history and physical and human geography of these regions or a deliberate will to distort reality for some ulterior motive... The filming took place in a peaceful and stable city, equipped with modern infrastructure, where Moroccan sovereignty is indisputable. It is probably this stability that troubles some, especially because it highlights the Kingdom’s successes in this region of its territory, contrasting sharply with the difficult situation caused by the Polisario Front, which, under its tutelage, has brought nothing but despair and a lack of dignity to populations held hostage in the Tindouf camps for nearly 50 years. While Middle East Eye accuses Morocco of “cultural normalization,” the article omits mentioning that Algeria exerts a true occupation over the Sahrawis held captive in the camps of shame, where they are a minority compared to the Sahrawis in Morocco, and have neither freedom of movement, nationality, nor an independent press. They don’t even benefit from refugee status, with the United Nations prevented by the host country from registering them. The real question remains: who is the true colonizer in this context? The Sahrawis, who are the majority and live in Moroccan Sahara, enjoy a significantly higher standard of living than the populations in the Tindouf camps — or even compared to those in the host country overall. They participate in democratic processes, govern their communes, towns, and regions, engage in the political life of the Kingdom, hold positions of responsibility at all levels of government, create businesses, run associations, travel freely, and produce cultural works enriching their country. Their children attend quality schools and universities. They receive care in top-tier hospitals and do not need a media outlet to speak for them. In reality, this article has nothing to do with serious journalism but rather reflects nostalgia for reversed colonialism and an outdated neo-Orientalist vision. It is an ideological staging orchestrated by a group of European activists using the Sahrawis as instruments of propaganda that has been seen before, and that is, frankly, absurd. The goal here is neither peace nor real autonomy, but the perpetuation of artificial resentment in service of their chimera of an independent Sahrawi state — a state that will never exist. Meanwhile, the *The Odyssey* shooting team, satisfied with the quality of reception, assistance, and support from the Moroccan authorities and the work accomplished, has indeed returned to the USA aboard a Royal Air Maroc plane chartered for the occasion. Let us hope Christopher Nolan will not take long before returning with another project and that the beauty of the images in his film will encourage other major filmmakers worldwide to come to Dakhla to elevate their upcoming works.

Jacob Zuma’s Visit to Morocco Sparks Diplomatic Shake-up Over Moroccan Sahara Conflict 14588

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
The visit of Jacob Zuma to the Kingdom of Morocco triggered a desperate diplomatic response from the Polisario Front in South Africa, marking a significant political upheaval around the Moroccan Sahara conflict. Since then, the Polisario and its patron have shown nervousness reflecting a loss of influence even in African regions previously aligned with separatist positions. But who is this man whose words have caused such turmoil and dismay? Jacob Zuma is a South African statesman. He is a former anti-apartheid fighter imprisoned for ten years on the notorious Robben Island. Supported by the African National Congress (ANC), he rose through political ranks to become Vice-President of South Africa from 1999 to 2005, then President from 2009 to 2018, succeeding Thabo Mbeki. Zuma also served as ANC president from 2007 to 2017. Despite legal troubles and leaving the presidency, he maintains serious political weight, notably through the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party he now leads, which became the third-largest political force in South Africa after the May 2024 elections. Therefore, Zuma is not just any South African speaking on such an important issue for the continent and world. On July 15, 2025, in Rabat, on behalf of himself and the MK party, Zuma took an unambiguous stance supporting Morocco, breaking with Pretoria's relatively recent official line. He called Morocco's autonomy proposal a "pragmatic and balanced solution," guaranteeing Moroccan sovereignty over its southern provinces while offering substantial local governance to the populations. This position, officially supported by MK, represents a dramatic turnaround in South Africa and the region. Until now, South Africa backed the puppet Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the Polisario Front, framed as pan-African solidarity against colonization, consistent with Algeria's ideological stance. The argument for separatism artificially tied to Morocco's southern provinces ignores that Spanish colonization in this integral part of the Cherifian Empire lasted about 91 years (1884–1975), when Spain declared a protectorate over the Western Sahara region and governed it until its 1975 withdrawal under the Madrid Agreement with Morocco. Since Nelson Mandela's death, South Africa had quickly sided with Algeria's vision of an independent state between Mauritania and Morocco, overlooking Morocco's historic support for South Africa's anti-apartheid struggle. In reaction to Zuma's recent statements in Rabat, where he explicitly supported Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara, the Polisario swiftly sent its Foreign Minister Mohamed Yeslem Beissat to Pretoria. This move comes amid tense diplomacy and a major shift in South African policy on the formerly Spanish Sahara. Until then, all political forces in the country were aligned with the government’s position. Panicked, the Polisario dispatched a delegation led by Beissat, who knows the field well after years representing the entity, officially invited by the ANC under Cyril Ramaphosa to attend a "liberation movements summit" in Pretoria from July 25 to 28. This summit, themed "Defending liberation gains, promoting integrated socio-economic development, and strengthening solidarity for a better Africa," also gathers other supporters of similar causes like Palestinian Jebril Rajoub, allied with Algeria and Polisario. The event, organized by the South African embassy in Algiers, aims solely to back separatist positions and offer support. The ANC quickly condemned Zuma's support for Western Sahara's Moroccan sovereignty on principle, accusing him of betrayal and dissidence after his split from the party. However, not all ANC factions still adhere strictly to Ramaphosa's official line. Many ANC leaders now recognize that siding with Algeria’s unproductive position has been a significant loss for their country. The influence of Zuma, a powerful political figure, has forced the Polisario and its patron to coordinate their response amid the new diplomatic dynamics intensified by his backing of Morocco. This diplomatic earthquake happens as several African states have progressively withdrawn recognition of the SADR in favor of the Moroccan plan, potentially further isolating the Polisario and Algeria continentally. During his visit, Zuma reminded the historical role Morocco played in the anti-apartheid struggle, seemingly lamenting his country's unexpected post-Mandela shift. He advocated for a strategic alliance based on respecting African states' territorial integrity, moving away from separatist support—a pragmatic stance shared by many South African officials. A rapprochement between Morocco and South Africa, the only African countries with truly industrial and diversified economies, could benefit both powers and the continent as a whole. The era of imported ideologies serving as democratic facades for military dictatorships is over and no longer effective. Thus, the Polisario minister’s visit to Pretoria appears a desperate attempt to limit the impact of a shift that could deeply transform political balances in Southern Africa and accelerate Morocco’s strengthening continental and international position

Between Ideology and Pragmatism: The Spanish Radical Left's Controversial Stance on Moroccan Sahara... 14459

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
I confess here that it was the writings of Si Lahcen Hadad that pushed me to take a closer interest in this Spanish left, which positions itself in opposition to the Sánchez government, which is itself left-wing. Not reading Spanish, I am therefore somewhat less inclined to pay attention to the repeated ignominies of this left, sick from not being able to access power, sick from its aborted history, sick from what it actually is. So, to exist, it invented a cause. Too bad if it understands nothing about it, too bad if it harms Spain’s interests, too bad if it distorts history, ignores geography and demography, too bad if its reasoning, if it is reasoning at all, is far from logical, too bad if it lies outrageously. The important thing is to exist and to appear to the Spanish public as the defender of the causes of the most deprived... No matter if those people harmed the Spanish people; no matter if they have Spanish blood on their hands. Manifest bad faith. In Spain, therefore, a significant part of the radical left, mainly represented by formations such as Unidas Podemos, an alliance between Podemos, Izquierda Unida, and other minority groups, maintains a posture—let’s say critical, if not belligerent—towards the Kingdom of Morocco. This contradictory position is fed by a historical prism marked by colonial memory, “anti-imperialist” struggles, but also by the question of the Sahara, called the "Spanish Sahara" until 1975, as it was a former territory under Spanish domination until the Green March in 1975. This radical left considers Morocco a belligerent and threatening actor. The debate is not limited to territorial disputes: it fits into an ideological vision where the Moroccan state is often presented as an authoritarian and repressive regime, described as a neocolonial power. This is what underpins the repeated support for the artificial Sahrawi cause, presented as an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist fight. Support for the Polisario Front thus seems embedded in the DNA of these “gauchos,” regardless of developments. Historically, several components of the Spanish left have expressed clear support for the Polisario Front, founded in 1973, which was nevertheless supported by Gaddafi, then hosted, supplied, and armed by the Algerian regime with the aim of harming Morocco’s interests. This support manifests itself in various forms: - Filing parliamentary motions in defense of the right to self-determination for this small part of the Sahara alone; - Participation in international pro-Polisario forums and associative networks that blindly support it, regardless of reports on the embezzlement of aid, rapes, and flagrant human rights abuses in Tindouf; - Pressure on the Spanish government and European institutions to recognize the political status of the Sahara, neglecting to mention that it was formerly occupied by their country, as a territory to be decolonized, in opposition to Morocco’s historical sovereignty. Even the autonomy proposal, well known in Spain, does not seem to satisfy them. However, it should be noted that this support comes in a context of strong internal contestation in Spain. Since the socialist government of Pedro Sánchez expressed its support in 2022 for the Moroccan autonomy plan, this radical position has somewhat fractured. This change reflects a pragmatic adaptation by some to the geopolitical, economic, and migratory realities that closely link the two countries. Faced with challenges related to managing migratory flows through the occupied enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, as well as security and economic cooperation with the Kingdom of Morocco, the Spanish government has refocused its diplomacy. This has led to a gradual distancing of the left—but not the radical left—from the Polisario, thus marginalizing its influence on official policy. In this context, some voices within the radical left still try to persuade European institutions to keep pressure on Morocco, demanding that the so-called Western Sahara remain central to priorities to resolve an “unresolved colonial conflict.” Parliamentary groups and “pro-Sahrawi” NGOs continue to denounce bilateral agreements between Madrid and Rabat, refusing that the issue be sidelined in favor of a more “pragmatic” diplomacy. Spanish and European institutions, the theater of these ideological tensions, thus see the radical left forces seeking to have the question of the so-called Western Sahara recognized as a “state matter.” They denounce Moroccan control over this dossier and strongly contest the diplomatic normalization policies carried out by Madrid. This line reflects a deep political fracture, where post-colonial idealism and outdated self-determination claims clash head-on with political realism marked by the search for regional strategic balances. Support for the so-called Sahrawi cause is not without controversy. Activists, commentators, and victims have recalled that the Polisario Front was, in the past, involved in violent operations in Spanish territorial waters, causing the death of Spanish fishermen. These painful episodes resonate in Spanish public opinion and fuel a virulent critique of radical positions that support a movement with a past combining political struggle and violent actions. This memory weighs heavily in contemporary debate and is exploited by political forces opposed to these radical left positions, notably the Spanish right. The question of the Sahara, a territory that was Spanish for a time, remains an important point in relations between Spain and Morocco. However, current political, economic, and security realities push for pragmatic Spanish diplomacy, favorable to strengthened cooperation with Rabat, thus marginalizing the radical stance on both governmental and international stages. The historical legacy is here perfectly exploited for contemporary necessities in managing Ibero-Moroccan relations. Today, after consulting numerous articles and writings recounting the positions of this left of another era, I understand a little better Si Lahcen Hadad's fight on the subject, and even more so his sharp responses to the remarks of a certain Ignacio Cembrero, whom I now see only as a bland neurotic. Thank you, Si Lahcen. One question remains: why is the Moroccan left not more inclined to take a stand and strongly denounce the alienated stance of their Spanish counterparts?

Theurgy 14477

Tupan, 5 mon.
Theurgy (Greek: θεουργία, theourgía, “divine work”) is the sacred art of invoking and communing with the divine through ritual acts, moral purification, and contemplative discipline. Emerging from the spiritual philosophy of late Neoplatonism, especially as formulated by Iamblichus (c. 250–325 CE), theurgy is distinguished from other forms of magic by its noble ideal - the soul’s ascension and union (ἕνωσις, henosis) with the divine source. Unlike goetia, which seeks to manipulate material outcomes, theurgy is fundamentally initiatory and redemptive. It engages the practitioner in a disciplined ascent through the metaphysical hierarchy of existence, beginning in the sensory world and leading toward the transcendent unity of the One. This ascent is made possible through divine grace and ritual participation in the cosmic order. The theurgist operates within a universe conceived as a great chain of being (σειρά, seira), extending from the indescribable source through the divine intellect (νοῦς, nous), the soul (ψυχή, psyche), and the celestial intelligences, down to the elements of the material world. Through sacred rites, one may ascend these levels of reality by re-establishing communion between the soul and its divine archetype. At the heart of theurgical practice lies the invocation of spiritual intelligences—gods, archangels, planetary powers, and cosmic intermediaries—through symbolic actions, sacred statements, and hieratical rituals. These acts are not merely symbolic or theatrical, but sacramental: they are performed to align human activity with the divine will and to reflect the eternal order of the cosmos within the temporal world. Iamblichus stressed that such union with the gods could not be attained through philosophical reasoning alone. Rather, one must engage in ritual action using sacred symbols, divine names, and purificatory rites to render the soul receptive to the divine presence. The practice of theurgy was closely tied to philosophical ethics and interior purification. The theurgist was expected to live a disciplined life, cultivating virtue, moderation, and piety. This internal preparation was as crucial as the external rite, for the soul must be made capable of bearing divine illumination. Through repeated engagement with divine acts, the practitioner refines the spiritual vehicle and becomes gradually elevated to recognize the higher realities without distortion. Historically, theurgy developed as a synthesis of Platonic metaphysics, Chaldean oracles, Egyptian temple rituals, and mystery initiations. While rooted in the classical world, its influence extended into the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Figures such as Marsilio Ficino and Giordano Bruno drew heavily on theurgical principles in their Hermetic and Neoplatonic revivals. In modern esotericism, especially within orders such as the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, theurgical ideas persist under the structure of ritual magic, planetary invocations, and Qabalistic ascent. The ultimate goal of the theurgist is apotheosis—not in the sense of personal glorification, but in the restoration of the soul to its divine pattern, beyond all individuation. As Iamblichus declares in his treatise On the Mysteries: “Theurgy unites us to the gods, not through thought, but through divine acts.” In this sense, theurgy is not merely a practice, but a sacred path—a divine remembrance enacted through the body, soul, and spirit, leading the practitioner not toward mastery of the world, but toward reintegration with the divine fullness (πλήρωμα, pleroma) from which all emanates.

Morocco, History, and Geography: The Foundations of Political Reality and Territorial Integrity... 14517

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
Politics cannot be separated from history or geography. It consists of a set of actions and decisions aimed at organizing a society internally, as well as in its relations with the rest of the world. It is always situated within a context shaped by the two fundamental dimensions of history and geography, which are by no means mere backdrops but rather provide the framework within which political projects, conflicts, and developments unfold. Politics may be influenced by an ideology—born of a philosophy—or simply shaped by a given context, but such influence rarely lasts. History plays a fundamental role in understanding political phenomena. A country’s institutions, laws, and values are rooted in its collective memory, an inheritance made up of major events, breaks, or continuities with the past. Borders, for example, are often drawn following wars or treaties, the outcome of ancient or recent conflicts. They remain visible marks of past rivalries, defeats, victories, and compromises. Relations—whether of solidarity or rivalry—between nations, regions, or communities are explained in light of shared or divergent histories. The present Kingdom of Morocco cannot be understood without reference to its millennial origins, to the centuries-old Sharifian Empire, nor to the successive dynasties that shaped its relationship to religion, allegiance, and the centralization of power throughout different eras. Similarly, geography significantly influences the choices and constraints of public policies. The distribution of natural resources conditions economic development, territorial organization, and power relations. Relief, climate, and access to maritime routes determine possibilities for urbanization, agriculture, communication, and defense. Border situations impose specific diplomatic and security policies, while landlocked or insular areas require tailored strategies. Some authors even describe Morocco as an “island country” due to its geographical configuration. It is therefore inconceivable to conceive of effective or legitimate politics without taking history and geography into account. Every choice, reform, or political ambition must be based on a deep understanding of the territory and collective memory; ignoring one or the other exposes one to illusion, misunderstanding, or even failure. Regarding the Sahara, referred to as the “Western Sahara,” the geography of this region is undeniably contiguous to Morocco, physically, demographically, and historically: the Saharan populations have largely contributed to the country’s evolution. Its history was written through the successive allegiances of its tribes to the sultans of Morocco, and the Sharifian kingdom thus constitutes a nation-state established long before the contemporary era. Weakened by having missed the crucial turn of the industrial revolution, the Sharifian Empire was dissected from south to north, but also from the east. The so-called Western Sahara was annexed by Spain, which exercised colonial control there from 1884 to 1975. This situation facilitated France’s domination over territories grouped into French West Africa, part of which later became Mauritania. France also appropriated the eastern part of the Sharifian Empire, annexed de facto to its departments conquered from the Ottoman Empire and called French Algeria. The remainder was placed under French protectorate, while northern Morocco came under Spanish rule. Independence, achieved in 1956, and the gradual decolonization of Sidi Ifni and Tarfaya concerned other regions only later. On November 28, 1960, France authorized the proclamation of Mauritania’s independence—a region then claimed by Morocco, as were territories under Spanish control that Morocco considered its own. At that time, there was a Moroccan ministry called the “Ministry of Mauritanian and Saharan Affairs,” headed by Mohammed Fal Ould Oumeir, a representative of those territories. From 1963 onwards, the kingdom raised the issue of the Spanish Sahara before the Decolonization Commission. The situation became complicated when newly created Mauritania also claimed the territory, notably to pressure Morocco, which did not recognize Mauritanian independence until 1969—nine years after its proclamation. Morocco continued to claim the Spanish Sahara peacefully, preventing the Liberation Army from pursuing military actions in the region. In 1973, the creation of the Polisario Front (Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro) marked a new stage. This movement initially aimed to unite the Saharan territory with the “motherland.” But in a context of regional rivalries and ideological tensions, the Saharan question was instrumentalized by various actors. Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya played a decisive role in the rise of the separatist Polisario, supporting and arming the movement in a "revolutionary" and pan-Arabist logic, while seeking to destabilize the Moroccan monarchy. Later, Gaddafi himself admitted having made a “strategic mistake” in backing this group, which remains a destabilizing factor in the region today. In 1975, a peaceful turning point occurred: bolstered by the International Court of Justice’s opinion recognizing ties of allegiance between Saharan tribes and Moroccan sultans, the late King Hassan II launched the Green March to general surprise. This mobilization pushed Spain to withdraw from Laâyoune in favor of Morocco, which immediately reclaimed the territory. Mauritania, although having occupied adjacent zones, ultimately withdrew, leaving Morocco alone against the Polisario Front, actively supported by Algeria, which hosted, armed, financed, and elevated the movement into a “republic.” Houari Boumédiène’s Algeria exploited the situation to weaken its Moroccan neighbor, even calling the Saharan issue a “thorn in Morocco’s side,” a way of exacting revenge for the crushing defeat in 1963. This dispute has often overshadowed the deep history of ties between Morocco and these territories under Sharifian authority well before the colonial era. For Morocco, territorial integrity rests firmly on the constants of history and geography—major arguments. The rest is merely a temporary construction without foundation, destined to fade into oblivion in the near future. Moroccans know this very well… Perhaps not everyone else…

Ahmed Faras: The Eternal Legend of Moroccan Football 14616

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Society - Sports -
3.3 min read.
I have been fortunate enough to know Ahmed Faras. It is unbearable for me to speak of him in the past tense, someone who has been part of my life for so long. It had been ages since he last touched a ball. Few are still alive who saw him play, those who, match after match, would await his dribble, his runs down the wing, his shot, his goal. Faras was an outstanding man, with an incredible shyness and reserve. Even when present somewhere, he was always on the sidelines: discreet, courteous, kind, with deep sensitivity, affection, and great touchiness. But Faras will always be part of the present. He is a true legend of Moroccan and African football; legends never die. Fedala saw him born in the cold of December 1947. Mohammedia would be his city and Chabab his eternal club. At the time, there was no such thing as a transfer market, no migrations, no football mercenary spirit. You were born in a club, learned to play there, and you stayed. His temperament was not that of a typical striker: there was no aggressiveness, no cunning. He compensated with his genius and never needed to dive or roll on the ground to sway a referee or create confusion. His genius spared him all that. He was an exceptional striker who marked the history of Moroccan and continental football. The turf at El Bachir football stadium helped him, at that time, it was the best in Morocco. Ahmed Faras was the product of a generation shaped by the structured environment of the youth sports schools run by the Ministry of Youth and Sports, a system supposedly dismantled by so-called administrative and political reforms. Yet, it was there that Morocco's champions were formed, across all sports. His early path was marked by the guidance of renowned trainers such as Lakhmiri, who helped shape numerous Moroccan talents. This solid foundation allowed him to develop technical skills and a sense of teamwork very early on, which would become hallmarks of his play. Ahmed Faras spent his entire career at Chabab Mohammedia, from 1965 to 1982, never having a professional contract—such things didn’t exist in Morocco then. There’s no need to mention signing bonuses or performance awards, even with the national team. His loyalty to Chabab is remarkable. He would lead the club to a Moroccan championship and become its top scorer. He would bring along with him his playing friends—Acila, Glaoua, Haddadi, and many more. Faras was a pillar of the Moroccan national team. With 36 goals in 94 caps, what a historic scorer for the Atlas Lions! He captained the national team for eight years, playing in the 1970 World Cup in Mexico and the 1972 Munich Olympic Games. In 1975, Ahmed Faras entered the legend by becoming the first Moroccan to win the African Ballon d’Or, an award that underlined the quality and consistency of his play. This distinction placed him among the greatest players on the continent, competing with the top African stars of his era. There was talk of a transfer to Real Madrid...but at the time Moroccan league players were barred from moving abroad under penalty of losing their place in the national team. The idea was, thus, to strengthen the domestic league... The peak of his career was surely the 1976 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN), won by Morocco in Ethiopia. Faras was the leader on the pitch, the tournament’s top scorer, and his influence was decisive for this historic triumph—the only major African title that Morocco has ever won. He scored crucial goals against Nigeria and Egypt in that tournament, perfectly embodying the role of playmaker and team leader on the field. To this day, he remains the only Moroccan captain ever to lift the coveted African trophy. I have been a few times to that ground in Addis Ababa where he lifted the trophy, and every time, his image dominates my thoughts. An indelible black-and-white, forever etched in the history of the Kingdom and in the memory of Moroccans who followed the match at the time through the voice of one Ahmed Elgharbi...no live broadcasts back then. He was a respected and heeded captain, guided by great coaches: Abdelkader Lakhmiri, Blagoe Vidinic, Abdellah Settati, Jabrane, and especially Gheorghe Mardarescu during that epic campaign in the land of Emperor Haile Selassie. His charisma and vision of the game were crucial in unifying the team and leading them to the summit of African football. Faras embodied the spirit of conquest and national pride throughout the tournament. The squad was selected and led by an outstanding manager as well Colonel Mehdi Belmejdoub. His name is forever bound to that legendary achievement, a symbol of the potential of Moroccan football when guided by exemplary leadership, committed and knowledgeable managers, and players who were true warriors for their jersey’s colors. Ahmed Faras was not just a talented player. After his retirement, he continued to share his passion, getting involved in youth training, passing on his knowledge and love for the game to the new generation. He has been a source of inspiration for so many generations of players. Knowing Lhaj Ahmed Faras meant knowing a symbol of loyalty, talent, and unique leadership in Moroccan sports. His name will forever remain inscribed in collective memory as that of a football giant, whose legacy goes beyond sport to inspire entire generations. Rest in peace, my friend. One day, a great football stadium in this country will bear your name, and it will be fitting, if the players follow your example, honor your career, and if the public rises to your greatness, paying tribute to your distinguished name. So Lhaj Ahmed Faras, if you ever meet Acila up there, ask him to give you another nice pass, and tell Glaoua to defend well... Know that your star shines and will always shine above us in the sky of the beautiful country you cherished so much. ---

The Monad 14504

Tupan, 5 mon.
The Monad is found at the highest level of existence, being the eternal, indivisible spark of the Divine. It is not a being in the conventional sense, but a pure center of consciousness, a point of origin that transcends time, space, and form. The Monad is a direct emanation of the Absolute, the One Source, and contains within itself the total potential of divine intelligence and will. The Monad beholds the entire cosmos, reflecting it inwardly without division or movement. For the purpose of experience, evolution, and the expansion of consciousness, the Monad unfolds itself. This process does not mean that a fragmentation occurs, but emanation, in accordance with the laws of sacred geometry and cosmic harmony. The Monad expresses itself into twelve individuated Soul aspects — each a radiant expression of its divine essence. These are sometimes called Oversouls, Higher Selves, or Solar Selves in esoteric traditions. Each of these twelve Souls remains intimately connected to the Monad, yet takes on a unique pathway of spiritual development and service. Each Soul, in turn, extends itself into twelve Spirits, or individual incarnating identities, that manifest across the dimensions of space and time. These Spirits are what we often understand as human personalities — seemingly separate lives, yet each one is a temporary projection of a higher spiritual intelligence. These incarnations serve to gather experience, to learn through contrast and duality, and ultimately to return to unity through the path of conscious realization. Thus, from a single Monad emerge: 1) 12 Souls (higher, eternal selves). 2) Each with 12 Spirits (incarnated personalities). 3) That results in 144 individuated expressions of the original divine spark. This structure is an archetypal framework encoded within the very fabric of the universe. The number 144 is not coincidental: it is directly related to sacred numerology and appears in mystical scriptures such as the Book of Revelation, where the 144,000 sealed servants symbolize the perfected collective of awakened souls. In this model, the journey of each incarnated Spirit is not isolated, but part of a vast, intricate tapestry. All experiences — joys, sorrows, triumphs, and trials — are transmitted upward through the Soul to the Monad, enriching the totality of divine being with wisdom distilled through the lens of individuality. The Monad, untouched and changeless, still gathers all of these reflections into itself in perfect harmony. To know oneself, then, is not merely to understand one’s personal identity, but to awaken to the truth that we are emanations of a higher Soul, and beyond that, of a singular Monad — a spark of God.

New Era in World Athletics: The CAA’s Vision for Equitable International Representation... 14035

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Sports -
1.6 min read.
At its most recent congress held on July 14, 2025, in Abeokuta, Nigeria, the Confederation of African Athletics (CAA) adopted a resolution that could upend the organization of global athletics governance. As the debate on modernity and representation within international sports institutions intensifies, the CAA is proposing major reforms for World Athletics (WA). **At the Heart of the Reform: A Call for Fairer Governance** Confronted with recent developments in world sports and the need to ensure transparency and efficiency, the CAA believes it is time to revise the Statutes of World Athletics, the global governing body for athletics. The main goal is to strengthen continental representation within the WA Council. This reform hinges on the key points of the resolution, namely fair representation by continent. The CAA suggests establishing a fixed quota of representatives for each continent within the Council. Such a measure would give each region an effective voice, limiting the overrepresentation of continents already well established in international decision-making bodies. It also proposes that the election of World Athletics Council members should be conducted by the continental associations, rather than by a global general assembly. The CAA insists that each continental association should directly elect its own representatives. However, under the CAA’s proposed reform, the presidency is an exception: the position of President of World Athletics would remain subject to the traditional election by the WA General Assembly, thus preserving a form of institutional unity. The proposal goes further by suggesting that, for all World Athletics commissions and working groups, the nomination of members should also fall under the authority of the continental associations, according to a pre-established quota set by WA regulations. This approach aims to ensure real diversity within the technical and strategic circles of global athletics. **A New Momentum Towards International Sports Democracy** The CAA’s initiative is part of a global movement calling for more democracy, transparency, and balance in the governance of major sports federations. Several observers believe that such a reform, if supported by other continental associations, could become a model for other sports and help create a more balanced, representative, and inclusive international sports world. Nonetheless, the proposal will face multiple challenges in its implementation. Despite its ambitions, this resolution will have to overcome several obstacles. Naturally, it requires building consensus among other continental associations. There will also be negotiations with the World Athletics Council, which may fear a loss of influence for certain continents. Finally, regulatory texts will need to be adopted according to a timeline compatible with the desired institutional evolution. Inspired by the spirit of Abeokuta, the CAA’s proposal could well usher in a new era for athletics. It reaffirms the legitimacy of emerging continents and raises the fundamental question of equity in international sports. Only time will tell whether this ambitious reform will find global resonance and lead to a profound transformation of World Athletics governance.

MRE : The elephant outside the room 13672

Sheikh Flakho, 5 mon.
- Society -
2.1 min read.
MRE : marocain résident à l'étranger. A simple acronym, rolls off the tongue nicely. Depending on your social class, a different image popped up in your mind. Let's examine different scenarios : — The ex-NEET turned Italian: Family borrowed a year's worth of wages to send him on raft to Italy or the afterlife. Gets a new phone to everyone when he visits every couple summers. Unfortunately, it's not the 80s anymore and he's got no choice but to sell drugs if he wants to afford a Volkswagen Golf. "You can take an african out of africa, but you can't take africa out of the african". Karma will make him live long enough to see black africans invade his country like he invaded other people's. Single handedly responsible for making real estate unaffordable in towns nobody wants to live in. — The daughter who studied in france and works in paris that your neighbor brags about: Lost her virginity in a party but her parents will never hear about it. Trades her headscarf for a CDI. Thinks she needs no man as she goes around Europe like a pokemon trainer catching selfies in cities her ancestors did not build. Claims she loves her country but only thinks about going back there if she can double her living standards. A pure product of the system, hates racism, sexism, and any globohomo-ism. Enjoys being fetishized by white bois. — The lazy friend that won the visa lottery to the US: Thinks he's made it thanks to his skills and hardwork alone. Starts Vlogging as soon as he takes a mortgage. Too busy surviving the American collapse to ruin things back home. Will settle for a what barely qualifies as a woman according to his mother's standards for the papers. — The red-pilled scholar of self-denial : Moved out of morocco out of sheer hatred for the country, its institutions, its culture, and its people. Tries to prematurely reincarnate by changing his name, accent, and backstory to better fit in his new home. The real life equivalent of the anime villain whose reasons make more sense than the hero, but is still in the wrong. — The self-exiled man of inaction : Moved out of morocco mentally, not rich/special enough to move physically. Browses r/morocco. Most likely speaks english because his french sucks. Mind broken by the system despite never facing persecution (for a lack of trying to subvert it). Fuels loneliness epidemic but uses dating apps and social media. Imports problems from abroad, never comes up with solutions. Would not change anything is he was part of the 0.1%. Having a big diaspora around the world is nothing to be proud of. Granted, morocco gets a significant amount of foreign currency from them, but this is basically a "resource curse", and not even a good one. I have yet to see anyone quantify their negative impact on the economy. Not only do they drive housing prices up since they can afford bigger mortgages, but they also sabotage the collective consciousness. The moroccan dream is to get out of morocco. As long as we treat our diaspora as gods among men, we idealize the act of running away. Why try to build things here when you can enjoy a much better life by going somewhere else? Why try to have a career here if local talent is always seen as second rate compared to foreign one? I'll always be astonished by the degree of hatred and scorn that we, as a people, have against ourselves. Sure, leaving this cesspit of a country behind is the rational choice at the individual level. Doesn't mean it's the right one.

What really is conviction? 13853

Some human, 5 mon.
- Society - Poetry - Philosophy -
1.2 min read.
If you can tell for sure that whatever you want to have in your future would really belong to you, then you actually don't have a future; you are just navigating through time. It is important that we appreciate that the great people the world celebrates were never so certain that they will achieve the things they have. Yes, there were moments when they believed they would do great things, and then there were those singular moments when they actually realized that they were meant for great things. But never were there moments before such moments of the euphoria of the culmination of their deeds were they ever so sure of the prospects of the future. This is therefore the human condition. The one that makes life worth living. The one whereforth springs the meanings of all purpose. Notice the keyword here is to believe! In every step of the way, great people tread the paths of belief. An identity, an appreciation of a life that could potentially be worth nothing, be meaningless and result in total complete waste. Yet, they walk that path anyway. They walk these paths also quietly aware of the rewards of their deeds. To quote a book, "it is in times when we succeed, when things seem to be working in our favor, and our egos expand like a pufferfish, that we are most easily blind-sided and in danger of the greatest fall. It can be a cycle for many of us, until we learn how to break it, how to be unaffected by either success or failure, and just keep moving forward, towards our goals" That is conviction! "When I close my eyes, I see a thing. I did this thing. I made this thing. It is so beautiful. and powerful. and everyone loves it. everyone says this is really a great thing! everyone agrees that this is going to change their lives for the better forever. I smile because I imagined this thing, and I did it, and it was beautiful in every aspect. It did it's job just like I wanted it to and I fulfilled my purpose."

Being Doctors 13792

Boucharfou, 5 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Romance -
0.3 min read.
Being a doctor...in my generation! Medicine was an art practiced without flaw by a rare horde of people dedicated to their lauded work, who often remained stuck in the hospital to be that lifeline of oxygen and life. We remained clear-headed. We weren't greedy at all. Our medicine, whatever anyone said, and in all honesty, brought honor and happiness. It was our reason for being. Without it, we would be nothing but poor people, ultimately given over to doubt. Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved

Morocco-Nigeria: From Coldness to a Continental Strategic Partnership... 13949

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
I am currently in Abeokuta, Nigeria, for the organization of the African Athletics Championships for U18 and U20. It is only natural to reflect on the relations between Morocco and Nigeria, which have seen a remarkable evolution, moving from a period of distance and caution to a major strategic partnership for Africa. An eloquent indicator: the national airline now operates two daily flights to Lagos. From the 1960s to the 1980s, relations between Morocco and Nigeria remained formal but distant, due to deep ideological differences. Nigeria, an Anglophone heavyweight and close to the Non-Aligned Movement—a non-alignment that in reality meant alignment with the Eastern European models of the time. Morocco, on the other hand, closer to the West, adopted a cautious diplomacy in line with its longstanding position and its principles of non-interference and respect for peoples and their choices. The distancing between the two countries became more pronounced, especially after the Kingdom’s withdrawal from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1984, in reaction to the admission of the so-called Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) to this organization. The issue of the so-called Western Sahara was a major point of friction, with Nigeria supporting the SADR, which hindered any significant rapprochement. Thus, relations during the 1980s and 1990s remained lukewarm, limited to basic diplomatic exchanges. The return of democracy to Nigeria in 1999, with the election of Olusegun Obasanjo, and Morocco’s growing influence on the African stage marked a turning point. The two countries began a discreet but concrete diplomatic rapprochement. Several areas were explored to strengthen cooperation: energy, with discussions on gas cooperation; trade, with modest but growing exchanges; agriculture, aiming to meet the growing needs of the Nigerian population; and the religious dimension, notably through Sufism and the moderate religious education promoted by Morocco. The real turning point came in December 2016, during the historic visit of King Mohammed VI to Abuja. This visit marked a break in bilateral relations, with the signing of numerous cooperation agreements in the agricultural, banking, industrial, religious, and energy sectors. One recalls here the fraternal embraces and warm words that marked the meetings between His Majesty King Mohammed VI and President Buhari. The flagship project in this dynamic is the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline (NMGP), announced in 2016. This ambitious project, over 5,600 km long and crossing 13 West African countries, aims to transport Nigerian gas to Morocco, and potentially to Europe. Its objectives are multiple: to ensure energy security, promote regional integration, and strengthen geopolitical stability. Between 2022 and 2023, several financing and technical study agreements were signed with ECOWAS, OPEC, and European partners. At the same time, cooperation has diversified: Moroccan banks have invested in Nigeria, while the partnership between the OCP (Office Chérifien des Phosphates) and the Dangote Group has strengthened fertilizer production in Nigeria. On the religious front, Morocco welcomes Nigerian imams to its training centers, thus consolidating cultural and religious ties. Since the election of President Bola Tinubu in 2023, active cooperation with Morocco seems to be continuing. The NMGP pipeline project is progressing with the support of key players such as the European Union and the Islamic Development Bank, despite a complicated global context marked by the war in Ukraine and regional instability. The issue of Western Sahara remains a moderate dividing line: Nigeria has not withdrawn its recognition of the SADR, but has not made any hostile statements towards Rabat for several years, indicating a certain diplomatic appeasement. The Morocco-Nigeria partnership is part of a complex geostrategic dynamic, notably in competition and complementarity with Algeria. The Morocco-Nigeria project is sometimes seen as a counterweight to the Trans-Saharan Algeria-Nigeria pipeline, which remains at the project stage, unlike the Moroccan project, which is advancing rapidly and according to the set schedule. At the regional level, this alliance could reshape North-South axes of African cooperation, linking West Africa to the Maghreb, thus moving beyond the traditional Francophone/Anglophone divide. Morocco’s application to join ECOWAS, although currently suspended, illustrates this desire for deeper economic integration with Abuja as a key partner. Relations between Morocco and Nigeria have evolved from diplomatic coldness to a structuring strategic alliance for the African continent. The gas pipeline project, banking establishment, agricultural and religious cooperation, as well as geoeconomic convergences, make this partnership a major pillar of Africa’s Global South. The next decade will be decisive in measuring the ability of these two countries to transform their cooperation into a driver of continental integration. This clear overview and chronology of the evolution of Morocco-Nigeria bilateral relations highlights the political, economic, and geostrategic stakes underlying them. Can we conclude without paying heartfelt tribute and praying for the soul of President Muhammadu Buhari, who passed away on Sunday, July 13, in London at the age of 82 after a long illness? It was during his presidency that relations between the two countries developed and moved from a latent conflictual routine to a win-win cooperation. May he rest in peace.

Kingdom of Morocco: 2030 Foundation, the New Momentum for Major Sporting Events 13800

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Politics - Business - Sports -
2.4 min read.
The Moroccan Government Council recently formalized the creation of the **2030 Foundation**, an innovative strategic entity tasked with leading the preparation, organization, and successful hosting of major international sporting events that the Kingdom will welcome in the coming years. This initiative aligns with an ambitious vision driven by royal directives and the instructions given at the Council of Ministers on December 4, 2024, aiming to establish Morocco as a global benchmark for hosting major sporting events. The **2030 Foundation** is not merely an organizing committee; it is designed as a true lever for economic, social, and infrastructural transformation. Its mission encompasses the comprehensive management of flagship events such as the **2025 Africa Cup of Nations**, which will serve as a full-scale rehearsal, and the **2030 FIFA World Cup**, co-hosted with Spain and Portugal. Through this new entity, Morocco intends not only to guarantee the technical and logistical success of these competitions but also to maximize their positive impact across the entire national territory. To achieve this, the Foundation’s mission rests on **six strategic pillars**: 1. **Optimal planning and coordination:** The Foundation will ensure rigorous and detailed planning covering all phases from preparation to event closure. It will effectively mobilize public and private stakeholders to respect timelines and international standards, with global logistical management—including delegation reception, security, communication, and media—at its core. 2. **Acceleration of infrastructure projects:** Hosting these sporting events is a powerful driver for infrastructure development. The Foundation will oversee the completion and modernization of stadiums, training centers, and related facilities according to FIFA and CAF requirements. It will also lead the development of airports, the expansion of the high-speed rail network, and improvement of roadways to facilitate mobility for spectators and teams. Renovation and construction of hotels, as well as enhancement of tourism services and urban infrastructure in host cities, are integral to this large-scale effort. 3. **Transparent, rigorous project management:** The Foundation commits to exemplary management with strict monitoring of budgets, deadlines, and specifications. It will implement control and evaluation tools to guarantee the effectiveness of actions undertaken, ensuring Morocco fully honors its international commitments and strengthens its global credibility and image. 4. **Administrative coordination and international dialogue:** Acting as the sole interlocutor with international bodies such as FIFA and CAF, the Foundation will centralize decisions and harmonize Morocco’s positions. This centralization will facilitate exchanges, accelerate negotiations, and swiftly resolve potential issues, ensuring essential administrative and diplomatic fluidity for event success. 5. **Promotion of a positive and sustainable image of Morocco:** Beyond technical aspects, the Foundation will play a key role in long-term strategic planning, integrating economic, social, and environmental benefits. It will highlight Morocco’s cultural, tourist, and economic assets and deploy proactive communication to attract investors, media, and visitors, thereby enhancing the Kingdom’s international appeal. 6. **Enhanced support for host regions and provinces:** Aware of the importance of balanced territorial development, the Foundation will provide technical and financial support to organizing regions and provinces. It will ensure local human resource training and mobilization while developing public and private services (transport, security, health, accommodation) to offer an optimal visitor experience. This approach guarantees that event benefits extend throughout Morocco, helping reduce regional disparities. The **2030 Foundation** embodies a dynamic of sustainable and inclusive development, aiming to create jobs, stimulate the local economy, strengthen modern infrastructure, and improve social cohesion and Morocco’s cultural influence. These sporting events become catalysts to accelerate the Kingdom’s economic and social transformation. Underlying this vision is the goal to depoliticize the action to ensure guaranteed success. The Foundation transcends time, competition, and political calculation. One major challenge is to shield these mega sports projects from political uncertainties and administrative delays. By ensuring centralized, rigorous, and multidisciplinary management, it guarantees optimal project efficiency and safeguards against bureaucratic stagnation. The **2030 Foundation** is thus the cornerstone of an ambitious national strategy that promises not only the exemplary success of CAN 2025 and the 2030 FIFA World Cup but also the emergence of a new dynamic of harmonious and sustainable development for Morocco. This innovation reflects the Kingdom’s determination to combine sporting excellence with socio-economic progress. It embodies a modern, proactive vision capable of transforming international sporting events into genuine levers of long-term growth and influence. Morocco will position itself as a key player on the global sports stage, ready to meet tomorrow’s challenges with ambition and responsibility.

Morocco, an Indispensable Pivot of the New American Strategy in Africa and the Atlantic... 13714

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
In a mini-summit, the first of its kind, President Trump hosted five West African heads of state, marking a new geopolitical dynamic in the region. The USA is now adopting a pragmatic and transactional approach focused on economic partnerships, security, and the development of strategic resources. Underlying this is, of course, the aim to counter the growing influence of China and Russia in the region. This new orientation is reflected in the targeted selection of African partners. Washington favors countries perceived as open to investment and rich in critical resources, possibly at the expense of some regional heavyweights like Nigeria. The emphasis is on trade and investment agreements replacing the traditional official development aid, which has been abandoned in favor of bilateral deals centered on commerce, access to strategic minerals such as manganese, uranium, oil, cobalt, and securing supply chains. One of the pillars of this new approach is strengthening security, which the region greatly needs. Discussions focused on combating terrorism, regulating migration flows, and military cooperation, with the intention to rely on trustworthy partners to project American power. Let us set aside the behavior of the participants and the awkwardness that chilled the atmosphere. Ultimately, everyone was simply in their place according to their true standing. One by one, before the president, each head of state introduced themselves in a kind of “name, first name, profession.” It is unfortunate that Mauritania, Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, and Senegal separately expressed their economic, security, and political priorities. - Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, the strongman of Gabon, emphasized the need for increased support for local processing of mineral resources, mentioning his decision to ban the export of raw manganese by 2029 to promote value addition locally, following the Botswana model. He expressed openness to industrial partnerships to develop refining and local production capacities. - Umaro Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau highlighted the strategic importance of his country’s port and its rich bauxite deposits, requesting support to modernize port and logistics infrastructure, a key condition for attracting investment and regional economic integration. - Joseph Boakai of Liberia, speaking in perfect English according to Trump, called for a more favorable framework for American investments, especially regarding legal security and anti-corruption efforts. He also requested enhanced cooperation in combating drug trafficking and regulating migration flows, key factors for regional stability. - Mohamed Ould Ghazouani, president of Mauritania, seeks to develop manganese and uranium resources, calling for agreements to build local industrial sectors. He also proposed strengthened partnership in maritime security to fight piracy and illicit trafficking in the Atlantic. - Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal raised the issue of his country’s hidden debt and sought support from international financial institutions like the IMF, as well as enhanced economic and trade cooperation, particularly in renewable energy and information technology sectors. All want to establish sustainable partnerships with the USA focused on local resource processing, infrastructure modernization, security, and economic governance. Were they warning that without American investments, other powers would take their place? Although Morocco was not invited to this mini-summit, it occupies a central place in the new African and Atlantic geopolitical architecture thanks to several levers, notably the modernization of the Morocco–United States free trade agreement. Rabat seeks to expand this agreement to include emerging sectors such as artificial intelligence, defense industry, clean energy, and green hydrogen, beyond traditional textile and agricultural exports. The United States, wishing to secure certain supplies to reduce dependence on China, finds Morocco a good partner in strategic minerals with its phosphate and cobalt reserves, essential resources for the global energy transition. Morocco is also a major security partner. It hosts the African Lion exercises and is modernizing its armed forces with advanced American equipment, including HIMARS, drones, and missiles. It is also negotiating the acquisition of F-35 fighter jets. In energy, Morocco aims to become a key supplier of green hydrogen for Europe and the United States, with projects integrating into future transatlantic energy supply chains. In the context of the new American policy, Morocco can hope to better benefit from the situation, primarily through reaffirmed American support for Morocco’s sovereignty over the Southern provinces, which strengthens its position. The Polisario is thus more isolated and Algeria disoriented. The Kingdom has also established itself as a regional hub thanks to its Atlantic anchorage, infrastructure, projects such as the port of Dakhla, the Nigeria-Morocco gas pipeline, and its political stability. It presents itself as the ideal gateway for American and European companies seeking access to the African market. This is a major asset for increased investment attractiveness. The geopolitical rivalry favors an influx of capital and structuring projects, especially in renewable energy, technology, and defense industries. Add to this Morocco’s African diplomatic leadership. Building on its diplomatic and economic successes, Morocco consolidates its role as mediator and leader in South-South cooperation and regional integration initiatives. It is the perfect pivot state for the region. The next step is for Mauritania to join the USA and the other four countries and clearly express its position on the Sahara issue. The current geopolitical reshuffle offers unprecedented room to strengthen strategic partnerships, develop resources, ensure security, and promote the prosperity of peoples. However, these opportunities require agile diplomacy and the ability to anticipate rapid changes in alliances and international priorities. Have the Five seized this chance? They all maintain good relations with the Kingdom.

Moroccan Higher Education Under Fire: The Crisis of Diploma Sales and Scientific Integrity... 13864

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
2.7 min read.
The recent scandal involving the sale of diplomas at Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is not just an isolated incident but a symptom of a systemic crisis undermining the credibility of Moroccan higher education and, more broadly, public trust in institutions. The arrest of a law professor suspected of issuing diplomas in exchange for payment exposed a structured network of academic fraud, revealing serious flaws in control and evaluation mechanisms. Even if isolated, this phenomenon deeply impacts the quality and reputation of Moroccan diplomas. It undermines the quality of university education, calls into question the integrity of evaluation procedures, weakens the pedagogical authority of teachers, and discredits Moroccan diplomas both nationally and internationally. The consequences are multiple, ranging from employers losing trust in the value of diplomas, to reduced international mobility of Moroccan students, and, of course, to the weakening of Moroccan universities' reputations in global rankings. **In response, reactions have been strong given the gravity of the case. The National Authority for Integrity, Prevention, and the Fight against Corruption (INPPLC) intervened, initiating civil action to defend the public interest despite the opening of a judicial investigation. The scandal was also raised in Parliament, highlighting the crisis's magnitude and the need for a strong response to restore citizens' confidence in academic and judicial institutions.** This scandal confirms what had already been rumored among students about registrations and diplomas obtained for money or even in exchange for sexual favors. The situation is further aggravated by a recently revealed structural problem in scientific research. This scandal is neither isolated nor unprecedented. It fits into a broader context of a crisis of scientific integrity, as revealed by the 2025 Scientific Research Integrity Index. This index, focused on the quality and ethics of publications, sounded the alarm for ten Moroccan universities, flagged for publications tainted by methodological errors or plagiarism, and removed from international databases. The 2025 Scientific Integrity Ranking presents an alarming state of affairs: - Ibn Tofail University in Kenitra is on the red list: out of 2,154 publications, 165 were withdrawn. - Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is on the orange list: 96 of 1,912 publications withdrawn. - Hassan II University in Casablanca is also on the orange list with 202 publications withdrawn out of 3,668. - Mohammed V University in Rabat is on the orange list with 253 articles withdrawn out of 4,544. - Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah University in Fez is also on the orange list with 191 titles withdrawn. - Abdelmalek Essaadi, Sultan Moulay Slimane, Moulay Ismail, Mohammed VI Polytechnic, and Cadi Ayyad universities are on the yellow list, meaning under surveillance. This ranking highlights a high or very high risk of non-compliance with academic integrity standards in several Moroccan public institutions, damaging the country's reputation in the MENA region. Morocco ranks third in terms of the number of universities concerned, behind Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It is important to emphasize that it is not the walls of these institutions that are at fault or cause such scandalous harm, but humans—and not just any humans. These are the ones supposed to train the national elites, advance the country, and secure its future. *Quickly said: not all of them, because there are also very great, competent, and honest teachers and researchers in our universities who are the first to suffer from this situation.* This means that even at this level, where probity should be decisive and where only competence should prevail, unacceptable practices likely exist in researcher recruitment, in peer review of their work, or by the institutions that employ them. This crisis, which tarnishes the country's image, demands urgent and structural measures. Without calling for immediate sanctions, demotions, or dismissals of the teachers involved, it is imperative to prioritize strengthening internal controls, guarantee the autonomy of scientific integrity units in each university, and train teacher-researchers and students in research ethics and fraud detection, reminding them that they are monitored internationally and that plagiarism or data manipulation cannot escape the vigilance of competent authorities. Finally, it is imperative and urgent to establish an independent national observatory to ensure transparent and sustainable monitoring of academic practices. Our academics must understand that valuing integrity in rankings and university recognition is an absolute necessity. To this end, they have the duty to prioritize quality over quantity in publications. The multiplication of scandals in the university environment is only the visible part of a deeper malaise in management, curricula, and the very foundation of university education in Morocco. This is what generates so many dysfunctions that must be tackled head-on and without concession. Meeting the challenge of academic integrity is today a sine qua non condition to guarantee the credibility, attractiveness, and competitiveness of Moroccan universities on a global scale, with all the impact this can have on the country's future. This is the true mission of Si Azzedine El Midaoui, Minister of Higher Education, Scientific Research, and Innovation, who knows the intricacies of Moroccan universities well, having worked at all levels within them.

Algeria Faces Strategic Imperative to Disarm Polisario Amid Geopolitical Shifts 13840

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
*The disarmament of the Polisario now appears as the *ultimate option* Algeria might face in light of recent geopolitical and diplomatic developments. Several factors converge toward this perspective, which is no longer merely hypothetical but a strategic and political necessity. For several years, the international community, notably driven by the United States, has clearly positioned Morocco’s autonomy proposal as the only credible basis for resolving the so-called Western Sahara conflict. This shift has fundamentally changed the dynamics, marginalizing the Polisario and weakening its traditional support, especially from Algeria. Algeria, which has long provided military and political backing to the Polisario, now finds itself in a delicate position, under international pressure and confronted with realities on the ground. The movement of Polisario militias out of Algerian territory perfectly reflects Algeria’s impotence, even debacle, as separatists openly use it as a logistical rear base. Separatist incursions into the buffer zone—part of Moroccan territory, a restricted area under tight Moroccan military surveillance—significantly weaken the Polisario, which emerges defeated each time. **In an already tense regional context, the recent terrorist attack in Mali illustrates the worsening security threats. Several Malian cities have been seized by a genuine terrorist army, an unprecedented coalition of all extremist factions in the region, including about 300 fighters armed and coming from the Polisario. This alliance complicates the security landscape in West and North Africa, blurring lines between armed groups and political movements, increasing pressure on neighboring states, particularly Algeria with its porous borders. For the first time, terrorists approached the Senegalese border, a significant development. Are we on the verge of the birth of another Islamic state?** In the United States, bipartisan calls to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization implicitly target Algeria, which could be labeled a “state sponsor of terrorism.” Facing these pressures, the Algerian military junta has few options. The most likely is a calibrated backtrack: accepting Morocco’s autonomy proposal as a negotiation basis. Reluctantly, it is forced to reduce its military support for the Polisario, which will also lose backing from Iran and its proxies. In this context, disarming the Polisario is not only a military option but a political and security imperative. Maintaining armed militias, fed illusions and weapons for decades, has become a burden for Algeria, which must now consider their dissolution, halt their funding, and isolate the most belligerent elements. This implicit approach aligns with the political settlement logic based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. It would pave the way for the return of Sahrawis held in camps to their Moroccan homeland. The political end of the Polisario renders its armed existence obsolete. Disarmament thus appears as Algeria’s last card to exit the Western Sahara conflict deadlock without losing face or risking international sanctions. This choice, imposed by circumstances, could mark the end of an armed confrontation era and open the path to a painful but peaceful resolution for separatists and Algerian military leaders, who would suffer yet another defeat against Morocco. On the other hand, Algeria must finally allow a precise census of the Tindouf camp inhabitants and clearly determine their origins. It is known that Sahrawis from Moroccan Sahara are a minority, about one-third of the population. This census, repeatedly requested by the United Nations and the UNHCR, is essential to ensure transparency and the future of all. Morocco would likely not allow non-Moroccans to settle on its territory. Algeria’s persistent refusal to permit this census raises serious questions about its motives, given contradictions over the real number and origins of the camp populations, who are not only displaced from Western Sahara but also include Sahrawis from Algeria, Mauritania, and elsewhere. This opacity contributes to militarization and a situation contrary to the 1951 Refugee Convention principles, as populations are effectively detained and armed, incompatible with refugee status. Moreover, a refugee cannot be armed. Disarming the Polisario is thus a major strategic and political necessity for Algeria, facing increased international, especially American, pressure demanding not only militia disarmament but also dismantling of the Tindouf camps. Maintaining armed militias in these camps is a real burden for Algiers and an obstacle to peaceful regional relations. Population census is therefore an essential step to clearly distinguish civilian refugees from armed fighters, a prerequisite for disarmament and militia dissolution. Without this clarification, the international community cannot control the situation, prevent fraud, or guarantee regional security. In sum, Algeria must stop evading its responsibilities by finally allowing an internationally supervised census, which would open the way to more transparent and humane conflict management while facilitating Polisario disarmament, indispensable for a lasting political solution based on Morocco’s autonomy proposal. This difficult but unavoidable choice is crucial to avoid diplomatic isolation, sanctions risk, and regional security deterioration. However, this option remains delicate and fraught with consequences for Algiers, which must first convince its population of the paradigm shift and find solutions for separatists whose hands are stained with blood. Disarming the Polisario, far from a mere military operation, will be a major turning point in regional dynamics and a decisive test for Algerian diplomacy. This will require great courage and perhaps new leadership.*

The Electron Rebellion of Jan Val Ellam 13850

Tupan, 5 mon.
Jan Val Ellam, a Brazilian author and spiritual thinker, proposes a unique cosmological vision that integrates scientific imagery with metaphysical philosophy. Central to his view is the notion of "A Rebelião dos Elétrons" (The Rebellion of the Electrons), in which electrons symbolize the primordial agents of a cosmic rupture. Far from being inert subatomic particles, these electrons are imbued with a form of micro-consciousness, representing fragments of the spirit that once participated in the original harmony of the universe. According to Ellam, this rebellion of the electrons mirrors the ancient Gnostic narrative of the fall—a departure from divine unity that resulted in the creation of the material world. Much like the Gnostic myth of Sophia’s descent or the formation of the Demiurge, Ellam’s metaphor describes a universe where the material plane emerges as the consequence of this separation. The electrons, in this framework, are similar to spiritual exiles, each carrying within itself the memory of the lost unity and the desire for reintegration with the Source. Ellam’s cosmology also connects with Kabbalistic principles, particularly the concept of Tzimtzum, or the self-contraction of the divine, which allows for the existence of the cosmos and the experience of exile. In this context, the rebellion of the electrons reflects not only the dispersion of divine light (or spiritual energy) but also the ongoing drama of creation, fragmentation, and the potential for spiritual return. Futhermore, Ellam introduces the idea that these electrons serve as the custodians of universal memory. In his works, including the "Mentalma", he suggests that matter itself—down to its most fundamental components—functions as a repository for the memories of cosmic history. The electrons, as bearers of this memory, encapsulate the entire evolutionary journey from the fall to the present moment. Thus, the very fabric of the material world becomes a kind of living archive, retaining the psychic imprints of the universe’s spiritual trajectory. This strongly resonates with the concept of the Akashic Records found in Hindu, Theosophical, and esoteric traditions. Through this synthesis of science and mysticism, Ellam presents a vision in which spiritual awakening involves not only a metaphysical ascent but also a reconciliation with the memory embedded in matter. By understanding and harmonizing with these “rebellious” electrons, human beings participate in the restoration of cosmic order, recovering the lost unity that lies at the heart of existence.

Morocco’s Heatwave Exposes Critical Failures in Train Air Conditioning Systems 13439

Aziz Daouda, 6 mon.
- Politics - Society - Thriller -
2.2 min read.
Morocco has just experienced an exceptional heatwave, like many other countries in the region, including those further north. While temperatures exceeded 45°C in several areas, train passengers expressed strong anger over the air conditioning failures on many trains operated by the National Office of Railways (ONCF), especially on conventional lines connecting the main cities of the Kingdom. On social media, increasing testimonies of frustration described train cars as true “walking ovens.” For many, some journeys, particularly the heavily trafficked line between Casablanca and Rabat, have become nearly unbearable. Numerous travelers are outraged, going as far as to call this situation a clear sign of disrespect toward passengers. This failure mainly affects classic trains, often over twenty years old, whose air conditioning systems are outdated and frequently out of order. In contrast, the high-speed Al Boraq line, which connects Casablanca to Tangier, is better equipped to handle these extreme conditions, offering a striking contrast between modernity and obsolescence. The National Meteorological Directorate recorded historic peaks: 47.3°C in Marrakech, 46°C in Fès, and 45.5°C in Kénitra. Under these conditions, inside a non-air-conditioned carriage, temperatures far exceed the tolerable threshold, endangering not only passengers’ comfort but also their health, especially the most vulnerable such as the elderly and children. In this context, it is often the controllers, powerless, who bear the brunt of passengers’ anger and verbal outbursts. It is important to recall that international railway transport standards require functional air conditioning systems, especially during heatwaves. In several countries, prolonged absence of air conditioning can even lead to financial compensation for travelers. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case in Morocco, where no regulations provide for compensation, which is absurd: citizens do not receive a service commensurate with their expense, while the law should protect them, especially in a monopoly situation. And this is indeed the case. Facing a flood of criticism, the ONCF acknowledges the technical difficulties related to old train sets and announces maintenance operations. However, these explanations fail to convince users, who denounce a lack of structural investment in renewing the railway fleet, despite regular fare increases. The question also arises whether the problem lies solely in the obsolescence of equipment, or if it also stems from a lack of maintenance team skills, or even negligence. Elsewhere, sometimes older trains still provide good ventilation and air conditioning service. In 2025, traveling without air conditioning in a country where heatwaves have become the norm is no longer acceptable. An emergency plan must be implemented, especially as summer has just begun, with holidays and major travel ahead. The ONCF regularly communicates about its future acquisitions of modern trains, but will any be in service this summer? In any case, the current rolling stock must be better maintained to improve passenger comfort. It is a basic right. Beyond the obvious discomfort, this situation raises a deeper issue related to respect for passengers and the quality of public service. In a context where the government encourages the use of public transport to reduce the carbon footprint, trains should be a reliable and attractive alternative. However, recurring failures tarnish the ONCF’s credibility, widening the gap between the Al Boraq line, Morocco’s technological showcase, and the conventional lines, perceived as outdated and uncomfortable despite visible efforts in seat comfort and station organization, especially at newer stations. Faced with this crisis, it is imperative that the ONCF revise its strategy. While significant investments have been made in high-speed rail, it is urgent to give equal attention to conventional lines that serve thousands of Moroccans daily. During heatwaves, the absence of air conditioning on trains is not a mere oversight but a crucial public health and dignity issue for travelers. A clear action plan, including a precise schedule for renovating train sets, better maintenance of existing systems, and a revision of passenger rights in case of failure, must be adopted without delay and made public. Everyone knows that the ONCF aims to transform its services by 2030, but until then, millions of Moroccans will take the train and deserve dignity and respect.

Moving away from me 10646

Boucharfou, 6 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Romance -
0.5 min read.
By leaving me you exhausted me, and it's cruel Have mercy on me my beautiful You fucked up my passion But one day you'll find your sanity You cross me carelessly Me who loves you and that's all the difference They were beautiful our lovers' kisses If you don't remember them Ask your lips They are still in fever Our bonds were so strong So much so that when our blood squirts We don't know if it's yours or mine Ask the night why these stars despite their splendor And their glow Are not worth that of your smile O moon, if you accompany me in my loneliness ………and if one day I agonize in the meanders of space Tell the darkness that the martyr of love is dead........ and sprinkle stardust on my shroud Dr Fouad Bouchareb Inspired by Farid Al Atrache's song > https://youtu.be/57Xezl_YR6c?si=JVP_kEQZCY8rZbNF All rights reserved

No Religion in Science But Ethics in Citizenship 8255

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 6 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
0.9 min read.
I write these words with deep respect and a sense of emotion. Professor Jamal Fezza my former high school philosophy teacher and later my thesis co-supervisor is currently facing an unfair wave of criticism. And I feel the need to publicly express my support. Those who know him understand how deeply he embodies intellectual rigor, ethical integrity, and an unwavering commitment to what science is meant to be: a space for free thought, beyond identity-based boundaries. In emotionally charged moments, it’s easy to withdraw into national or personal reactions. I know this I’ve experienced it myself. Once, I was faced with a difficult decision, and I chose not to attend a scientific event, out of loyalty to my country. But that decision was mine alone. I never asked anyone else to follow suit, nor did I demand that scientific spaces be shaped to reflect my personal stance. That’s what Jamal Fezza is reminding us of today and that’s what I stand by: science should never be confused with foreign policy. Refusing to engage with researchers based on nationality is not an act of resistance it’s a step away from dialogue and intellectual integrity. This doesn’t mean turning a blind eye to injustice. It means preserving the university as a place where ideas, not identities, are confronted. I am proud to have had Professor Fezza as a teacher, and later as a mentor. But beyond the personal bond, I am above all grateful for the example he continues to set with clarity, honesty, and courage. We need voices like his, especially when they are inconvenient.
youtu.be/RsfDelvjatA

Morocco: Voices of Rebellion, From Najat Aatabou to El Grande Toto... 7685

Aziz Daouda, 6 mon.
- Art - Society - Philosophy -
3.1 min read.
The recent edition of Mawazine Music Festival did not go unnoticed and will be remembered. There were, of course, tens of thousands of citizens from all over Morocco and beyond enjoying the various stages, with Boutchart’s record simply making them sing along, as well as that great diva singing in playback, provoking the anger of those who cried scam. But above all, there was El Grande Toto. This great star of Moroccan and global urban music, whom many dislike, or dislike intensely. El Grande Toto packed the audience, but also sparked a large number of articles and reactions, mostly unfavorable, with only a few exceptions. The majority of these reactions were rather critical, some almost scathing. *Let me say it straight away: I am not a fan of El Grande Toto nor of his type of music. At my age, it would be an insult to my musical tastes, as I can only be soothed in my Arabic version by Doukkali, Abdelhalim, Belkhayat, Samih, Farid, Oum Kaltoum, and Abdelwahab; in my French version by Brel, Reggiani, Piaf, Barbara; and in my English version by Dylan, Clapton, BB King, James Brown, and many others.* That said, I cannot judge those who dislike him, nor those who love El Grande Toto’s musical genre—that is, all the youth who identify with this style, who resonate with his intonations and rejoice in absorbing his lyrics. It is their time and their music. This reminds me that about thirty years ago, Najat Aatabou could only be heard by accident, passing by a cassette seller’s stall in a souk or secretly in one’s car. Her music seemed annoying and her lyrics vulgar. It took a long time before she was finally accepted, and later adored. What brings me to this topic is that there is something in the artistic trajectories of Najat Aatabou and El Grande Toto that resembles a broken mirror: the shards oppose and scatter, yet, upon closer look, they reflect the same reality. That of a multiple, rebellious Morocco, torn between its traditions and its desires for modernity. A Morocco that thinks it is what it is only little or not really. What it has never truly been except in a falsely constructed imagination. Najat Aatabou is the hoarse voice of the Zemours, the one who emerged in Khémisset, carried by the winds of the Middle Atlas and the whispers of a society still constrained by honor, the gaze of others, and the strictness of conventions. In the 1980s, while the Kingdom was taking its first steps toward social openness, Najat dared to sing what so many women whispered in silence: thwarted loves, betrayal, emancipation, wounded pride, desire—all in rather raw language. Her “Hadi Kedba Bayna” (“It’s an obvious lie”) resonates like a cry, soft but firm, in popular weddings, shared taxis, and the cozy living rooms of the Moroccan diaspora in Europe. With her, chaâbi, the music of the people par excellence, becomes a vector of affirmation. Najat does not apologize for being a woman, an artist, Amazigh, a rebel. She disturbs, sometimes shocks, but she imposes herself. Her music was even used in a global advertisement. Forty years later, it is another Moroccan who shakes the walls of certainties: El Grande Toto, child of Casablanca’s suburbs, dyed hair, tattooed face and arms, and sharp tongue, imposes himself as the bard of an uninhibited Moroccan youth. With him, words snap in darija, intertwine with French and English, flirt unabashedly with taboos: drugs, money, sex, and challenge social hypocrisies. Where Najat Aatabou denounced half-words, Toto displays, claims, provokes. Certainly, the forms differ: Najat draws from the ancestral repertoire, her melodies reminiscent of village weddings and the ululations of yesteryear. Toto, on the other hand, drinks from the sources of global rap, trap, and social networks, where punchlines matter more than silences. But behind these differences, the same sap nourishes their works: the thirst to speak, whatever the cost, without feeling guilty about anything. Najat Aatabou paid a high price for breaking taboos. We still remember the harsh criticisms, the heavy judging looks, the outraged fathers. But time proved her right: she is now respected, even adored, seen as one of the great voices of popular Morocco. El Grande Toto, meanwhile, is still in the midst of the storm. It will take him a long time before he is finally tolerated and accepted. Repeated controversies, court summons, accusations of indecency… Yet, his success does not wane. The numbers speak: millions of streams on platforms, growing international influence, a Moroccan youth that recognizes itself in his anger and dreams. They sing their reality and find themselves in him, whether we like it or not. Ultimately, from the 1980s to today, across centuries, Morocco has never stopped telling its story through its most unsettling artists. There were others before: Zahra Elfassia, Fatna Bent El Houcine, and many known or unknown Chikhates, female voices of the frustrations and hopes of a silenced generation. El Grande Toto, the insolent spokesperson of an urban youth in search of recognition, space, freedom, embodies this spirit today. We must not forget there were others before him: Faddoul, Nass El Ghiwane, Ach Kayne, Rebel Moon, and Lbig, among others. There was also a tradition of rebellion and bold language in malhoun with qassidas that one would no longer dare to sing nowadays, even in the most intimate circles. Between them all, decades and universes, but also this invisible thread that connects those who dare to say out loud what others still keep silent. Perhaps that is what it means to be an artist in Morocco: to shake the established order, to hold a mirror to society, and to accept to pay the price, even if it is too high...

The Smara Attack: A Reflection of Power Struggles in Algeria... 7648

Aziz Daouda, 6 mon.
The recent Polisario attack on Smara, in the Moroccan Sahara, takes place within a context of deep divisions within the Algerian military hierarchy, which directly influence the policy of the Algerian state. These internal tensions, marked by strategic rivalries, impact the Algiers-Polisario strategy vis-à-vis Morocco. This offensive, targeting notably a MINURSO base and the small airport of Smara, reflects the will of certain sectors of the Algerian army, supporting the Polisario, to challenge the international community and counter American diplomatic pressure, particularly the bill in Congress aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization. This move also likely reflects a disagreement within the Algiers-Polisario alliance, exacerbated by the request of the Algerian Chief of Staff, Said Chengriha, to return the Iranian weapons supplied to the Polisario, signaling a probable change of course under international pressure. The Polisario, dependent on Algerian authorities for its actions, illustrates through this attack the fractures within the Algerian military hierarchy. Several currents oppose each other: some advocate rapprochement with France, others maintain the historic relationship with Russia, while others seek to appease the United States. These divergences are amplified by regional geopolitical stakes, notably the war in Ukraine, and by Morocco’s rapprochement with Sahel countries, which exasperates certain members of the general staff. Moreover, the concentration of military, political, economic, and diplomatic powers in the hands of General Chengriha fuels tensions with the civilian presidency. President Tebboune, although formally head of state, sees his authority challenged, as demonstrated by the private meeting with Emmanuel Macron held without prior consultation of the general staff, causing a cooling of relations at the top before the ‘president’ was reprimanded. These internal conflicts directly influence the management of the Sahara dossier. The Polisario attack appears as an expression of power struggles: some officers favor an aggressive posture to preserve their influence, while others prioritize caution in the face of risks of diplomatic isolation and sanctions. The increasing integration of the military into the civilian administration, reinforced by a recent presidential decree, illustrates the general staff’s desire to control all levers of power, accentuating the politicization of the army and internal tensions. Finally, the fact that the attack did not achieve its major objectives seems deliberate, constituting a kind of “signature” with Iranian rockets. This gesture can also be seen as a sign of despair from a diplomatically isolated movement and an indicator of divisions at the military top, with some seeking to show that a change of power could open other regional options. This operation, far from unanimous, weakens Algiers’ position and strengthens the arguments of figures like Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta. Highlighting that major national decisions occur within a context of internal rivalries within the military institution, a pillar of power in Algeria, no one can believe that the decision to launch rockets against Morocco was made in a unanimous conclave.

Make Your Posts Beautiful: Bluwr Text Formatting Guide 7569

Bluwr | Contact, 6 mon.
Bluwr has a simple text formatting system that automatically transforms your writing into beautifully styled posts. Here's how to use these powerful features to make your content stand out. ==Essential Text Styling== **Bold Text** To make text bold, wrap it with two asterisks on each side. For example, if you write two asterisks, then the word "important", then two asterisks, it will appear in bold formatting. ;; asterisk asterisk important asterisk asterisk ;; *Italic Text* For italic text, use single asterisks around your words. Write one asterisk, your text, then another asterisk. ;; asterisk text asterisk ;; __Underlined Text__ Create underlined text by using two underscores before and after your text. ;; underscore underscore highlighted underscore underscore ;; ==Layout Elements== Create Visual Breaks Want to add a horizontal line to separate sections? Simply type four dashes in a row. ;; dash dash dash dash ;; Center Your Text Make text appear centered by wrapping it with two equals signs. ;; equals equals This text will be centered equals equals ;; Show Code and Examples Display code or preserve exact formatting by wrapping text with two semicolons. This is perfect for showing examples or code snippets. ;; semicolon semicolon Your code here semicolon semicolon ;; ==Lists and Organization== Bullet Points Create bullet lists by starting each line with a dash and a space. ;; dash First item dash Second item dash Third item ;; Numbered Lists Make numbered lists by starting lines with numbers and periods. ;; 1. First step 2. Second step 3. Third step ;; ==Automatic Magic== **Lead Paragraphs** Here's something special - Bluwr automatically styles the first sentence of your post as a lead paragraph. Just write naturally and your opening will be highlighted to draw readers in. **Smart Processing** All these formatting options work together seamlessly. The system processes your text in the background, so you can focus on writing great content while Bluwr handles the presentation. ==Pro Tips for Great Formatting== - **Mix different styles** for rich, engaging posts - **Don't overdo it** - let your content be the star - **Use bullet points** to break up longer paragraphs - **Try centered text** for important announcements - **Code blocks** are perfect for sharing examples or preserving specific formatting **Start experimenting** with these formatting options in your next post. They're designed to be intuitive - just type naturally and watch your words transform into beautiful, readable content that captures your readers' attention. The best part? Once you learn these simple patterns, they become second nature. Your posts will look professional and polished without any extra effort.

Gnosticism 7637

Tupan, 6 mon.
Gnosticism (from the Greek γνῶσις, gnosis, meaning “knowledge” or “insight”) refers to a diverse set of spiritual movements that emerged in the early centuries of the Common Era, primarily within the Greco-Roman world. These traditions share a central conviction: that the human soul contains a divine spark exiled in a flawed or fallen material world, and that salvation comes not through faith alone, but through direct, experiential knowledge of spiritual truths. Gnostic cosmology, at its core, shows a clear dualism between spirit and matter, light and darkness, knowledge and ignorance. The cosmos is depicted as the creation not of the highest God—Ἀγαθός Θεός (Agathos Theos, the Good God)—but of a lesser, ignorant, or even malevolent power often termed the Demiurge (Greek Δημιουργός, Demiourgos, meaning “artisan” or “builder”). This Demiurge, sometimes identified with the god of the Old Testament in certain Gnostic sects, fashions the material world as a prison or illusion, veiling the true divine realm. In Gnostic thought, the true God resides beyond the material cosmos, in the fullness of divine being known as the Pleroma (Greek Πλήρωμα). From this realm of light emanate spiritual beings or Aeons (Greek Αἰῶνες, Aiones) in harmonious pairs, representing aspects of divine mind, love, and will. A disruption in this celestial order—often symbolized by the fall or error of an Aeon such as Sophia (Greek Σοφία, Sophia, meaning “Wisdom”)—leads to the creation of the material universe and the entrapment of divine sparks within human souls. Salvation in Gnosticism is not achieved through external rites or adherence to dogma, but through gnosis itself: a deep inner awakening, in which the soul remembers its true origin and destiny. This knowledge is both intellectual and mystical, a direct experience of the hidden God and the realization of one’s divine nature. Thus, the Gnostic path involves a journey of inner revelation, often guided by a redeemer figure who descends from the Pleroma—whether portrayed as the Logos (Λόγος), the true Christ, or another messenger of light. Gnosticism often emphasizes the rejection of the material world's illusions and corruptions, while seeking purity of spirit and alignment with the divine order. Yet, the diversity of Gnostic schools means that some embraced asceticism, avoiding bodily pleasures as snares of the Demiurge, while others saw no harm in engaging with the world’s forms, recognizing them as ultimately empty of true substance. Gnostic scriptures, many of which were lost or suppressed for centuries, survive today in collections such as the Nag Hammadi library discovered in 1945. Several texts like the Gospel of Thomas and the Apocryphon of John offer rich and symbolic teachings, blending different elements into a vision of spiritual liberation. Throughout history, Gnosticism has influenced mystical and esoteric traditions, from Manichaeism and Hermeticism to modern currents of Theosophy and some aspects of psychology. At its core, Gnosticism invites the seeker to look beyond appearances, to pierce the veil of the world’s illusions, and to remember the divine origin of the soul. In this way, it calls the human being not to blind belief, but to awakening—through gnosis—to an aspect of truth hidden at the heart of existence. being.

Council of Europe Conference on Human Rights in Sport Held in Rabat, Morocco. 7690

Aziz Daouda, 6 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3 min read.
The Council of Europe, in collaboration with the Ministry of Preschool Education and Sports, and with the support of the Swiss Embassy to the Kingdom, organized in Rabat on June 23 and 24 a conference dedicated to Human Rights in Sport. All relevant departments and administrations, the national sports movement, as well as researchers specializing in the field were invited. The choice of date was no coincidence: we are just a few months away from the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, and a few years from the FIFA World Cup co-hosted by Morocco, Spain, and Portugal. These major sporting events require the Kingdom to strengthen and update its legal and institutional framework regarding human rights in sport. For the Council of Europe, sport is not only an essential physical and social activity but also a fundamental vector of human rights, embodying values such as respect, non-discrimination, solidarity, and justice. To protect and promote these rights, it relies on several key conventions: the Macolin Convention, the Anti-Doping Convention, and the Saint-Denis Convention. These legal instruments form the cornerstone of its commitment to ethical, safe, and inclusive sport. Morocco has signed the Macolin Convention, which is awaiting ratification. It has also acceded to the provisions of the Anti-Doping Convention but remains an observer regarding the Saint-Denis Convention. The conference therefore addressed these different legal frameworks, further explained them, and reviewed the Kingdom’s progress in these areas. Following the official opening and presentations by the departments of the Ministry of National Education, Preschool and Sports, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the representative of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Swiss ambassador and the Head of the Council of Europe Office in Rabat, several experts took the floor to elaborate on the theme: Prof. Younes Lazrak Hassouni presented the Moroccan national legal framework concerning human rights in sport. Dr. Fatima Abouali, President of the Moroccan Anti-Doping Agency (AMAD), spoke about AMAD’s commitment to respecting human rights. The Anti-Doping Convention (1989, amended in 2002) seeks to preserve health and sporting fairness by eradicating doping, which is considered a violation of sports ethics and a threat to athletes’ health. It supports the fundamental right to healthy and fair sport, guaranteeing the dignity of participants. Mr. Younes El Mechrafi, General Director of Moroccan Games and Sports, addressed the fight against illegal betting in light of the Macolin Convention, highlighting recent developments, particularly in combating illegal betting. The Macolin Convention (2014) aims to strengthen national coordination and international cooperation to prevent and combat the manipulation of sports competitions, whether related to criminal activities or sports betting. It protects the integrity of sport, ensuring a fair environment for athletes and spectators—an essential aspect of human rights in sport. The Moroccan presentations were followed by those of Council of Europe experts: Ms. Elena Caser, from the Sports Division, outlined the Council’s priority areas for preserving sports integrity. Mr. Nicolas Sayde detailed the implementation of the Macolin Convention to combat competition manipulation, using concrete examples. Ms. Marie Françoise Glatz, Secretary of the Saint-Denis Convention, presented the principles and standards of this convention, emphasizing its integrated and multi-institutional approach to the secure management of sporting events. Mr. Paulo Gomes, Head of the Convention Unit, stressed the added value of this convention for Morocco, especially regarding a strengthened legal framework and the security of upcoming major sporting events. The objective was clear: to convince Morocco to fully adhere to the Saint-Denis Convention. To date, this convention is the only binding international instrument that establishes an integrated approach to ensure the safety, security, and quality of services at sporting events. It promotes close cooperation between public authorities, private actors, and supporters to create welcoming, safe sporting events that respect human rights, particularly in combating violence, racism, and discrimination. This last convention sparked extensive debate, especially among representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the General Directorate of National Security, as Morocco is currently preparing its legal arsenal for hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup, in accordance with the requirements of various specifications. Beyond international conventions, Morocco is one of the few countries in the world to have enshrined sport and physical activity in its Constitution. It establishes these as a right for citizens and an obligation for the State. Physical activity constitutes the primary pillar of any comprehensive health system, both physical and mental. Sport plays a crucial role through its recreational, social, political, and geopolitical dimensions. It is also an important economic sector, contributing significantly to GDP, directly or indirectly. The Kingdom has a solid normative framework: Law No. 30-09 on physical education and sports, Law No. 84-12 on the organization of sports activities, Law No. 09-09 against violence in stadiums, and Law No. 97-12 on anti-doping, which regulates controls and sanctions. These laws are complemented by Decree No. 2-10-628 of 2011 relating to Law 30-09. This fairly comprehensive system aims to make sport a space of respect, fairness, and solidarity, in line with the universal values of human rights. The proper organization of sporting events, the fight against doping, and the fight against violence form a fundamental triptych guaranteeing integrity, health, safety, and respect for fundamental rights in sport. This integrated vision places sport at the heart of public policies promoting human rights, making it a powerful lever for a fairer, more inclusive, and more united society. Holding this conference in Rabat confirms the Kingdom’s determination to comply with the highest international standards in this field and demonstrates its openness to cooperation with its partners, notably the European Union and its dedicated bodies.

Mauritania’s Ambiguous Stance on the Western Sahara Conflict 7515

Aziz Daouda, 6 mon.
The Mauritanian Minister of Culture, Arts, Communication, and Relations with Parliament, Government Spokesperson El Houssein Ould Meddou, recently spoke on France 24 regarding Mauritania’s position on the so-called Western Sahara conflict. Clearly uncomfortable, to the point of appearing surprised by the journalist’s question, he seemed to stammer while affirming that Mauritania adopts a policy of neutrality, introducing a new concept: that of “positive and active neutrality” in this matter. Very clumsily, he reduced the issue to a matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara,” without specifying who exactly he meant. He got further bogged down when he claimed that his country does not limit itself to a passive stance but is sincerely committed to contributing to a fair political solution, serving regional stability and the interests of all parties involved. Again, no clarification was given on who these parties are, and whether his own country is included or not. This borders on contradiction with his earlier statements. According to the Minister, this neutrality is expressed notably by Mauritania’s willingness to play a central role in facilitating dialogue between the conflict’s actors, fostering a climate of trust and overcoming political deadlock. However, he seemed not to have carefully read the Security Council resolutions since 2007. The Minister showed more irritation when the journalist asked about the closure of Lebriga, the border post between Mauritania and Algeria. He appeared unaware of this closure, which is surprising given that the decision sparked major controversy and strong reactions from separatists against his own country and government. After some hesitation, he awkwardly stated that the recent Mauritanian decision to close the Lebriga crossing on the Algerian border was a measure taken for internal security reasons, aimed at controlling crossings and protecting national sovereignty. His attempt to recover only entrenched him further. For him, this decision has no political significance and targets no particular party but responds to a state approach to securing borders. Quite astonishing. The Mauritanian Minister thus explicitly reduced the so-called Western Sahara conflict to a simple matter between Morocco and what he called “the Sahara.” Did he realize at that moment the sensitive political repercussions he was causing? Indeed, this position was perceived as indirect support for the Algerian version of the conflict. Algeria quickly reacted by officially inviting the minister and bestowing many honors on him. This instant Algerian response can only be interpreted as a reward for the minister’s risky stance. He thus placed himself in a situation where he contradicted himself. The “positive neutrality” he mentioned becomes clear: it is actually alignment with the Algerian position. This situation embarrassed the Mauritanian government and presidency, which did not officially endorse the minister’s remarks. Several government members expressed discomfort with this statement, emphasizing that it does not reflect Mauritania’s official position. Moreover, within Mauritanian civil society, critical voices emerged, denouncing the apparent ignorance of the minister on sensitive issues, notably the border with Algeria. During the interview, the journalist noted that the minister seemed poorly informed on this subject, which heightened the discomfort around his statements. On the Moroccan side, the reaction to the Mauritanian government spokesperson’s remarks was very measured, even officially nonexistent. Morocco, as usual, chose not to publicly respond to this declaration, probably considering that the Mauritanian minister is only a marginal actor, not part of Mauritania’s true leadership circle. This silence can be interpreted as a strategy to avoid giving importance to these remarks, so as not to fuel unnecessary controversy or unduly embarrass Mauritania’s real leaders. It should be noted that this interview took place before recent Polisario strikes near Smara, close to MINURSO positions, which officially complained. The mercenaries operated by passing through Mauritanian territory, where they were neutralized by the Royal Armed Forces. The clumsy declaration of the so-called spokesperson created implicit diplomatic tension, revealing internal divisions in Mauritania and illustrating the regional complexities surrounding the so-called Western Sahara conflict, where every stance is scrutinized and can have significant diplomatic consequences, without hindering the inevitable and confirmed historical evolution: the progress and consolidation of the solution proposed by Morocco, reinforced by the recognition of the Moroccan sovereignty over the territories in question by nearly all key countries, among others. By his posture, the minister thus disregarded recent developments, notably the bipartisan introduction in the U.S. Congress of the “Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act,” which a political leader in his position could not have ignored. He simply sidelined his own country, which is directly impacted.

Infernal passion 7430

Boucharfou, 6 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Romance -
0.7 min read.
Fire of passion To the one whose fire of passion burns me How to win your heart, tell me I remain lost and confused and I have no choice I gaze at the stars and lose sleep Yet you promised me the earth and the stars And you swore that like a branch you would resist the wind And that you would hold firm But at the first breath you bent And you shied away at the risk of breaking everything Long gone are the days of your promises Of joys and gladness Your indifference is morbid It kills me and drains me You walked away after a fleeting romance Yet it is neither your habit nor your style It was then that I understood that you were gone for good And I sat down and gave myself over to the wind Mourning your departure The night then How late it is I put on mourning clothes And wept, overcoming my pride I will complain to the judge of passion And denounce your schemes and your ways Only he will know how to do me justice And repair your wrongs So you will feel what I feel And you will burn just like me by the fire of passion Dr. Fouad Bouchareb All rights reserved Inspired by a mawal of Andalusian music January 1, 2025

Bipartisan U.S. Bill Seeks to Designate Polisario Front as Foreign Terrorist Organization 7571

Aziz Daouda, 6 mon.
- World Politics - Politics -
2.4 min read.
A promis is a promise. As he had already announced a few weeks ago, Joe Wilson, a Republican senator representing South Carolina, has just introduced a bipartisan bill in the United States House of Representatives aimed at designating the Polisario Front as a foreign terrorist organization. This bill is bipartisan because it is also signed and proposed by California Democratic Senator Jimmy Panetta. The project, titled "Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act," aims to list the Polisario on the U.S. list of terrorist organizations. Being on this blacklist automatically triggers severe sanctions, such as the prohibition of any material or financial support, freezing of assets under U.S. jurisdiction, and entry bans to the United States for members of the organization. By extension, the vote on this bill will also have a direct and significant impact on the host country of the Polisario and its potential supporters. The content of the bill is simple and clear. The Polisario is described as a Marxist militia supported by Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia. It is asserted that this militia destabilizes the Western Sahara region and threatens the security of the Kingdom of Morocco, a steadfast historical ally of the United States. The bill also highlights alleged links between the Polisario and extremist groups in the Sahel, while mentioning serious accusations of human rights violations committed by the militia. Senators could have enriched the text by recalling the origins of the movement, notably the support from Cuba and the generosity of Gaddafi towards it for decades. This will likely be discussed during debates. In the current geopolitical context, the Polisario is perceived as an Iranian proxy hostile to regional stability, particularly due to its involvement in smuggling networks and terrorist activities in the region, facts that are well documented. The text thus seeks to officially recognize the Polisario as a terrorist entity, which would allow, besides international sanctions, to strengthen security cooperation against this separatist movement. The initiative has a very strong chance of succeeding after, of course, satisfying all necessary steps and procedures. The bill was introduced on June 24, 2025, and is currently under review by the Foreign Affairs and Judiciary Committees of the House of Representatives. The U.S. legislative process involves several steps: committee review and approval, House vote, Senate passage, and then the President's signature. The exact duration of the process varies, but committee review usually takes several weeks or months, followed by votes in plenary sessions. The bill seems to enjoy strong support, as it is sponsored by both a Democrat and a Republican, eliminating partisan division at this level. It could be adopted in the coming months, although nothing guarantees a rapid or certain progression, as political and geopolitical debates could influence the timeline. Adopting this law would mark a historic shift in U.S. policy on Western Sahara, with significant diplomatic and security implications. The United States, having already officially recognized the Moroccan sovereignty over the concerned provinces, would thus strengthen its position and lead to increased support for Morocco. The resolution of the artificial conflict, which has lasted half a century over the southern provinces of the Kingdom, has never been closer. The Republican majority controls both the House and the Senate, with 218 seats out of 435 in the House and 53 out of 100 in the Senate, which would facilitate the bill's passage. Moreover, Republicans are very disciplined and strongly support this initiative, notably due to their loyalty to Donald Trump and the expressed support of Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who aligns with Moroccan positions. The bill introduced by Senators Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta therefore has a strong chance of quickly succeeding. The text benefits from bipartisan support, increasing its chances of adoption without major obstacles. The geopolitical context, reinforced by recent reports from American think tanks Heritage Foundation and Hudson Institute demonstrating the terrorist nature of the Polisario and its links with Iran and other hostile actors, politically legitimizes this proposal. The bipartisan bill aiming to designate the Polisario as a terrorist organization thus finds its full justification given the proven links with actors hostile to American and Moroccan interests, as well as its destabilizing activities in the region. Once the law is adopted by both chambers, the President has ten days to sign it, which can accelerate its enactment if the executive is favorable, which seems very likely.

The flower of my dreams 7560

Boucharfou, 6 mon.
- Music - Poetry - Romance -
0.4 min read.
The flower of my dreams Oh ! Flower of my dreams grown in my heart And that they took me away Wrongly, what a horror!! hands have crumpled it cruelly Yet her beauty dazzled the eyes A gift from the God of heaven She bewitched young and old Now the fire of my passion has gone out My heart lies empty and bruised I sacrificed my life I lost the rhythm of my melodies And like a bird perched on a branch I dare sing to my faded, to my rose Poetry and prose Hoping to see her resurrected And regain its former splendor Thus dreams hopes will be reborn She will shine with her beauty And will be the star of my bouquet Inspired by the song of Farid Al Atrache (يا زهرة في خيالي) Dr Fouad Bouchareb July 19, 2022 All rights reserved

The Picatrix 7833

Tupan, 6 mon.
The Picatrix is one of the most influential and enigmatic texts in the history of Western esotericism. Originating in the Islamic world under the title Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm (“The Goal of the Wise”), the Picatrix is a comprehensive treatise on astrology and magick—the practice of harnessing celestial forces to affect material and spiritual realities. Written in Arabic in the 10th or 11th century and later translated into Latin in the 13th century, the Picatrix became a cornerstone of Renaissance occult philosophy, influencing figures such as Marsilio Ficino, Cornelius Agrippa, and Giordano Bruno. Today, it remains a vital source for students of Hermeticism, ceremonial magic, and astrological thought. The text is attributed “al-Majriti,” a name linked to the 10th-century Andalusian scholar Maslama al-Majriti, though its true authorship remains uncertain. The Picatrix is composed of four books, comprising am extensive body of magical theory and practice derived from Greek, Persian, Indian, and Arabic sources. It synthesizes astrology, natural philosophy, alchemy, talismanic magic, and cosmology into a grand vision of the universe as a living, interrelated system of energies that can be accessed and manipulated by the initiated practitioner. At its core, the Picatrix presents a worldview in which everything is connected through celestial correspondences. The stars, planets, and zodiac are not merely distant bodies, but intelligent forces (often referred to as spirits or intelligences) that shape life on Earth. By understanding the timing, nature, and hierarchies of these celestial influences, the magician can create talismans, perform rituals, and engage in spiritual ascent. These practices are meant not only to acquire worldly benefits—such as love, protection, wealth, or knowledge—but also to align the soul with the divine order of the cosmos. The Picatrix outlines: - Detailed planetary correspondences, including planetary spirits, colors, stones, herbs, animals, and incenses; - Astrological timing for magickal operations, especially elections for creating talismans and invocations; - Rituals for contacting planetary intelligences or channeling their power into material forms; - Philosophical and spiritual foundations, arguing that magick is a divine science requiring purity of soul and alignment with the One. Importantly, the Picatrix treats magick as a sacred art, not merely a mechanical or superstitious activity. Its author warns repeatedly that the true magician must be a philosopher, guided by intellect, discipline, and virtue. In this sense, the text reflects a Neoplatonic essence, where matter is seen as a shadow of spirit, and magick as a bridge between the visible and invisible worlds. The language of the Picatrix is often dense, symbolic, and encoded. It contains long lists of ritual ingredients, planetary names, and talismanic configurations. Some of its instructions are highly technical; others are deeply mystical, involving dream incubation, purification, meditative states, and ecstatic union with celestial beings. This dual nature—simultaneously scientific and mystical—has made the Picatrix a text of enduring fascination. Its influence on Renaissance occultism was immense. Translators and scholars such as Albertus Magnus, Pietro d’Abano, and Marcilio Ficino drew upon its doctrines in the development of astral magic and natural philosophy. Even today, the Picatrix is considered a masterwork of magical cosmology, representing one of the most complete works of how the stars and the soul interact. To summarize, the Picatrix is not simply a magickal grimoire—it is a profound philosophical treatise on the structure of reality and the place of humanity within it. It teaches that the macrocosm and microcosm are reflections of one another, and that the wise—through discipline, knowledge, and intention—can influence one to elevate the other. As such, it stands as a remarkable synthesis of astrology, magic, and metaphysics, offering both a roadmap for practical sorcery and a guide for spiritual ascent.

Pigeon 7740

Boucharfou, 6 mon.
- Lifestyle - Poetry - Romance -
0.5 min read.
I saw a pigeon in the valley who was crying in sorrow and called in vain his lover who left him this morning He repeated to anyone who would listen to him how much his heart although tender feels now emptied of love after this departure that left him as dead He lost the joy of living and love in turn He finds this journey through the desert quite long and no one is there to keep him company It’s obvious he misses her and it’s quite clear And sinks into sadness and melancholy Even with time it is impossible for him to forget the one he nevertheless loved madly In love, his heart is well bruised and does not help him overcome so much spite And even if his appearance seems royal His state of mind is so pitiable Translated by Dr Bouchareb Fouad October 19, 2022 All rights reserved