Society on Bluwr.

Walid Regragui: A Demonstration of Moroccan Competence... 769

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.

- History - Society - Sports -

2.7 min read.

Sometimes, we witness a rare moment when a man, a team, and a nation converge to write a page of history. They leave a lasting mark on collective memory and redefine our perception of our own capabilities. Having been both a participant and observer, I am perhaps better positioned than others to gauge its significance and depth. The Moroccan national team's epic at the Qatar World Cup undoubtedly belongs to this category. And at its heart stands one man: Walid Regragui. When he was appointed Morocco's head coach in August 2022, just three months before the World Cup, the national team's situation was uncertain. The previous coach had bluntly stated: "You don't have a team for the World Cup." The atmosphere around the squad was tense, with questions about group cohesion and doubts over its ability to compete with football's giants. Many thought we'd make a quick trip to Doha and head home. In just a few weeks, Regragui achieved what few coaches accomplish in years: rebuilding a cohesive unit, restoring confidence, and giving the national team a clear identity it had never had before. The results exceeded all expectations. The man appointed somewhat by default, somewhat by chance, simply stunned the world. At that World Cup, Morocco made history. The Atlas Lions topped their group ahead of Croatia and Belgium. In the round of 16, they eliminated Spain after an intense tactical battle decided on penalties. In the quarterfinals, they beat Portugal, and how! A tactical masterclass for Regragui and his squad. They became the first African nation to reach the semifinals. We couldn't even have dreamed it. This performance cemented Morocco's place in world football history. Such heights aren't reached by chance. It takes profound depth. This marked the start of a series of achievements, vindicating a royal vision launched when the Sovereign inaugurated the Mohammed VI Football Academy. But beyond the historic fourth-place finish, the epic's impact was immense. It transformed the international image of Moroccan football. Above all, it sparked a huge wave of pride across Morocco, Africa, and the Arab world. This success wasn't just sporting; it was deeply symbolic. Walid Regragui's journey first illustrates the rise of Moroccan talent. A former international who wore Morocco's colors for over a decade, he built a solid coaching career. His continental triumph with Wydad Athletic Club in the 2022 CAF Champions League was a major milestone. His contribution went beyond trophies. Regragui imposed a clear vision of play and human management. In a squad of players from Europe's top leagues: Spain, France, England, Italy, he forged remarkable unity with unyielding attacking power. He also leveraged the dual culture of many Moroccan internationals, turning diversity into collective strength. Tactically, his team stood out with rigorous defensive organization. Under his leadership, Morocco became one of the world's stingiest defenses, conceding few goals against the most fearsome attacks. But what truly impressed observers was the human dimension of his leadership. Regragui forged a direct bond between the national team and its public. Through simple, sincere, often emotional communication, he made fans feel the team truly belonged to them—to the point where public "interventionism" grew intrusive toward the end, irritating and hurting him. In a country where trust in national talent has often been debated, the Regragui experience is a shining demonstration. It proves Moroccan competence exists, can handle the biggest challenges, and excels at the highest level when trust is in place. In this sense, the 2022 epic transcends football. It bolstered collective confidence in our abilities. It reminded us Morocco can produce talent, not just players, but coaches, leaders, and sports executives. The Moroccan coaches trusted by the federation all overperformed. Morocco became a football powerhouse thanks to Sektoui, Amouta, Sellami, Baha, Dguig, Chiba, and of course, Mohamed Ouahbi. For those of us who devoted our lives to building national sport, this message is vital. Sports development isn't just about infrastructure, budgets, or competitions. It hinges, perhaps above all, on trusting our own competence. In months, Walid Regragui embodied that trust. He showed a Moroccan coach could lead at the world stage, face football's elite, and make history in the planet's most prestigious tournament. For all these reasons, his work deserves recognition and respect, just like that of the coaches who, alongside me, elevated Morocco to the top of world athletics rankings: Kada, Ouajou, Ayachi, Boutayeb, Sahere, Bouihiri, and others. Beyond results and stats, Regragui will be remembered as the man who made millions of Moroccans believe, during that World Cup and beyond, that anything was possible. In sport as in nations' lives, such moments are precious. They remind us collective success often starts with a simple conviction: belief in ourselves. For what he brought to Moroccan football, the image he gave our country, and the inspiration for future coaches and sports leaders, it's only right to say today, sincerely and gratefully: Thank you, Walid. I had the privilege of handing him his first "Best Coach of the Year" trophy. He had just won the title with FUS.

Floods in Morocco: An Emergency Mastered, Lessons to Be Learned... 771

Aziz Daouda, 3 d.

- Politics - Society - Business -

2.5 min read.

The recent floods in Morocco have once again tested the resilience of the state and society. Faced with the sudden rise of waters, the authorities' response was remarkably comprehensive: over 180,000 citizens were quickly evacuated from at-risk areas, transported to safe locations, housed, fed, and provided medical care under conditions that earned admiration beyond our borders. In Ksar El Kébir, as in many surrounding douars and hamlets in neighboring provinces, residents have now returned home. During their absence, their homes and belongings were very well secured. This emergency phase, marked by the mobilization of security forces, civil protection, and local authorities, demonstrated that when it comes to protecting human lives, the Moroccan state knows how to act with great efficiency, remarkable speed, and unwavering humanism. Few countries in the world can rival the Kingdom in managing disasters. Now, with the emotion subsided and populations back home, it's time for assessments and accountability. The emergency was perfectly managed; the time for pinpointing responsibilities has arrived. No one can defy nature. That's a given. Extreme weather phenomena, set to multiply due to climate change, now strike with unpredictable intensity. Floods, flash floods, road or bridge collapses are not unique to Morocco. They affect the most developed countries, with the most sophisticated infrastructure. However, a legitimate question arises: do all the observed destruction stem solely from the force of nature? When recently built roads give way, when engineering structures collapse after just a few years or even months of use, when drainage systems prove manifestly undersized, it becomes essential to question the quality of technical studies, the rigor of specifications, site inspections, and the compliance of materials used. Incompetence on the part of some, shoddy work by others, or corruption by certain individuals, these three hypotheses must be examined without taboo. Technical studies may well be insufficient or outdated. Climate data has evolved. If infrastructure is designed based on old models, it becomes inherently vulnerable. Yesterday's "exceptional" floods may be tomorrow's normal ones. Sometimes, it's poor workmanship in project execution that causes problems. A bridge, a dam, or a road doesn't fail solely under water pressure; it also fails when standards are not respected, inspections are lax, or technical oversight is deficient. We cannot dismiss outright possible malfeasance and corrupt practices. This is the gravest hypothesis. When public budgets are allocated to infrastructure meant to open up areas, streamline communications, or protect populations, every dirham diverted becomes a factor of vulnerability. In a country with limited resources, squandering public funds is not just a moral failing; it becomes a direct threat to citizens' safety. Transparent investigations are therefore essential. This is not about fueling widespread suspicion or casting blame on all public or private actors. The recent mobilization proves the opposite: the state apparatus is capable of excellence and fully committing to effectively resolve grave problems. But it is precisely to preserve this credibility that serious, independent, and transparent investigations must be conducted on the damaged infrastructure. There is no doubt the administration will identify structures that degraded abnormally quickly; examine tender processes; and verify compliance with prevailing standards. It remains crucial to ensure the publication of findings and, where applicable, to sanction faults if identified and responsibilities clearly assigned. Impunity would send a disastrous message. Conversely, accountability would strengthen citizens' trust in institutions, and God knows we need it in these times. For the future, better to prevent than to cure. Floods will always happen; material damage too. But what is unacceptable is infrastructure supposed to withstand predictable floods from certain wadis collapsing due to negligence or greed. Every dirham invested in prevention must yield maximum security. In a constrained budget context, the efficiency of public spending becomes a strategic imperative. Investing in durable infrastructure, thoroughly studied, adapted to new climate realities, rigorously controlled, and shielded from corruption, is less costly than endless reconstruction after each disaster. This is a full collective responsibility. The flood episode, like the previous earthquakes in Al Hoceïma and the Haouz, showcased the best of Morocco: solidarity, mobilization, operational efficiency. The challenge now is to draw structural lessons in rigor. Protecting citizens doesn't stop at emergency evacuation. It begins much earlier—in engineering offices, tender committees, control labs, and the traceability and oversight of public contracts. The true tribute to the 180,000 evacuated citizens is not just praising their resilience, but ensuring rebuilt infrastructure meets the highest standards. Nature is powerful, but negligence and corruption are catastrophes we can—and must—prevent. One thing is already certain: no more building in flood-prone areas.

Le Monde and Morocco: Old Grudges and Media Neocolonialism from a Parisian Prosecutor... 1987

Aziz Daouda, 10 d.

- World Politics - Politics - Society -

3.2 min read.

A certain Alexandre Aublanc recently penned a long article in Le Monde, the Parisian newspaper, with the evocative title: "Mohammed VI's Unfulfilled Democratic Promises." Nothing less. The tone is set: that of the self-proclaimed prosecutor, handing out good and bad marks to a sovereign state, as if the Moroccan monarchy had personally sworn an oath to him or the valiant Moroccan people had requested an audit from him. Pretentious and ridiculous. This exercise is nothing new. For decades, a segment of the French press, particularly the Parisian variety and especially this one, has maintained an ambiguous relationship with the Kingdom: fascination, condescension, and resentment. The impression is one of mourning a lost eldorado where everyone would have loved to live, but under a republic, probably the French kind. Indeed, the country is beautiful, the people welcoming, but they want neither a republic nor France. It's good living in Marrakech or strolling through the streets and fine avenues of Rabat, perfectly under a monarchy. For over 360 years, Moroccans have been attached to the world's oldest reigning dynasty. They love their King and the royal family, and this affection is perfectly and singularly reciprocal. It's a deliberate choice, and no one from abroad has the right to question it. Already under Hassan II, the Kingdom was regularly portrayed as the "troublesome pupil" of Western democracy, which they were desperate to impose on it. Today, it's Mohammed VI's turn to be summoned to account not to his people, but to a certain nostalgic Parisian intelligentsia. The posture here is neocolonial, barely veiled. One must recall a historical fact: the French protectorate ended in 1956. Morocco is no longer under tutelage, neither political nor moral. The recent years, before President Macron's visit to Rabat, are perfect proof for those who might have forgotten. The idea that a French editorialist could position himself as the guarantor of a foreign sovereign's "democratic promises" reeks of nostalgia for influence. That's called interference, and interference is unacceptable, as Jean-Noël Barrot was pleased to remind the Americans. He was beside himself: a close ally of President Trump had dared to comment on the murder of Quentin Deranque by far-left militants. Rest assured, this doesn't concern Moroccans. French affairs are for the French. Emmanuel Macron, for his part, will launch "To each his own, and the sheep will be well guarded"; France had just been criticized by Giorgia Meloni over the same affair. Charles de Gaulle, in founding the Fifth Republic amid decolonization, had sealed the end of an era. Yet some media discourses, particularly those in Le Monde, seem not to have fully freed themselves from this inherited moral verticality. It was the General himself who created Le Monde, need we remind you. It's not criticism that's the problem. It's legitimate. What raises questions is the lens: a partial, decontextualized reading that deliberately ignores the extraordinary institutional, social, and economic developments Morocco has experienced since 1999. A host of facts and achievements, simply extraordinary in the region under Mohammed VI's reign, are conveniently omitted: The 2011 constitutional reform, adopted by referendum, strengthening the head of government's powers and enshrining fundamental freedoms and rights. The establishment of governance and regulatory bodies: National Human Rights Council, National Integrity Authority, etc. An ambitious infrastructure policy. Unique social development indicators in the region. A structured African strategy, cemented by Morocco's return to the African Union in 2017. Nothing is perfect, no one claims otherwise. Morocco is a country in transformation, facing complex social, economic, and geopolitical challenges. But reducing 25 years of reforms to a curt formula of "unfulfilled promises" is more pamphlet than analysis. Let's call it folly. It's always delicate to hand out democracy certificates from a country itself racked by major social tensions: crisis after crisis, record distrust of institutions, rise of extremes, controversies over police violence or freedom of expression, unpopularity of institutions and leaders. Democracy isn't a patent one awards to others. It's a process, imperfect everywhere—and certainly in France. But here, regarding this article, it's just another manifestation of a recurrent Moroccan obsession. Le Monde, since its creation, has maintained a particular relationship with the Moroccan monarchy. Hassan II was long a central figure, often described with a mix of fascination and gratuitous severity. Today, the target changes, but the tone remains. The repetition of these attacks sometimes gives the impression of a frozen interpretive grid: Morocco is eternally summoned to "catch up" to a standard defined elsewhere, precisely in Paris, without acknowledging its own historical and institutional path. The author and his ilk are truly unaware of their own decadent system, the drift of their "democracy," yet still seek to export it. The line between legitimate criticism and ridiculous caricature is razor-thin. What shocks about the article in question isn't the existence of a debate on Moroccan governance. That's healthy. What raises questions is the accumulation of approximations, omissions, and shortcuts that end up sketching a tasteless caricature. Morocco is neither a frozen dictatorship nor a Scandinavian democracy, nor will it ever be. Morocco has its own personality, and its people don't want to resemble anyone, not even France or the French. It's a country in mutation, with its traditions, contradictions, advances, and delays. But it belongs first to Moroccans to debate it, judge it, and decide it. By insisting on speaking "in the name of" the Kingdom's democratic promises, certain editorialists mostly give the impression of speaking for Moroccans. And in 2026, that sounds singularly dated. Francophone Moroccan readers, for their part, read, compare, analyze, and often smile at these lessons dispensed from afar. Not out of blindness, but because they know a country's reality can never be reduced to the columns, however prestigious, of a Parisian daily. As for Mr. Aublanc, he'll have to learn to sweep in front of his own door before looking elsewhere. French-style democracy is hardly an ideal on this side of the Mediterranean.

Ramadan: When Morocco Gets Moving Between Devotion and Caution.. 2185

Aziz Daouda, 12 d.

- Society - Lifestyle -

2.1 min read.

Every year, at the start of the holy month, a discreet but massive phenomenon transforms the streets of Moroccan cities. In Rabat, Casablanca, Marrakech, Tangier, or Fez, the corniches, parks, and local pitches fill up as iftar approaches. Clusters of walkers flood the boulevards, groups improvise soccer matches, gyms are packed, and beaches are overrun. The paradox is striking: while fasting imposes abstinence from food and drink from sunrise to sunset, physical activity surges dramatically. For many, Ramadan becomes a month of getting back in shape. People seek the benefits of aligning body and mind with natural discipline. Fasting structures the day, fixed schedules, visible excesses. This discipline fosters commitment to a sports routine. Many use this regularity to build habits that elude them the rest of the year. Indeed, physical exercise enables metabolic improvements, provided it is practiced moderately during fasting, by stimulating: - fat oxidation; - insulin sensitivity; - weight regulation; - reduction of oxidative stress. Walking 45 minutes before iftar or doing a light workout 1 to 2 hours after can promote better fat mass management and limit the weight gain often linked to lavish evening meals. Many people pack on pounds during Ramadan. Cardiovascular benefits are also significant. Brisk walking, light jogging, or cycling improve heart health, lower blood pressure, and boost endurance. Ramadan thus becomes an ideal time to introduce sedentary people to exercise and psychological and physiological well-being. Physical activity and sports during Ramadan also act as emotional regulators: - reduction of irritability from deprivation; - improved sleep quality; - sense of accomplishment; - social cohesion: neighborhood matches, group walks. In a month marked by spirituality, physical effort becomes an extension of moral striving. However, potential risks cannot be ignored, as the body has its limits. Crossing them can be seriously harmful. The sports fervor is not without danger, especially when improvised, poorly controlled, or excessive. The main risk remains water loss. Severe dehydration is never far off. Running in late afternoon under spring sun, without drinking, can cause: - dizziness; - hypotension; - muscle cramps; - concentration issues; - even fainting. Those pushing beyond a certain intensity are particularly prone to hypoglycemia. Intense effort while fasting can trigger a sharp drop in blood sugar, leading to: - tremors; - cold sweats; - blurred vision; - extreme fatigue. Diabetics or prediabetics, in particular, must exercise extra caution. There are also many risks of muscle injuries. Dehydration reduces muscle elasticity. Many dive into explosive soccer matches or intense weight sessions without gradual preparation. Result: strains, tears, ligament ruptures, lower back pain. Overloading the heart is another major risk if you ignore your body's signals. For the untrained or those with undiagnosed cardiovascular issues, intense fasting effort can be dangerous, even fatal. Thus, golden rules must be followed for a healthy sports-focused Ramadan, to maximize benefits and minimize risks: - Prioritize moderate intensity: brisk walking, light jogging, gentle strengthening. - Choose the right timing: 30 to 60 minutes before iftar, to rehydrate quickly; or 1 to 2 hours after iftar. - Strategic hydration between iftar and suhoor: sip water steadily, avoiding excess caffeine. - Balanced nutrition: proteins, fibers, complex carbs. - Listen to warning signs: dizziness, palpitations, unusual weakness. Beyond health, this activity surge reveals an intriguing reality—a sociological phenomenon: Ramadan acts as a collective catalyst. It creates an atmosphere conducive to behavior change. Where the rest of the year brings dispersion, the holy month provides structure, purpose, and motivation. Friendships and interest groups come alive again. The central question remains: why doesn't this momentum last after Ramadan? Perhaps because, more than a simple month of fasting, Ramadan is an accelerator of intention. It pushes everyone to become a better version of themselves, spiritually and physically. The challenge now is to transform this seasonal energy into a permanent culture of movement, physical exercise, and sports. If the body can fast, it must never stop moving, and thus living.

The Double Health-Demography Shock Threatening Morocco: It's Time to Act 2616

Aziz Daouda, 14 d.

- Politics - Society - Business -

3.1 min read.

The physical and mental health status of Moroccans, combined with an accelerated demographic transition, outlines a worrying trajectory for the Kingdom's future economic, social, and strategic outlook. These issues should become the core of political programs and electoral debates, well ahead of short-term promises on employment, infrastructure, or any other generic or hollow topics. Today, nearly 59% of Moroccan adults have a body mass index in the overweight category, and 24% are already obese, almost one in four adults. In other words, the majority of the adult population lives with excess weight that could very well pave the way for an explosion of chronic diseases: diabetes, cardiovascular illnesses, cancers, all within a healthcare system already under strain. This reality mechanically translates into a continuous rise in medical expenses, a multiplication of sick leaves, and a decline in national productivity in sectors that rely on workers' physical strength and good health. To this bodily fragility is added a silent crisis in mental health: 48.9% of Moroccans aged 15 and over have experienced, are experiencing, or will experience symptoms of mental disorders, according to national surveys relayed by the Economic, Social, and Environmental Council. Depression, anxiety disorders, psychotic disorders, and suicidal behaviors now affect one in two Moroccans, in a context where specialized facilities are scarce, professionals insufficient, and stigma omnipresent. This massive psychological distress reduces learning, concentration, and innovation capacities, while undermining social cohesion by fueling addictions, violence, and withdrawal. Added to this are statistically high rates of drug and alcohol consumption. This is no longer a taboo, but a genuine topic for societal discussion and a ticking time bomb to which the country risks exposure if nothing is done to reverse the trends. Meanwhile, demography, long a strategic asset for the country, is turning into a source of vulnerability: the fertility rate has fallen to 1.97 children per woman in 2024, below the generational renewal threshold of 2.1. Over five decades, Morocco has gone from 7.2 children per woman in the 1960s to under 2 today, joining countries facing accelerated aging. In fact, nothing exceptional: this is precisely the case in all developed societies. Morocco is in full development. The proportion of youth under 15 is starting to decline, and by 2040, their number should drop from 9.76 million to 7.8 million, while older people will occupy a growing place in the age pyramid, bringing with it challenges for social coverage and pension funding. Thus, the country is heading toward a triple shock: an adult population where 59% are overweight and 24% obese, thus vulnerable to chronic diseases; a society where nearly one in two inhabitants has been or could be affected by a mental disorder; and a demography that no longer renews its generations, with a fertility rate of 1.97 signaling rapid aging. A Morocco that is less numerous, less physically robust, and more psychologically fragile will, tomorrow, face greater difficulties in producing, innovating, funding its social protection, and even ensuring its defense capabilities. If these figures do not become the foundation of party programs and thus future governments, the country will wake up in less than twenty years with a dramatic shortage of skilled labor, an army of poorly cared-for retirees, and public finances suffocated by the cumulative cost of obesity, associated diseases, and mental disorders. Political debates must stop relegating these issues to the rank of "technical files" and instead embrace them as the matrix of all economic, educational, social, and security policies. This requires an ambitious national prevention strategy: nutritional education from school onward, reduction in the supply of ultra-processed products, surtaxation of sugar-based products and sugar itself, promotion of physical activity in cities and countryside alike, early management of mental disorders in workplaces and schools, and massive development of nearby psychiatry and psychology services. Every dirham invested in body and mind health will save tens of dirhams tomorrow in hospitalizations, disabilities, lost production, and social tensions. But even a healthier Morocco will face an implacable arithmetic equation: with fertility below the replacement level, the reservoir of labor and vital productive forces will shrink progressively. The country will thus not have the luxury of letting its expensively trained talents leave or depriving itself of selected immigration, particularly student immigration. A policy to attract new immigrants, especially African, Arab, and other students, must be designed as a structuring axis of the population strategy: simplification of residency procedures, integration into the labor market, recognition of diplomas, social support. In parallel, Morocco must offer attractive return conditions to its own students trained abroad: qualified jobs, career prospects, research environments, decent remuneration, and institutional stability, to turn academic mobility into a national return on investment rather than permanent exodus. The significant remittances from Moroccans abroad are essential, but keeping these same people in Morocco would be even more productive. Billions of dirhams are invested each year in training thousands of young people who, once graduated, leave the country to contribute to other economies' wealth—even in the key and strained health sector. 700 doctors leave the country annually for several years now, while our needs are enormous. As long as obesity, mental health, demography, and brain drain remain treated as peripheral issues, Morocco risks moving backward while appearing modernized on the surface but weakened from within. It is still time to make health and human capital the compass of all public policy; tomorrow, it will be a race against the clock whose stakes we will no longer control, let alone its outcomes. This is what should form the basis of party programs and debates during the electoral campaign, which has in fact already begun in a subdued way.

Ramadan in Morocco: The Holy Month in the Mirror of Our Excesses... 3192

Aziz Daouda, 18 d.

- Politics - Society - Business -

2.3 min read.

As Ramadan is here, Morocco shifts its rhythm and clock. Streets slow down by day and light up at night. Mosques fill up, hearts tighten around the essentials: faith, patience, solidarity, piety. *On paper, Ramadan is a month of restraint, piety, and self-focus. In economic reality, it paradoxically becomes a month of excess and waste. In fact, one must conclude with the paradox of the Moroccan table.* A few hours before iftar, markets burst with activity. Bags overflow. Baskets grow heavy. Bills do too. According to data from the High Commission for Planning, food already accounts for the largest share of Moroccan household budgets, especially for modest classes. **During Ramadan, food spending rises sharply, sometimes significantly, per consumption surveys, due to concentrated purchases over a short period and social pressure around the iftar table. Social pressure, but also pressure from the media, particularly television.Citizens are bombarded with messages promoting consumption as a marker of social success.** This translates to an 18% increase in spending. That's no small thing. It also means a sharp rise in demand for food products, not always necessities, putting upward pressure on prices. Yet, a non-negligible portion of this food sadly ends up in the trash. Levels can be alarming. Dumpsters overflow with prepared foods, cakes, pastries, bread, and other flour, butter and sugar based preparations. **According to a FAO study, this waste can reach nearly 85%.** In other words, a citizen spending 1,000 dirhams on food staples throws away the equivalent of 850 dirhams as waste. Astonishing. *Food waste in Morocco is structural, as highlighted by several FAO-backed studies. Ramadan amplifies it through multiplied dishes, domestic overproduction, impulse buys, and abundance seen as synonymous with hospitality and well-being.* The paradox is cruel: at the very moment spirituality calls for moderation, society settles into a display of abundance, in response to a silent social pressure. *Waste isn't just an economic issue. It's become cultural. Overall, a Moroccan citizen throws away about 132 kg of food per year, per a UNEP study. The FAO says 91 kg. Ramadan contributes significantly.* **The ftour or Iftar table has become a space of social representation. Failing to multiply dishes is sometimes seen as a lack of generosity, even stinginess. Chebakia, briouates, harira, multiple juices: the implicit norm demands variety. People put on airs. Ramadan's founding values take a serious hit. Sobriety is forgotten.** This pressure weighs even more on modest households, as recent years' food inflation has eroded purchasing power. When budgets are tight eleven months out of twelve, Ramadan becomes a month of disproportionate financial strain. The holy month turns into a tough budgetary equation. The media have crafted a "Ramadan spectacle." At nightfall, a near-generalized ritual begins: television. National channels concentrate their prime programming around the post-iftar slot. Light series, repetitive sitcoms, hidden cameras, family-oriented telefilms. All backed by unprecedented advertising bombardment. Ramadan has become peak advertising season. Food ads multiply, processed products invade screens, and commercial logic overshadows educational or cultural missions. The month of spirituality becomes an audience battle. Television doesn't create overconsumption alone, but it accompanies it, normalizes it, and sometimes celebrates it. Spirituality is thus put to the test. Ramadan is meant to teach hunger to better understand those who suffer from lack. Yet the contrast is striking: while some families struggle to provide essentials, others throw away surpluses. This contradiction raises questions about the responsibility of public authorities and media figures. Morocco isn't alone. In several Muslim countries, international organizations warn annually about the waste peak during the holy month. It's a recurring issue in regional public policies. But beyond the numbers, the question is moral: how to reconcile fasting and excess? How to preach restraint while practicing abundance? How to refocus the holy month? The solution isn't guilt-tripping or punitive. It's cultural. The duty today is to: - Rehabilitate simplicity in religious discourse. - Value modest tables as a sign of awareness, not poverty. - Encourage food redistribution initiatives. - Rebalance audiovisual programming with more educational, social, and spiritual content. Ramadan doesn't need to be spectacular to be intense. It doesn't need to be costly to be noble. It doesn't need to be abundant to be generous. Ultimately, the question isn't just economic. It's existential: Do we want to *live* Ramadan... or *consume* it? **Waste is unacceptable. Religion explicitly condemns it.**

Patrice Motsepe: A CAF Presidency Undermined by Opacity and Conflicts of Interest... 3302

Aziz Daouda, 19 d.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

3 min read.

Elected in March 2021 to head the Confederation of African Football (CAF) during the General Assembly held in Rabat, Morocco, or should we remind you?, South African billionaire Patrice Motsepe promised a radical break from a past riddled with scandals and mismanagement. Absolute transparency, financial rigor, modernization of practices: these were the hallmarks of his campaign. Four years later, those commitments ring hollow. The institution languishes between smooth reform rhetoric and glaring opacities, amid internal tensions, refereeing controversies, and recurring suspicions of collusion between power and personal interests. The businessman's profile lies at the heart of a blatant conflict of interest. Owner of the South African club Mamelodi Sundowns, which he has entrusted to his son with FIFA's approval, Motsepe embodies the image of a thriving "corporate" manager, backed by colossal financial capital and international connections. But this profile reveals a major flaw: the virtually nonexistent boundary between his CAF presidency and his private interests. The CAF oversees the awarding of Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournaments, interclub competitions, and World Cup qualifiers, wielding immense power over Africa's 54 federations. Motsepe thus navigates an ecosystem where every decision can favor his economic alliances or his club. This porosity fuels doubts: does he primarily serve African football, or is he consolidating a network of opaque personal influences for his business gain? The CAF is no ordinary administrative body. It generates hundreds of millions of viewers per AFCON, negotiating with governments, broadcasters, and sponsors. Yet under Motsepe, sports diplomacy remains a minefield of murky alliances, where decisions seem dictated by political balances and criteria tied to the president himself. His style increasingly relies on governance by ambiguity, masking inaction with a "strategy of permanent consensus." Structural decisions are endlessly deferred; signals of listening, profuse compliments, and radiant smiles everywhere conceal deliberate indifference. Federations, zonal unions, partners, and politicians struggle to grasp the man or discern any genuine policy for development and fairness. The result: chronic inability to decide. Refereeing controversies, organizational disputes, and contested awards pile up without public clarifications. Commissions are seized, reports announced... but nothing concrete or educational emerges. This technico-political dilution perpetuates opacity, shielding the presidency from direct accountability. In short, a facade of democracy and a dilution of reckoning. On paper, the Executive Committee, specialized commissions, and statutory votes promise modern governance. In practice, these bodies serve as a smokescreen. By referring sensitive files to commissions, Motsepe positions himself "above the fray," invoking "collective responsibility" to dodge criticism. His goal: emerge unscathed from every scandal or misstep, and there are many. No one is identifiable, no one is held accountable. Such a culture of impunity is incompatible with a serious sports institution, especially when the president combines private business with executive power. He keeps both the cabbage and the goat safe. Since 2021, fragilities have exploded: administrative tensions, complaints against executives, internal probes into mismanagement. The case of Secretary General Véron Mosengo-Omba, involving a Swiss investigation and internal audits, exemplifies this amateurism. The CAF touts a compliance department and "zero tolerance," but responses remain minimal: laconic press releases, no detailed public reports. No catharsis, no acknowledgment of flaws, no lessons learned or imposed reforms. Suspicions persist, fueled by presumed ties between the presidency and economic interests. This scandal highlights enduring opacities, where crises are handled in a closed circle, stoking doubts about governance and equity. Administratively, the CAF survives: competitions launched, sponsors reassured. But on the ground, the fiasco is evident. Vague rules, non-independent refereeing: these ills breed resentment among aggrieved federations, furious clubs, and disillusioned fans. The latest statement from the head of refereeing perfectly illustrates the situation following the scandal of the last AFCON final. This structural instability undermines the commercial and sporting credibility of continental football. The facade of balance conceals real frustrations; leadership is seen everywhere as complicit in the regrettable status quo. Motsepe has the network and influence to reform. Instead, his obsession with compromise preserves balances at the expense of the rupture promised in Rabat in March 2021: codifying transparency, publishing decisions, strictly framing conflicts of interest, starting with his own. By placating all sides, he satisfies none, nurturing toxic distrust. A deliberate behavior. In globalized football, where trust equals revenue, this drifting presidency risks costing Africa dearly. *Let's connect this to what happened in Morocco. The Kingdom promises grand things to Africa and delivers. It is rewarded in the worst way: its party is ruined, with no respect for the country, its efforts, or football itself. A pitiful image of African football circles the world. The responsible person, the one who must decide, remains indifferent as usual in such situations.* What does Motsepe do? He expresses discontent and promises reforms. More hollow promises. Has he truly kept a single one since 2021? Here too, he keeps the cabbage and the goat: business oblige, he sympathizes with Morocco, and everyone knows why, but says nothing about what must be done. He sails in his obsessive neutrality. He has still managed to disgust Moroccan citizens—and not only them. Many now demand turning their backs on the CAF. **A majority protests no longer want the Women's AFCON in Morocco or other competitions on national soil. Motsepe's response: the Women's AFCON will take place as scheduled. Some read this as a threat...** Moroccans are kind, welcoming, generous, *but above all not naive.* They are fed up with the man's and his institution's hypocrisy, and demand justice. He responds half-heartedly: "Go to the CAS if you want justice..." The lack of courage is blatant. The CAF under Motsepe is adrift.

Where Have Our Ministers Gone? When the Operational State Fills in for a Silent Government... 3300

Aziz Daouda, 19 d.

- Politics - Society -

2.5 min read.

The recent floods provided a striking demonstration of the effectiveness of Morocco's security and territorial apparatus. On the high instructions of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, agents from the Ministry of the Interior, elements of the Royal Armed Forces, and various intervention forces mobilized impressive human and logistical resources in just a few hours. Nearly 180,000 people were evacuated, transported, and relocated from disaster-stricken areas with a speed that commanded admiration, including abroad. In Portugal, for example, where some observers praised Morocco's promptness, deputies heatedly questioned the government over its handling of the country's own floods, urging it to take a leaf out of the Moroccans' crisis management book. But behind this undeniable efficiency lies a disturbing question: where were the other ministers and their bloated departments? Especially those in charge of social affairs and solidarity. The Moroccan government is not limited to the sovereign ministries alone. It includes numerous ministries officially responsible for social affairs, solidarity, inclusion, family, territorial cohesion, and the fight against precariousness. Yet once again, these departments shone by their absence. No notable initiatives. No visible measures. Not even reassuring communication. Silence as the only response to the distress of those affected and the justified curiosity of citizens. This is not an isolated episode. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the bulk of the response had already rested on the security architecture and exceptional mechanisms driven from the highest levels of the State. During the El Haouz earthquake, the same scenario: remarkable mobilization of rescue forces and territorial administration, but worrying silence from several departments supposed to embody national solidarity. This repetition raises questions. It challenges not only the performance of the current government but also the very architecture of our successive governments. What is the point of an inflation of ministries if, in critical moments, they are invisible? What good is multiplying state secretariats, attached agencies, and thematic departments if their real impact is undetectable when the country faces a trial? The debate is not ideological; it is budgetary and ethical. Every ministry, every cabinet, every central directorate represents salaries, vehicles, premises, operating expenses. When these structures provide no measurable added value, they become budget-devouring. They absorb public resources without tangible return for the citizen. Some provocatively invoke Argentine President Javier Milei's "chainsaw." Obviously, this is not about caricaturally copying foreign models, and certainly not that one. But the question of rationalizing the governmental apparatus deserves to be raised seriously. An effective government is not a hypertrophic, colossal one; it is a coherent, streamlined, responsible, and efficient formation. Beyond the symbolism, there is a macroeconomic stake. A civil servant or high official paid without measurable output mechanically contributes to unproductive public spending. When public spending rises without corresponding wealth creation, it fuels imbalances, tax pressure, and ultimately inflation. Distributing income financed by taxes or debt to structures that produce neither tangible services nor social efficiency weakens the purchasing power of the very citizens one claims to protect. An unacceptable, unfair contradiction. God knows the subject is sensitive. The Moroccan citizen is not happy with price hikes and the erosion of his purchasing power. With the September elections approaching, political parties can no longer settle for sectoral promises and catalogs of social programs. They must commit to reforming the governmental architecture itself: reducing the number of departments, clarifying competencies, mandating results, and public evaluation of performance. The next head of government and all those aspiring to be—should clearly announce their visions: how many ministries? With what precise missions? According to what performance indicators? And above all: with what political responsibility in case of inaction during crises? It is time to break with the logic of satisfying partisan balances at the expense of public efficiency. Multiplying posts to appease coalitions can no longer be financed by the taxpayer with impunity and without real counterpart. Every public dirham must be justified. The exemplary mobilization of intervention forces proves that the Moroccan State knows how to act with rigor and speed when the chain of command is clear and responsibility is assumed. The government, for its part, must now prove that it can exist beyond its organigram. Citizens, finally, bear a share of responsibility. Voting should not just be an act of adherence to slogans, but a rational choice in favor of sober, effective, and responsible governance. The stakes go beyond the conjuncture: they concern the sustainability of our public finances and the credibility of our institutional model. The question thus remains, simple and relentless: in moments when the nation faces great difficulty, as is the case today, who really acts, who coasts along, contenting themselves with existing on paper and collecting salaries and perks without reason?

Under Attaf's Eyes, Ghali Begs for His "Peace Bill" in Madrid... 3949

Aziz Daouda, 22 d.

- World Politics - Politics - Society -

2.7 min read.

It took guts. Ibrahim Ghali had them. From the Tindouf camps, this lawless, timeless no-man's-land, the Polisario leader saw fit to announce his willingness to "share the peace bill" with Morocco. Context is key to grasping the ploy. The statement came the day before his trip to Madrid, where the U.S. embassy would host a meeting this Sunday, with Morocco presenting its self-determination plan for the southern provinces. Worth noting: Mauritania would attend... and Algeria too. This Algeria, which had told itself it wasn't involved in the talks, is represented by the very same foreign minister who once wouldn't even entertain the idea... The declaration is so grotesque it deserves a direct spot in the museum of contemporary diplomatic absurdities. Let's get serious: How do you share a bill when you've never paid a dime? How do you talk peace when you've built your entire political existence on systematically rejecting every solution? How do you invoke compromise when you're surviving on financial, political, and security life support from your host country, incapable of the slightest autonomous move? Ibrahim Ghali isn't a peace actor. He is the cost, accumulated over nearly half a century. The most pathetic part of this outburst isn't its content, but what it reveals: a movement running on fumes, reduced to recycling technocratic jargon for lack of any credible ideology left. After the fantasized "armed struggle," after hollow threats of total war, after hundreds of martial communiqués drafted to sustain the illusion for a captive audience, here comes the era of political begging dressed up as responsibility. The Polisario liberates nothing, builds nothing, proposes nothing. It blocks, delays, confiscates. And now, it wants to bill. But bill for what? Exactly what "peace bill" is Ghali talking about? The decades of sequestering Sahrawi populations, deprived of basic rights? The diverted international humanitarian aid, resold and conveniently reinvested far from Tindouf? The human capital sacrificed on the altar of an obsolete separatism? Or the artificial survival of a politico-military apparatus that only exists because others prop it up? Those others now gasping for air themselves. It takes supreme cynicism to talk peace after living, or at least believing in, even a fictional war for fifty years. Ghali's sudden conversion to the language of moderation isn't some moral epiphany, obviously. It's dictated by panic. Panic at the dossier's irreversible evolution. Panic at the international realignment. Panic at the increasingly clear U.S. signals. Panic, above all, at the growing recognition of an obvious truth that even the Polisario's traditional backers no longer dare contest openly: the separatist project is dead, drained of all credibility. Its death certificate will be signed in Madrid this weekend, in the presence of its godfather. Yesterday, Ghali promised escalation. Today, he begs for talks. This isn't strategy—it's a survival reflex. When he claims the Polisario "won't substitute itself for the Sahrawis," the hypocrisy hits new heights. Who has spoken in their name without ever consulting them? Who confiscated their future under the pretext of representing them? Who turned entire generations into diplomatic bargaining chips? Certainly not Morocco, which invests, develops, and integrates. But a frozen apparatus, churning out nothing but outdated slogans dictated by its sponsor's services. **As for the ritual invocation of "international legality," it's now pure Pavlovian reflex. A magic formula mechanically repeated by a structure with no legal, political, or historical grounding anymore and likely no credibility left among the sequestered. The world has changed, international law evolves, and the Polisario keeps waving resolutions like relics, hoping for a miracle.** Reality is brutal: Morocco has no "peace bill" to share with the Polisario. It has already paid, and keeps paying, in investments, stability, political vision, and diplomatic credibility. The autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty isn't a concession: it's the solution. Everything else is ideological folklore. The Polisario, for its part, has nothing to offer. No territory. No project. No renewed legitimacy. Just political, moral, and human debts to the sequestered it's clumsily trying to offload onto others. Let Ibrahim Ghali keep his bills. Let him send them to those who host him, fund him, and still dictate his outbursts. The process marches on, reality asserts itself, and history's train doesn't stop for clandestine passengers waving expired tickets. Welcome to Madrid, Mr. Attaf but beware, neither Morocco nor the U.S. have time to waste. They have far better things to do than listen to you and put up with the idiocy. In Madrid, Morocco is represented by Nasser Bourita, Algeria by Ahmed Attaf, Mauritania by Mohamed Salem Ould Merzoug. Mohamed Yeslem Beissat will be there for the Polisario and listen like a good student to the dictation. In diplomatic precaution, lest anyone forget the UN's involvement, the UN Secretary-General's personal envoy, Staffan de Mistura, is invited. But no one's fooled: it's the U.S. steering the ship, with one agenda item: the autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty, and nothing else. Morocco has fleshed it out, expanding from the initial 5-page project to about forty pages today, no more.

Immigration: Spain Wins, Europe Shoots Itself in the Foot... 4258

Aziz Daouda, 25 d.

- World Politics - Society - Business -

2.2 min read.

Spain under Pedro Sánchez has adopted a pro-immigration policy in stark contrast to the hardening observed in most European countries. While Europe as a whole tightens the screws on migrants and pins all its weaknesses and dysfunctions on them, Madrid bets on their integration through work, reaping in return the continent's strongest economic growth in 2025. Most European nations base their migration policies on restriction and expulsion. The European Union is even considering return hubs outside its borders to speed up deportations and more harshly punish refusals to leave, under pressure from far-right forces. Countries like Germany, France, and Italy have tightened quotas and procedures in 2025, wrongly perceiving migrants as a source of social and economic tensions. Isn't this a real long-term economic and social suicide... Pedro Sánchez, for his part, reaffirms that legal immigration is an economic asset and a demographic necessity, with migrants already making up 13% of the country's workforce. In May 2025, a reform of the foreigners' regulations expanded corridors for agriculture, construction, tech, and healthcare, fast-tracking permits for graduates and startups. At the end of January 2026, the government announced the regularization of 500,000 undocumented migrants who arrived before the end of 2025, via an expedited procedure for those without criminal records. In 2025, Spain recorded +2.8% GDP growth, twice that of the eurozone, boosted by tourism, household consumption, and falling unemployment. Foreigners drove 80% of the increase in the active population from 2022-2024, offsetting the decline in native workers. A report forecasts a continued positive impact through 2026, with +0.5 points of GDP thanks to migratory inflows. Madrid is betting on integration through employment rather than exclusion. Sánchez presents this model as a blueprint for an aging Europe, highlighting the economic rationale of managed migration. Direct consequence: Spain enjoys a full-throttle economy despite internal criticism and tensions stirred by various right-wing forces. For 2026, Spain plans to digitize permit renewals and boost industrialization with foreign talent. This isolated choice strengthens its dynamism but exposes it to internal political tensions, while sparking a continental debate on the virtues of managed immigration. In contrast, restrictive Europe is paying a heavy price for its anti-immigration choices. While Spain prospers thanks to its openness, countries that have toughened their migration policies: Germany, France, Italy, face glaring labor shortages in vital sectors: agriculture, construction, healthcare, logistics, and hospitality. These essential jobs, unattractive to nationals, remain under strain, mechanically hampering economic growth due to a lack of hands and brains. The decline in fertility worsens this demographic impasse. With rates below 1.5 children per woman in most European countries, the active population is inexorably contracting, leading to more retirees to support, fewer young people to produce and contribute. Germany, for example, forecasts a shortfall of 7 million workers by 2035, while France sees its hospitals and fields suffering from staff shortages. Result: anemic growth, around 1% in the eurozone in 2025, far from Spain's 2.8%. How to reverse the trend? Options are dwindling: forced retirement age increases, which anger unions; timid natalist incentives, ineffective in the short term; or partial automation, costly and unsuited to manual jobs. Without regulated migratory inflows, these aging nations risk stagnation that can only lead to decline. Spain thus shows the way for those who want to integrate through work to turn a constraint into an engine. In these troubled times, proponents of the "great replacement" theory, this apocalyptic vision of a submerged Europe, unfortunately find growing popular echo, fueled by fears and also by the failures of restrictive policies. Yet the facts speak for themselves: it's the refusal of managed immigration that is suffocating economies, not reasoned welcoming. In reality, the various right-wing factions and their ideologues are against certain immigration, not others; except that the countries once suppliers of workers have changed. They are richer, industrializing, and facing birth rate deficits themselves. Sánchez, isolated but visionary, is in fact openly inviting Europe to a pragmatic awakening before it's too late.

#3 AMLD Africa 2026: AI Innovation at Wits University (Johannesburg) 5148

Tariq Daouda, 29 d.

- Technology - Science - Society -

0.3 min read.

- Tariq Daouda Podcast -

The conversation revolves around the mission of AMLD Africa and the 2026 edition at Wits University (Johannesburg Jan 26-29, 2026), a nonprofit organization aimed at democratizing AI in Africa. Khalil (President of AMLD Africa) discusses the various aspects of the conference, including its entrepreneurial focus, pricing strategy, and the challenges of organizing events in Africa. The importance of the African diaspora, inclusivity, and networking opportunities are emphasized, along with the significance of keynote speakers and the Startup Forum for connecting startups with investors. The conversation ends with a discussion on the importance of energy, finance sector, and regulations for the development of Africa.

youtu.be/rqD0icXxFug

When Compliments Turn Suspicious: Morocco Doesn't Need FIFA's Praises... 5516

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

2.9 min read.

The recent statement from the FIFA president praising Morocco for its football development might, at first glance, seem like legitimate recognition of the Kingdom's efforts. Modern infrastructure, successful organization of major events, continental and World Cup performances, seven finals won out of ten played: Morocco has indeed established itself as a central player in African and global football. But behind this flattering discourse, a disturbing question arises: who really benefits from this communication operation, and what is it trying to make us forget? No one can seriously dispute the progress made by Moroccan football in recent years. Structured training centers, massive public investments in stadiums and academies, a continental outreach strategy, organization of CAF competitions and soon FIFA ones: Morocco has become a model often cited in Africa. Yet, it is precisely because these advances are real that they don't need to be buried under layers of dithyrambic discourse. Sporting and structural merit is measured on the pitch, in the stands, in governance not in opportunistic declarations. When the FIFA president multiplies praises, he doesn't just "recognize" progress; he also tries to shape public perception, frame the narrative to his advantage, turning a political and economic relationship into a consensual success story. The timing of these statements is not neutral. They come amid a climate still charged by the incidents during the CAN final, events that deeply shocked Moroccan public opinion and left a sense of injustice and frustration. Yet, in response to these, the CAF and by extension, the politico-sporting ecosystem it belongs to gave answers deemed at best lax, ambiguous, even unjust and complacent. In this context, FIFA's effusive compliments ring like an attempt at "psychological crowd management": stroking egos to help the bitter pill go down. It reminds Morocco that it is an essential partner, admired, "exemplary," hoping the positive emotion from recognition will erase the resentment from how certain files were handled in Africa. Moroccans expect institutions to be exemplary, as Morocco has been sufficiently so. This kind of excessive discourse also creates fertile ground for envy, if not jealousy, on a continent where sporting rivalries are often amplified by political stakes. By recurrently placing Morocco on a public pedestal, FIFA inevitably stirs the sensitivities of neighbors or regional competitors, fueling belligerent actions on and off the pitch under the guise of healthy competition. Rather than easing tensions, these praises exacerbate divides, turning football into a geopolitical battlefield. This type of strategy is not new: when sports institutions are called out, they rarely respond with self-questioning or transparency, preferring communication, storytelling, subtle flattery, and symbolism. Morocco then becomes less a country to respect than a public to calm, an actor to appease with words, without necessarily taking actions that would truly restore trust. In essence, the president's statement commits to nothing. It costs little, repairs nothing, and corrects no dysfunction. It doesn't revisit the controversial handling of the CAN final, question responsibilities, or propose improvements to decision-making or sanction mechanisms. It simply celebrates Morocco as a "good student" in world football, without daring to confront the system's dark spots. This speech is thus devoid of real political weight. It resembles a symbolic gift offered to the Moroccan public to better divert attention from more sensitive questions: the credibility of governing bodies, the fairness of decisions, power dynamics within the CAF and FIFA, and how certain states are favored or penalized based on interests beyond the strictly sporting realm. Didn't Morocco deserve the Doha final? In other words, Morocco is given a compliment meant to soothe, while what its supporters, leaders, and football actors expect are concrete actions, clarifications, and truly fair, transparent treatment. This type of communication also reveals a paternalistic view of African public opinions. As if a football-passionate people could be reassured or "bought" with a few flattering phrases, as if addressing an emotional mass ready to forget serious incidents as soon as a flattering image is reflected back. Yet, the Moroccan public today is informed, connected, politicized in its relationship to football. It understands governance stakes, spots inconsistencies, dissects suspicious decisions. It knows the difference between sincere recognition and a communication ploy aimed at cushioning a shock or protecting an institution's image. It is not gullible. By continuing to favor flattery over responsibility, football's major institutions maintain a disconnect with the maturity of supporters. They persist in believing a compliment suffices to make people forget an injustice, that a handshake will erase a humiliation witnessed live by millions of viewers. Moroccan football does not demand praises: it wants respect, respect for rules, procedures, commitments, equity, and transparency principles. For FIFA to recognize its development is a reality, almost a given. But this recognition only makes sense if paired with coherent behavior when Morocco, or any other country, suffers damaging incidents, especially in major competitions like the CAN. An institution's true value is measured less by what it says in calm times than by what it does in moments of crisis. As long as responses to serious incidents remain timid, ambiguous, or lax, fiery declarations about the "Moroccan example" will ring hollow. Morocco has no need for inconsequential compliments. What it demands, like all peoples who take sport seriously, is football governance worthy of its sacrifices, investments, and passion. Words fade; decisions endure. And it is on those that FIFA and the CAF will be judged.

Reflections of a Genius on His Imaginary Journeys Through Space 5580

Julius Melien, 1 mon.

- Society - Realist -

1.6 min read.

Greetings, inhabitants of the surface. This is Genius once again, speaking directly from my spacecraft. For several months now, I have intended to write this article. I thought a great deal before forming my opinion about the episode that occurred and the entire process that led to this outcome. I wanted to be sure before taking a firm and serious stance, especially since our society is facing an unprecedented crisis. Well, I believe I am now ready to speak about it. Society demands its punishments. I observed the events of October 28, 2025, in the Penha and Alemão complexes, in the city of Rio de Janeiro. I don’t know about you, but I understand that society asked for this. In fact, it has been asking for it for decades. How so? Through culture: music, cinema, television, especially soap operas, where, in one way or another, values completely opposed to what is right have increasingly and gradually been defended by people. For example, carioca funk itself arrived with a simple, gentle proposal, speaking of love, but little by little it took a very different path from its beginnings, eventually reaching extremely aggressive lyrics that glorify promiscuity and violence. It exalts men holding radios and pistols, portrayed as objects of desire for women who, at first, raise banners of empowerment, freedom, and autonomy, yet submit themselves to the rule of these marginal figures, drug dealers and extremely violent murderers. Yes, it is indeed paradoxical. It is the kind of thing that confuses the mind of anyone who is even minimally sensible. Well then, when this type of “culture” is valued, even with the excuse that it is just a joke, that the rhythm and the beat are catchy, you are giving it significant prominence. In one way or another, people will absorb it, and before long they will see it as normal and as part of a society’s culture. And woe to anyone who dares to criticize such culture, precisely for seeing the obvious content embedded in its message. This leads to the glamorization of crime and of this marginal way of life, whose outcome is never different from destruction, both for those who defend and practice such culture and for people who, even while being completely opposed to it, become victims. Therefore, stop and reflect on this. Try to see whether this is not exactly what happened… whether it was not society itself that asked for everything we are going through. Will we have the maturity and courage to admit that it was us, as a society, who failed? Today, some people who once had a completely distorted view of what is right and wrong seem to have finally seen clearly. Over time, we will see whether they truly changed their minds. Think about it. Reflect honestly, in your own privacy, on this situation. A hug, and until next time.

Between Stadiums That Withstand and Cities That Drown… What Image Do We Want for Sporting Morocco? 5631

Dr Charrat mohammed rochd, 1 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

1.5 min read.

The image Morocco has projected in organizing major continental football events in recent years has been genuinely impressive. Modern stadiums, advanced sports infrastructure, and a level of organization that earned widespread praise—especially during matches played under heavy rain without any impact on pitch quality or the flow of the games. It felt as though the Kingdom was offering Africa a masterclass in readiness, sending a clear message: Morocco has become a serious sporting and organizational power. But on the other side of the picture, the floods in the city of Ksar El Kebir forced us to confront uncomfortable questions. How is it that sports facilities can withstand heavy rainfall with such professionalism, while entire neighborhoods end up underwater? How do we make sense of this stark contrast between stadiums equipped with cutting-edge drainage systems and cities whose infrastructure remains fragile in the face of intense downpours? Today, sport is no longer just about results on the pitch. It has become a showcase for nations—a mirror of their ability to plan and manage. Investing in stadiums is undoubtedly important, especially with major ambitions such as hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and preparing for even larger global events. But a country’s image is not built solely within the walls of sports complexes. The fan applauding flawless organization inside the stadium may be the very same citizen struggling outside with flooded streets and overwhelmed sewage systems. The paradox is painful: advanced rainwater drainage technologies beneath football pitches, while real drainage failures persist in some urban areas. This contradiction raises questions about priorities—not to diminish the value of sporting achievements, but to broaden the meaning of success. Effective sports organization should be an extension of a strong urban system, not a modern island surrounded by fragile surroundings. What happened in Ksar El Kebir should not be dismissed as a passing incident caused merely by exceptional rainfall. It should be read as a warning bell. If we are capable of building world-class stadiums in record time, we are certainly capable of modernizing sewage and drainage networks in cities vulnerable to flooding. The technical expertise exists, the know-how is there; the real challenge lies in applying the same urgency and rigor to projects that affect citizens’ daily lives. Morocco’s sporting ambitions are significant, its aspirations legitimate, and its international image important. But the most powerful image will emerge when our success in organizing matches under heavy rain becomes a natural reflection of cities that can also withstand storms without losses or suffering. Only then will we be looking at a truly coherent development model: one that shines not only under stadium lights and television cameras, but also protects people on the ground in real life.

We Must Save the African Games... 5559

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

2.4 min read.

Let it be quickly noted that the title is not mine but the one chosen by David Ojong, Secretary General of the Cameroonian Olympic and Sports Committee, for a book he has just published and which is available on Amazon. David Ojong, a dear friend, honored me by asking me to write the postface for this book, which he recently presented at a solemn event in Yaoundé. Along with David and many others, we share the conviction that the African Games, the continent's flagship event, are in peril. Faced with deep structural, institutional, and cultural challenges, they struggle to fulfill their original mission: to unite Africa around Olympic values enriched with a distinct identity. In his book, the author advocates for a renovation of the African Games by clearly posing the question of what role for ACNOA in continental sports leadership?* Today, the Games are torn between the African Union, supported by an organization lacking stature or competence: the UCSA (Union of African Sports Confederations) and ACNOA (the Association of African Olympic Committees), which itself displays chronic weakness. In this particularly African context, David Ojong provides a lucid assessment of the situation and proposes concrete pathways for renewal. This major contribution challenges all actors in the African sports movement, from the African Union to the Association of African National Olympic Committees (ACNOA), amid institutional tensions that dangerously undermine the event. He highlights the latent frictions among stakeholders. ACNOA, meant to play a pivotal role, suffers from flawed governance that erodes the regularity and quality of the Games. Past editions have revealed recurring issues: organizational delays, lack of stable funding, and poorly managed competition with other continental bodies. The author analyzes these dysfunctions through a rigorous methodological framework, legal, sociopolitical, and comparative, to demonstrate that without profound restructuring, the Games risk losing their luster and disappearing altogether. At the heart of these challenges lies leadership. ACNOA must strategically reposition itself, assuming a strong coordination role. Ojong advocates integrating traditional African sports to reconcile the event with its cultural roots and boost its appeal. This approach is no gimmick; it aims to transform the Games into a platform for soft power, promoting African unity on the international stage, including an innovative proposal: creating AOSA. Faced with these challenges, the author advances a bold idea: the creation of an African Olympic and Sports Association (AOSA). This new entity would bring together all vital forcesO, lympic Committees, African Confederations via CASOL (Association of African Confederations of Olympic Sports, recently created under the presidency of Hamad Kalkaba Malboum, president of the African Athletics Confederation), states, and international partners, in an inclusive and forward-looking vision. AOSA would enable unified governance, free from petty quarrels, and pave the way for optimal athlete preparation with known and fixed timelines for the Games. In this context, ACNOA must support African athletes in their preparation to enable a more impactful and effective African participation in the Olympic Games. This vision aligns with proven, low-cost pragmatic initiatives. As I argued in the book's postface, ACNOA should invest in specialized training groups housed in African sports centers. Funded by Olympic Solidarity, these programs would fill the gap left by under-resourced clubs, universities, and federations, especially in the continent's least favored countries. The result? Enhanced performances at the Olympic Games and a daily ACNOA presence among African youth, fostering sustainable development through sport. The book is, in essence, a plea for the future of African sport. Beyond the technical aspects, David Ojong issues a passionate call to all the continent's vital forces for greater vision and seriousness. The African Games are more than a competition; they embody identity-building, an economic and social lever. In a world where regional specificities are gaining recognition, Africa must forge innovative sports leadership. Ojong asks the right questions: How to turn tensions into synergies? How to mobilize Olympic funds for continental excellence? This book is not an end in itself but a starting point. It invites decision-makers, leaders, researchers, and athletes to constructive dialogue. Through his rigor and passion, David Ojong charts a clear path. It is up to the African sports community to follow it, so that the Games once again become the radiant mirror of our dynamism and unity. The renewal of the African Games is a strategic imperative for Africa: David Ojong's call for unified, representative, and effective leadership comes at the perfect time given their current lamentable state.

AFCON 2025: When Realpolitik and Institutional Influence Overpower the Rule of Law 5858

Imad Khater, 1 mon.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

2.2 min read.

The ruling issued by CAF on January 29, 2026, regarding the tumultuous conclusion of the Morocco-Senegal final, transcends mere sporting arbitration. It signals the emergence of a structural denial of justice where Realpolitik has effectively superseded codified norms. By delivering this verdict of convenience, CAF has squandered a pivotal historical opportunity. Legal recourse through the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) now stands as the sole remaining avenue to restore the primacy of law over political maneuvering. This step is essential to transform a denial of justice into a redemptive legislative precedent, capable of dismantling the impunity of those who believe they can subvert the system through "pitch-side sedition." Tactical Obstruction and the Legal Grey Zone Contrary to the radical interpretations circulated in the heat of the moment, the Senegalese squad never executed an irreversible physical withdrawal from the field. By remaining within the technical perimeter, the actors de facto neutralized the application of Article 82 of the CAF regulations. However, this technical distinction does not diminish the gravity of the events. We witnessed a strategic "hostage-taking" of the match. By instrumentalizing the pitch's grey zones, Senegal exerted overwhelming psychological and administrative pressure on the officiating crew, paralyzing the natural flow of the game. This "perimeter sedition" constitutes a major breach of sporting ethics: a manifestation of "might makes right" rather than the rule of law. By validating this conduct, CAF has effectively sanctioned the threat of withdrawal as a legitimate negotiating lever during a match. The Urgency of a Sui Generis Disciplinary Framework The current continental sporting law is trapped in an obsolete binarism: a match is either played or abandoned. In the face of such systemic obstruction, the existing legal regime resembles a "tree bearing bitter fruit." It is now imperative to establish a specific offense of obstruction. The law cannot remain silent when a team saturates the technical space to freeze the clock and coerce a favorable outcome. Future reforms must focus on intentionality: any refusal to resume play, even if the team remains on the sidelines, should result in an automatic forfeit. Without this "scientization" of sanctions, African football is condemned to permanent legal insecurity. Institutional "Entrisme" and the Shadow of Hard Power Analysis reveals a glaring asymmetry of power. While Morocco has invested in contributory "Soft Power," Senegal appears to have secured judicial "Hard Power." It is now evident that the Senegalese Federation is deeply embedded within the inner sanctums of CAF. The presence of a national figure at the helm of the Disciplinary Committee—notwithstanding any formal recusal—creates an insurmountable structural bias. This "Solomonic justice"—sacrificing a fuse (the coach) to protect the institution (the trophy)—is a calculated maneuver of Realpolitik designed to appease a federation whose institutional influence now dictates the tempo of verdicts at the expense of equity. The Referee’s Report: A Veil for Incompetence The Disciplinary Committee has retreated into willful blindness by relying exclusively on the reports of referees and officials, disregarding material, chronometric, and video evidence. The "Judge and Party" Conflict: The referee, whose loss of authority was the primary catalyst for the chaos, cannot be considered a legitimate or objective narrator of the facts. Administrative Distortion: By relying on these often laconic or biased minutes, the Commission deliberately prioritized administrative finality over the reality of the pitch. This creates a vicious cycle where officials are shielded to avoid applying the full rigor of the law against the champion. Conclusion: From Influence to Modernity For months, a complacent media narrative attempted to portray Fouzi Lekjaa as the "demiurge" of CAF. However, this verdict demonstrates that real power lies elsewhere. By prioritizing political stability over legal rigor, CAF has undermined its own credibility. Morocco, guided by the strategic vision of His Majesty the King, must now act as the champion of institutional modernity. A referral to the CAS is not merely a protest; it is a necessity to break the cycle of impunity and ensure that no entity can hijack the system through political leverage.

CAF Sanctions: Disciplinary Justice with Variable Geometry? 4853

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

2.6 min read.

The decisions by the Confederation of African Football (CAF) Disciplinary Commission regarding the incidents that marred the CAN final between Senegal and Morocco are now known. They were awaited, scrutinized, sometimes feared. But beyond their mere announcement, it is their **coherence, proportionality, and equity** that raise questions today. At first glance, the CAF sought to strike hard, giving the impression of sanctioning both parties to preserve a posture of balance. The CAF simply forgot that at its core, the conflict was squarely between Senegal and the referee, not with the Moroccan team, and thus, in the end, pitted Senegal against this very same CAF, responsible for the organization and officiating. Senegal and Morocco have thus, according to the commission's logic, presided over by a Senegalese, let us recall, been sanctioned to varying degrees. Yet, a close reading of the facts, confronted with the very content of the decisions rendered, reveals an **asymmetry that is hard to justify** between the severity of the acts observed and the weight of the sanctions imposed. The ridiculous is not far off. The central problem, namely, the officiating, has simply been swept aside. The most troubling element undoubtedly lies in the **total absence of any reference to the referee** in the Commission's ruling. As if he had never existed. Yet, the images and testimonies align: in the final moments, the referee displayed **manifest irresponsibility**. How can one justify resuming play when the minimum safety conditions were clearly not met? The stadium had been invaded by official Senegalese supporters, equipment had been vandalized, and tensions were at a boiling point. In such circumstances, the rules are clear: absolute priority must be given to the safety of players, officials, and the public. By ignoring this dimension, the Disciplinary Commission misses an **essential link in the chain of responsibilities**. They are, however, clearly identified. This is not to fully exonerate the Moroccan side. Reprehensible behaviors existed, and some hot-headed reactions could have been avoided. But the nature and gravity of these acts remain **incommensurable** with those attributable to the Senegalese delegation and its immediate environment. The most striking example remains the sanction imposed on Achraf Hakimi. Reproaching him for attempting to remove a towel belonging to the Senegalese goalkeeper—an object that, incidentally, had no business on the pitch—smacks more of a **search for artificial balance** than rigorous application of disciplinary principles. Can one seriously equate this gesture with outbursts involving pitch invasions and infrastructure damage? This harms the image of world football, beyond just African football. The inclusion of such an amalgam in the dossier and the proportionality of the sanctions are manifestly debatable. It is precisely on the terrain of proportionality that the CAF's decision falters. The sanctions imposed on the Moroccan camp appear **relatively heavy** given the facts reproached to them, especially when compared to those concerning the Senegalese side, which was linked to structurally far graver incidents. This disproportion undermines the narrative of those in Senegal and elsewhere who decried Morocco's supposed "stranglehold" on CAF bodies. If such influence truly existed, how to explain that Morocco itself ends up heavily sanctioned? Where is this alleged institutional protection when the disciplinary decisions, on the contrary, seem applied with particular rigor against it? One can only regret the missed opportunity for the CAF to show a new face of power and justice. The CAF Disciplinary Commission squandered a precious chance: to **clarify responsibilities, reaffirm the central role of officiating, and lay credible foundations** for managing crises in African competitions. By opting for punitive symmetry rather than a fine analysis of the facts, it perpetuates unease, fuels suspicions, and leaves the game's actors—players, officials, and fans, in a gray zone where perceived injustice becomes more damaging than the sanction itself. African football deserves better than disciplinary justice with variable geometry. It deserves an authority capable of owning its choices, naming responsibilities where they truly lie, and protecting the essentials: the integrity of the game and the safety of those who bring it to life. Today, some chuckle under their breath for escaping truly proportional sanctions for their misdeeds; others are stunned; still others conclude the immaturity of this African body, like other continental instances. A pitiful image for a continent whose youth aspires to development and a bright future, with football and footballers as role models. Has African football missed the chance to set an example? Did the CAF issue the wrong communiqué or target the wrong match? In any case, there is one clear winner slipping under the radar: the party at the origin of it all. Like a fugitive, the commission released its statement at an impossible hour... Funny, no? One wonders whether to hold out hope and pursue the process further, or resign oneself to admitting there is no hope for a just and credible African football body.

Najib Salmi, a Conscience Fades, a Legacy Endures 4579

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- History - Society - Sports -

2.4 min read.

Najib Salmi has passed away, and with him closes one of the most beautiful chapters of Moroccan sports journalism. But beyond the collective tribute, it's also an intimate page of my own life as a columnist, colleague, and friend that turns. He leaves behind an immense professional legacy and, above all, an indelible human imprint. He was undoubtedly the greatest pen in Moroccan sports for decades. For over forty years, Najib Salmi embodied a certain idea of sports journalism, one that was demanding and responsible. In fact, he founded a school of sports journalism, having stumbled into it somewhat by chance and grown to love it. A central figure at the daily *L’Opinion*, where he directed the sports page, he marked generations of readers, especially through his cult column "Les points sur les i" (*Dotting the i's*), a rare space where freedom of tone blended with intellectual rigor and a sense of the public interest. He was an institution in himself. He belonged to that generation for which sports journalism was neither empty entertainment nor a echo chamber for blind passions, but an act of public service. At a time when Moroccan sports was entering the era of professionalization, money, and excessive media coverage, his pen knew how to denounce excesses, pinpoint responsibilities, and salute, with the same honesty, real progress and achievements when they were genuine. Najib Salmi was not just a great columnist; he was also a builder. At the helm of the Moroccan Association of Sports Press from 1993 to 2009, he fought for the profession's recognition, the defense of its ethics, and the dignity of those who practice it. He helped embed Moroccan sports journalism in regional and international bodies, earning credibility through seriousness and consistency. Wasn't it at a congress he organized in Marrakech that our friend Gianni Merlo was elected president of AIPS? Wasn't it he alone who headlined young prodigy Said Aouita after he set a new national 1500m record? He rightly predicted that Aouita would go far. He was the unwavering supporter of generations of great athletes. He attended every world championship and Olympic Games. He supported me too, with strength and determination. A man of principles, discreet but inflexible on essentials, he believed that respect for the reader and the truthfulness of information were non-negotiable. This moral uprightness, rare in an environment often subject to pressures and interests, earned him recognition from his peers as a true school of sports journalism. Abdellatif Semlali, the legendary Minister of Youth and Sports and his friend, delighted in calling him "Monsieur à côté" (*The Man on the Side*). He truly was. He never fit anyone else's mold, even during a brief stint at *Le Matin du Sahara*, then masterfully directed by Moulay Ahmed Alaoui. For me, Najib Salmi was more than a professional reference; he was a friend, a brother, and a mentor. It was thanks to his trust that I was able to write for years in *L’Opinion*'s sports pages, learning the craft day by day, line by line, under his attentive and benevolent gaze, enduring his mood swings and, above all, his corrections to style and syntax. He passed on to me more than writing techniques: a vision of what a column should be, rooted in integrity, thorough groundwork, and a rejection of shortcuts. Even today, if I continue to write, it's also because that inner voice he helped instill remains, the one that reminds us not to betray sport, the reader, or the truth. Najib Salmi passed away at the age of 78, after a long battle with illness, leaving an immense void in the newsrooms of *L’Opinion* and *Challenge*, to which he contributed with strength and diligence. He leaves a huge void in the hearts of all who crossed his path. He will rest in the Chouhada Cemetery in Rabat, where he himself had accompanied so many other friends, acquaintances, loved ones, and colleagues, and many who grew up under the benevolent shadow of his pen. May God welcome him in His mercy. To the friend, the brother, the master who showed me the way, I can say only one thing: thank you, Najib, for the delightful moments shared, for the words, the lessons, and the example. Readers will miss Najib Salmi; the family, the inner circle, and I will bury Said Hejaj. Said Hejaj departs peacefully to rest. Najib Salmi will live on in history.

African Football’s Leading Force: The Moroccan Model Amidst Regional Headwinds 4492

Imad Khater, 1 mon.

- World Politics - Society - Sports -

2.3 min read.

The curtain fell on AFCON 2025, leaving a trail of striking contrasts. While the event confirmed the Kingdom’s supremacy as a world-class logistical hub, the tensions witnessed during the final on January 18, 2026, in Rabat, served as a stark reminder of the contingencies still weighing on continental football. Between the seamlessness of the infrastructure and the archaic nature of certain disciplinary attitudes, a fundamental question emerges: how will the transition from CAF’s regulatory framework to that of FIFA in 2030 reshape the management of these organic crises? This shift represents more than a mere scaling up; it is a true paradigmatic rupture where technocratic neutrality will serve to sanctify Moroccan excellence. I. Moroccan Excellence: A Technological Showcase for Africa The massive investment deployed by the Kingdom—ranging from the deep modernization of sports complexes to the systemic integration of VAR—presented the world with the image of a modern, rigorous, and visionary Morocco. This material success, lauded by international observers, aimed to establish an African benchmark. However, this pursuit of perfection encountered a persistent psychological phenomenon: the "host country complex." In this configuration, organizational mastery is sometimes perceived by competitors not as shared progress, but as a lever of dominance, mechanically fueling theories of favoritism. The events of the final illustrate this at its peak. The disallowed goal for Ismaïla Sarr and the late-match penalty became, through the lens of regional suspicion, instruments of controversy rather than technically grounded officiating decisions. Yet, data from DM Sport reveals the opposite: Morocco was among the most penalized teams in the tournament. This discrepancy highlights a major flaw: technology is insufficient to validate a result unless it is protected by a jurisdictional authority perceived as exogenous. II. Solidary Leadership and the Diplomacy of Resentment It would be erroneous, however, to view this quest for excellence as a desire for isolation. On the contrary, Morocco maintains deep and unwavering historical ties with the majority of its sister nations across the continent. Faithful to its African roots, the Kingdom continues to actively promote continental football within CAF, offering its infrastructure and expertise to federations seeking professionalization. This "open-hand" policy ensures that Moroccan success translates into success for all of Africa. Nevertheless, such leadership breeds friction. A "diplomacy of resentment" has emerged from certain foreign media spheres—particularly in specific Arab and African countries—aiming to tarnish the prestige of the Moroccan organization. By framing Morocco as a favored "ogre," these narratives attempt to transform factual superiority into moral injustice. This media harassment specifically targets the emergence of a governance model that now aligns with the most demanding global standards. III. The Advent of "Cold Justice": Legal Sanctification The transition to FIFA’s aegis in 2030 will signal the end of the geographical proximity that fosters such smear campaigns. Unlike the continental framework, the globalization of officiating bodies will dismantle zonal rivalries. Where CAF must often navigate between diplomatic compromise and sporting imperatives, FIFA deploys a "cold justice"—purely procedural in nature. The chaos observed in Rabat would meet a surgical response in 2030. Article 10 of the FIFA Disciplinary Code is unequivocal: any refusal to resume play results in an automatic forfeit and severe sanctions. In 2030, the rule of law will act as a protective cleaver for the host, rendering victimhood narratives obsolete. IV. Technology and the "2030 Bloc": Toward an Indisputable Truth The 2030 edition, spearheaded by the Morocco-Spain-Portugal trio, will benefit from total judgment automation (Shadow VAR, semi-automated offside) and absolute transparency. The FIFA Hosting Agreement will prevail as a superior norm, guaranteeing impartiality. This legal framework will serve as a shield, preventing disciplinary incidents from being politically instrumentalized against the Kingdom. AFCON 2025 was a successful demonstration of organizational strength for Morocco, confirming its role as the driving force of African football. However, it also revealed that excellence remains vulnerable to peripheral noise. In 2030, the definitive anchoring in FIFA law will allow the Kingdom to transform its organizational prowess into a lasting institutional legacy. Sport, finally shielded from geopolitical dross, will align with the strategic vision of a Morocco turned toward the universal, making the rule of law the bedrock of its global legitimacy.

Trump’s “Council of Peace”: Strategic Pragmatism or Alarm Signal for the International Order? 5324

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.

- World Politics - History - Society -

2.8 min read.

The invitation extended by U.S. President Donald Trump to His Majesty King Mohammed VI to join the new “Council of Peace” marks a significant turning point in contemporary international relations practice. It stems neither from protocol nor symbolism, but fits into an assumed reconfiguration of global conflict management mechanisms. The Sovereign's acceptance of this invitation, while the Algerian president was not invited and Africa remains largely underrepresented, if not ignored, highlights a selective logic based not on geography or ideology, but on political utility as perceived by the USA as a global actor. In the official communiqué announcing the Sovereign's acceptance, Morocco's diplomatic fundamentals regarding the Palestinian issue were explicitly reiterated, particularly the two-state solution with states living side by side. The trust-based relations with the concerned Arab parties, especially Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank on one side, and Israel on the other, perfectly foreshadow the role the Kingdom will play in establishing peace and rebuilding the region. Isn't this a direct way to consecrate a results-oriented diplomacy in the face of the long-ailing multilateralism that has been faltering for quite some time? For decades, major international institutions, starting with the UN, have struggled to resolve protracted conflicts. The Security Council is paralyzed by the veto right, peace processes are stalled, UN missions lack a clear political horizon: the symptoms of a saturated system are evident. Donald Trump's envisioned Council of Peace, by contrast, follows a logic of rupture. It seeks neither to produce international law nor to impose universal norms, but to create an informal framework for direct negotiation among influential actors, including those the UN system struggles to integrate operationally. In this context, Morocco is undoubtedly a stability actor and a discreet, credible, and effective mediator. The presence of the King of Morocco in this body reflects international recognition of a diplomatic model founded on stability, continuity, and pragmatism. Morocco has established itself as an actor capable of dialoguing with partners of divergent interests while maintaining a clear strategic line, and everyone knows that it is His Majesty himself who initiated this vision and leads this distinguished diplomacy. This explains the particular nature of the invitation addressed to the Sovereign. Conversely, the exclusion of certain states reveals the limits of a diplomacy based on permanent conflictuality and blind ideological posturing. In a Trumpian logic, effectiveness trumps representativeness. Pragmatism prevails over sterility and outdated ideological blindness. The question then becomes: in this context, is the UN being marginalized or pushed toward reform? This Council does not signal the immediate end of the UN, but it exposes its existential crisis. If a parallel body achieves tangible results quickly, as claimed on certain African dossiers, among others, then the question of the UN system's functional legitimacy will arise acutely. President Trump's initiative can thus be seen as a trigger: either for a progressive weakening of the UN, which he has little fondness for, or for a profound reform of its decision-making mechanisms, particularly the Security Council. And since President Trump is already midway through his term and cannot run again, things will move very quickly. The context is also highly particular, with a transatlantic fracture revealing a malaise that has been simmering since Trump's first term, he no longer accepts defending a hostile Europe that is increasingly dependent on American budgets for its defense. The refusal of European countries, including France, to join this new body translates a growing strategic divergence between Europe and the United States. While Washington prioritizes power dynamics and direct negotiation, Europe remains attached to a normative multilateralism, sometimes disconnected from ground realities. Its diplomatic hypocrisy and double standards on many issues are laid bare here. Its position and quagmire in Ukraine testify to the anachronistic state of its strategy. The invitation to Vladimir Putin accentuates this fracture, especially in the context of the Ukraine conflict and geopolitical tensions in the Arctic. Europe no longer knows on what ground to engage with President Trump. How to interpret President Macron's statement at Davos, where he said he did not accept the law of the strongest without naming it? Who is the strongest, then, when the one he alludes to is precisely the initiator of the new Council? Isn't this truly a sharing of power? Why refuse to be part of it! And then Trump responds to Macron by declining an invitation to a G7 meeting... For now, Donald Trump's Council of Peace is neither a complete institutional alternative to the UN nor a mere conjunctural initiative. It is the symptom of a world impatient with the ineffectiveness of traditional frameworks. In this context, the role that the King of Morocco will play illustrates the rise of actors capable of articulating pragmatism, stability, and international credibility. More than an architectural change, this initiative reveals a profound transformation of the implicit rules of global governance. And since the Council's seat is not yet known, why not envision it being established in Morocco? The special invitation addressed to His Majesty King Mohammed VI is a good omen and could even be understood in this light. Morocco would thus become the nerve center of Peace in the world.

AFCON 2025: When Morocco Believes in Itself and in Africa.. 5538

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

3.2 min read.

In 1961, John F.Kennedy issued an immortal challenge to Americans: "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." This call to individual responsibility helped forge a collective mindset rooted in civic engagement and self-transcendence. Contemporary America still bears the imprint of this philosophy in many ways. Decades later, Barack Obama rallied crowds with "Yes we can," a cry of unity and collective determination, while Donald Trump popularized "Make America Great Again," a slogan of national rebirth. These formulas are more than mere words: they crystallize moments when a people rediscover themselves, mobilize, and project toward the future. A kind of regeneration for a power afraid of falling, a way to revitalize a nation prone to forgetting itself or resting on its laurels? Morocco has also known this grammar of national mobilization. The late Hassan II forcefully reminded in one of his speeches: "We will only achieve this goal by translating nationalism into citizenship and by moving national consciousness from mere love for the homeland to effective engagement in building a Morocco that is a source of pride for all Moroccans." A founding vision: loving Morocco is not enough; it must be built. In the same spirit, His Majesty King Mohammed VI stated, on the occasion of the 2019 Throne Day, that "Morocco belongs to all Moroccans because it is our common home," calling on each to contribute to its construction, its development, as well as to the preservation of its unity, security, and stability. More recently, on the 2024 Throne Day, the Sovereign again emphasized the need to "pool the efforts of all Moroccans" and appealed to their patriotism as well as to their sense of individual and collective responsibility. A message that resonates, in Moroccan style, like a national "Yes we can," aimed at overcoming socio-economic challenges and consolidating achievements. **AFCON 2025: A Revealer of National Confidence.** It is in this context that Morocco experienced a major turning point with the organization of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations. Well before kickoff, the AFCON was already acting as a powerful revealer: a revealer of the level of development achieved by the Kingdom, but also of the renewed confidence of Moroccans in their collective capacities. The international competition hosted by Morocco demonstrated unparalleled capacity: modern stadiums meeting the most demanding standards, extensive highway networks, efficient rail hubs, increasingly clean and organized cities, civility widely praised by visitors. Casablanca, Rabat, Tangier, Marrakech, or Agadir as examples only, embody this Morocco that advances, invests, and projects toward a bright future. These progresses are not the fruit of chance. They result from a strategic vision driven by His Majesty King Mohammed VI and translated into structuring investments: more than 2,000 km of highways built since the early 2000s, the Tanger Med port complex becoming a global reference in transshipment, or an ambitious energy policy aiming for over 52% renewable energies in the national mix by 2030. Thus, AFCON 2025 crowns a long-term process, not just a one-off flash. **Resilience, Solidarity, and International Credibility.** Even before the sporting event, the Al Haouz earthquake in September 2023 had already highlighted the resilience of the Moroccan nation. Faced with a major human tragedy, spontaneous solidarity—mass collections, citizen volunteering, mobilization of institutions, and the state's rapid intervention under royal impetus—demonstrated the strength of the national bond. The ongoing reconstruction has reinforced the conviction that Morocco knows how to face adversity. At the same time, macroeconomic indicators attest to an overall positive trajectory: gradual improvement in GDP per capita over the medium term, rise of sectors like automotive, aeronautics, and green energies, affirmation of the Kingdom as a central diplomatic actor in Africa. This international credibility, sometimes a source of regional tensions or criticisms, above all confirms that Morocco has crossed a strategic threshold. **A Success That Calls for More Engagement.** But this success is not an end in itself. It calls for more individual and collective efforts, more mutual trust between citizens, businesses, and institutions. More than ever, the question posed by Kennedy remains relevant: "What am I doing for my country?" Every Moroccan, at their level, is called upon. This dynamic rests on a common denominator: solidarity, extended by work, innovation, and responsibility. It translates into local initiatives, the rise of tech hubs in Casablanca, Rabat, or Tangier, investment in human capital, and adherence to the New Development Model, which aims for a more inclusive, more productive Morocco, better positioned in the global economy. **An Assumed African Ambition.** AFCON 2025 must also be understood as a moment of African fraternity. Morocco has affirmed its continental vocation there: to pull upward, share experience, strengthen South-South partnerships and economic interdependencies. Security, climate, social, and economic challenges are common; responses must be too. Morocco's destiny is inseparable from that of Africa, and Africa's depends on Morocco as well. A prosperous Morocco is an excellent locomotive for the rest of the continent, especially in the region. Sterile criticisms and entrenched or passing jealousies never withstand the seriousness of work, the constancy of effort, and the clarity of vision for long. Only the countries that advance, invest, and unite endure. **A Clear Mission.** The mission is now crystal clear: persevere, aim higher, stronger, and more united, under the leadership of His Majesty King Mohammed VI. Not by copying imported slogans, but by innovating, assuming our singularity, and confidently occupying the place that is naturally Morocco's on the global chessboard. Yes, "Yes we can," Moroccan style. Let us build together a stronger Morocco and a more confident Africa, not through denigration or sterile comparison, but through work, complementarity, and collective engagement. The world advances and waits for no one. Morocco has understood this. It is now up to each to choose: join this movement or stay on the sidelines of History. There will always be football cups.

Morocco Facing the Red Poppy Syndrome: When Success Becomes a Target... 5426

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.5 min read.

We often speak of the "red poppy syndrome," or *Tall Poppy Syndrome* in English. This is a sociological and cultural theory according to which, in certain groups or societies, those who outperform others, succeed too much, or stand out excessively are criticized, belittled, or "cut down" to preserve a semblance of equality within the group. In short, success disturbs and becomes detrimental to those who lack it. Efforts are then made in all directions to at least denigrate and gossip about those who excel. The metaphor comes precisely from the idea that, in a field of poppies, those that grow taller than the others are cut down to keep the field uniform. The red poppy syndrome thus refers to this well-known mechanism by which success that is too visible calls not for emulation, but for the will to bring it down by any means necessary. On the African regional scale, Morocco today provides the clearest illustration. Not because it proclaims itself a model, but because its achievements impose themselves, provoking tensions, jealousies, and obstructionist strategies. In essence, a Morocco that disturbs because it succeeds. In recent years, the Kingdom has relentlessly accumulated transformative successes: active African diplomacy, high-quality infrastructure, especially world-class sports facilities, recognized organizational credibility, and sports results that are no longer exceptions but the norm. This dynamic, far from rallying others around the country, has awakened in certain regional actors an obsession with systematic contestation, without scruple or limit. The hosting of the Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco should have been celebrated as a moment of continental unity and collective African success. Instead, for its detractors, it turned into a battlefield for sabotage aimed less at the event itself than at the host country. The neighborhood is not unrelated to this evident strategy of indirect sabotage that anyone can verify. In this context, it would be naive not to see the role played by Algeria, locked in a rivalry with Morocco that has become almost doctrinal. Unable to compete on the field of performance, Algiers has long shifted the battle to the terrain of discreditation, suspicion, and peripheral agitation. Failing to prevent the awarding or holding of the competition, the strategy consisted of polluting its narrative environment: questioning fairness, sowing doubt about refereeing, insinuating collusions, manufacturing suspicion where facts resist. A classic method: when you can't cut down the poppy, you try to tarnish its color. And since it always finds support among some, ideologized media relays have perfectly taken up the baton. This enterprise would not have had the same reach without the active involvement of certain ideologically aligned French journalists, often from circles marked by long-standing hostility toward Morocco and its monarchy. Throughout the competition, a segment of this so-called "progressive" press poured out venom in the form of insinuations, kangaroo courts, and barely veiled accusations against the Royal Moroccan Football Federation and its leaders, if not the Moroccan state itself. Investigative journalism here gave way to disguised activism, where suspicion substitutes for proof and Moroccan success becomes, by principle, suspect. This treatment was neither neutral nor innocent: it was part of a delegitimization strategy, carefully maintained. By ricochet, certain African complicities emerged, and recycled frustrations became uninhibited. Even more concerning, attitudes from some African officials or leaders have fueled this toxic climate. Untimely statements, outrageous contestations, misplaced victimhood postures: so many elements that gave the impression that sports frustrations were recycled into political accusations, in disregard of sports ethics. Whether conscious instrumentalization or mere opportunism, the result is the same: an attempt to weaken Morocco by voices supposed to embody the spirit of African fraternity. But despite everything, the maneuver failed and is turning against its instigators. For reality is stubborn. The Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco was a resounding organizational, popular, financial, media, economic, and sporting success. African fans, delegations, and honest observers saw and experienced it. Suspicion campaigns did not mask the essential: Morocco delivered what it promised. In the end, this episode reveals a simple and disturbing truth: the problem is not that Morocco wins, organizes, and advances. The problem, for some, is that it does so too well, too visibly, too sustainably while they fail to do so. And in an African field of poppies, those who relentlessly try to cut down the one that stands out often end up revealing their own inability to grow. The beautiful poppy will continue to grow... especially since it has been well watered by abundant rain. Thank God. As for the Cups, there will be plenty more opportunities to lift them...

The Rabat Aporia: Anatomy of a Procedural Collapse – The 2025 AFCON Final Fiasco 5198

Imad Khater, 2 mon.

- Society - Sports -

2.6 min read.

The final chapter of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, pitting Morocco against Senegal in the heart of the capital, will not merely be remembered as a high-octane athletic duel. Instead, it has evolved into a definitive case study of institutional gridlock. Caught in the friction between IFAB’s Laws of the Game and the labyrinthine CAF Disciplinary Code, the incident of January 18th at the Moulay Abdellah Stadium transcends a simple disciplinary spat. It exposes a legal "gray zone" where procedure faltered alongside authority, revealing a seismic rift where subjective interpretation overrode the strictures of normative alignment. I. The Materiality of Facts: The Engineering of "Passive Resistance" Contrary to the inflammatory narratives that spread in the heat of the moment, the Senegalese squad never executed an irreversible physical withdrawal from the field of play. While there were visible inclinations toward the touchline—acting as a symbolic defiance of the officiating crew—the players remained within the technical perimeter. This effectively neutralized the immediate trigger of Article 82 of the CAF regulations. Legally, this distinction is paramount: we are not dealing with a forfeiture by abandonment, but rather a state of tactical paralysis. This maneuver appears to stem from a sophisticated instrumentalization of the rulebook, designed to occupy a space that freezes administrative sanctions. By exploiting the ambiguity between vehement protest and outright insubordination, the bench utilized the boundary lines as a strategic lever, sidestepping irreversible penalties in favor of a more pliable disciplinary framework. II. Procedural Flaws and the "Suspect Celerity" of Officiating The match’s conclusion witnessed a manifest erosion of the official’s sovereignty, underscored by two critical departures from international standards. The crux of the dispute—and the inherent weakness of any future sanction—lies in the officiating body’s management of the temporal dimension. Both IFAB directives and the CAF Disciplinary Code mandate a stringent protocol of diligence before any declaration of forfeiture: Encroachment of Technical Zones: Under Law 12, the intrusion of staff members onto the pitch should have triggered a wave of dismissals. This inertia cannot be dismissed as a mere lapse in judgment; it represents a fundamental breach of the match’s legal security. The Overlooked Notice Period: An official is required to grant a legal window for reflection—typically five to ten minutes—to allow the captain to restore order. In Rabat, this timeframe was either ignored or, at the very least, improperly formalized. By failing to explicitly notify the captain—the sole sui generis interlocutor on the pitch—that the formal "default clock" had started, the referee created a state of manifest legal insecurity. The procedural error here is twofold. By failing to formally summon the players to resume within the allotted time, the referee denied the opposing federation the chance to comply with the rules. One cannot hand down a sentence as final as a forfeiture (a 3-0 loss) without scrupulously following the "procedural roadmap" of the crisis. This indecisive haste transforms the incident into a processual failure. The chaos in Rabat was not solely the work of defiant players, but of an officiating team that failed to enforce the temporal framework dictated by international norms. The Enigma of Law 14: The decisive penalty, marred by a blatant early movement by the goalkeeper, imperatively required a VAR-led retake. Referee Jean-Jacques Ndala’s decision to blow the final whistle with such intriguing speed suggests "situational officiating." By bypassing technological verification, the official seemingly prioritized short-term security concerns over the integrity of the result. III. From Organizational Sanctions to the Imperative of Federal Recourse The erratic resumption of play just before the final whistle confirmed the impotence of the current organizational regime. Unable to formalize an organic and definitive abandonment, CAF is forced to retreat to Articles 146 and 147 of its Disciplinary Code. However, while these tools allow for the punishment of "unsportsmanlike conduct" through federal fines, they are merely bandages on an open wound, incapable of restoring the compromised sporting equity. Faced with what must be termed a denial of sporting justice, the Royal Moroccan Football Federation (FRMF) cannot remain a passive observer. It must exercise its legal right of appeal to move the dispute from the emotional sphere to a structured administrative procedure. The imperative here is normative: to demand a rigorous investigation into the procedural integrity of those final moments, transforming a legitimate sense of grievance into a sovereign and irrefutable legal action. CAF now finds itself before a mirror: to demand absolute discipline, it must first guarantee the infallibility of its officials. Such precedents must be handled with a rigor that leaves no room for arbitrariness, enshrining the excellence and normative alignment we expect. The 2025 final serves as a catalyst. Without a deep overhaul to codify "coordinated disobedience," technical compliance will remain a hostage to the balance of power on the pitch.

AFCON: The urgent need for a code of ethics to restore the spirit of African football 5581

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.8 min read.

The very recent Africa Cup of Nations in Morocco, intended as a celebration of African football in all its diversity and fervor, has left a bitter taste, profound bitterness, immeasurable disappointment, immense pain, and injuries. *What a shame to reward a country that gave everything to celebrate Africa in this way. What a disgrace to incite crowds to commit physical aggressions and to may leave a family orphaned.* Beyond sporting performances, several behaviors observed throughout the competition have sparked incomprehension, indignation, and sometimes shame. Verbal outbursts, provocative attitudes, repeated questioning of refereeing, and irresponsible statements from those meant to embody the very values of sport have tarnished the image of the AFCON. In press conferences, organized by the CAF to glorify the sport, and outside them, some have uttered unbelievable remarks, born of their overactive imaginations and petty foolish calculations. The peak of these excesses was reached during the final, with the unworthy behavior of a coach, now widely relayed and commented on by media and social networks. Whatever tensions are inherent to a match of this level, nothing can justify attitudes contrary to the values of sport, respect, and fair play. This is not merely a matter of emotion or rivalry, but of responsibility toward a youth and a continent in the making. The AFCON in Morocco was not just any competition. It was a showcase for African football, watched by the entire world and followed by millions of young people seeking role models. Coaches, players, officials, and leaders are not mere actors: they are references, symbols, and ambassadors. Faced with this damaging reality, it is imperative for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to take a decisive step forward. Sporadic sanctions, often seen as late or inconsistent, are no longer enough. It is time to establish a binding, clear, and universal code of ethics that every AFCON participant must sign before the competition begins, starting from the qualifying rounds. A moral and legal commitment, a sine qua non condition for participation. Such a code would not aim to curb passion or freedom of expression, but to set clear boundaries between competition and excess, between legitimate contestation and public irresponsibility. The said AFCON Code of Ethics would rest on eight clear, precise, and binding pillars. **1. The fundamental principles of the code would be:** - Respect for football's values: fair play, integrity, dignity, and mutual respect - Respect for the image and reputation of African football - Individual and collective responsibility of every participant **2. Behavior on the field and in the technical area would be strictly regulated:** - Prohibition of any aggressive, provocative, or insulting behavior - Absolute respect for referees and officials, regardless of decisions - Prohibition of gestures, words, or attitudes inciting violence or hatred **3. Off-field behavior is part of the whole:** - Respect for opponents, supporters, media, and institutions - Prohibition of any form of discrimination: racial, national, religious, or otherwise - Exemplary behavior in public places, hotels, stadiums, and mixed zones **4. Communication and public statements must above all respect the rules:** - Obligation of restraint and responsibility in media declarations - Prohibition of questioning the integrity of refereeing without established proof, except before the relevant bodies and not through any other channel - Prohibition of inciting violence or hostile contestation through gesture or word **5. The responsibility of coaches and leaders is fundamental:** - Reinforced obligation of exemplarity due to their authority role - Direct responsibility for the behavior of the technical staff - Commitment to defuse tensions rather than fuel them **6. Social networks and digital communication are part of the game and the competition:** - Application of the code of ethics to social media posts - Personal responsibility for published or relayed messages - Prohibition of defamatory, hateful, or provocative statements **7. Sanctions must be exemplary and without complacency:** - Progressive and clearly defined sanctions: warning, fine, suspension, permanent exclusion - Immediate and transparent application of sanctions - Possibility of aggravated sanctions in case of recidivism or serious acts **8. Formal commitment is a prerequisite for participation in any competition:** - Mandatory signature of the code by all players, coaches, leaders, and officials in an individual document accompanying the lists of players and officials entered in African competitions - Signature of the code is a prerequisite for any AFCON accreditation - Mandatory written acknowledgment of sanctions in case of violation The purpose of the code is obviously to establish exemplarity to protect the future of African football and its competitions. Introducing a code of ethics into AFCON participation procedures is not an admission of weakness, but a sign of maturity. African football has reached a level of visibility and competitiveness thanks to this AFCON in Morocco. The level achieved demands high standards and guarantees. *We cannot tolerate an overheated individual causing an entire edifice to collapse and lives to be threatened, or even lost. Passion can no longer serve as an alibi for excess, victory can never justify the loss of values, and fervor cannot absolve excessive behavior.* The AFCON must remain a celebration, not a theater of excesses. By establishing a clear ethical framework, the CAF would send a strong message: African football must advance, structure itself, and respect itself. Football must unite rather than provoke hatred, hostility, repulsion, crises between nations, or even fuel diplomatic chill... Not to mention more.

Akhenouch's Departure from the RNI: Hasty Decision or Strategic Gambit? 5396

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society -

2.6 min read.

But what really happened? Why such a lightning announcement? Why such a rushed exit by Si Aziz Akhenouch from the helm of the Rassemblement National des Indépendants (RNI), when everything seemed to be going his way? Since taking the reins in 2016, the RNI has experienced a meteoric rise. From a marginal party with just a few dozen MPs, it became the leading parliamentary force after the 2021 legislative elections, with 102 elected members. Even better, it leads the Executive, chairs the House of Representatives, and holds a central position in the institutional architecture. On all classic indicators of political power, Akhenouch is at the top. So, one question arises: why leave now? And above all, why rush an extraordinary congress on February 7, originally scheduled for March, for such a modest time gain? The explanation deserves more than speculation about shadowy forces or backstage plots. Let's stick to cold, rational political logic to unpack Si Akhenouch's bombshell decision, a leader who stands out in Morocco's political landscape. Whether you like him or not, Aziz Akhenouch embodies a bold, modern politics, almost "American-style": focused on performance, communication, and organizational efficiency rather than ideology. He anticipated Morocco's transformations and supported the modernization of infrastructure (high-speed rail, ports, airports). He delivered economic growth, with GDP up 3% in 2024 and even more impressive figures for 2025, despite inflation. He also weathered or triggered a major sociological shift in politics. Gone are the nostalgic independence-era parties, stuck in left/right or rural/urban divides. Akhenouch wooed a pragmatic, de-ideologized electorate—perhaps especially Generation Z, sensitive to tangible results like expanded social coverage (generalized AMO in 2023). People want achievements that make daily life easier, not incantatory speeches. But from victorious leader, Akhenouch has become the scapegoat. Power comes at a price. Since his appointment as head of government in 2021, he has crystallized all the anger and social unrest. For the contentious public, he symbolizes illicit enrichment, the blurring of business and politics, "predatory capitalism." This often comes out in catchy slogan chants that name him explicitly. Fuel over 15 DH per liter? His fault. Vegetables up 20%? Same. Post-Covid hospital saturations? He should have anticipated. Floods, why didn't he warn? Any rational analysis becomes inaudible. Yet far from retreating, he has multiplied "made in USA" mega-rallies across the country, affirming the RNI's vitality. The message: we'll win the next elections. The confidence is there. And then, splash! The recent signal from the Interior Ministry marks a decisive turning point. That's when everything flips. Electoral preparation falls under the Interior Ministry. Behind the scenes, proposals from the Akhenouch camp—on nominations or constituencies, were reportedly ignored or rejected. In Moroccan politics, such signals are never trivial. A master strategist and sharp as he is, Akhenouch sensed the wind shifting. From major asset, he risked becoming an electoral liability, a burdensome handicap. His person, more than his record (social reforms, EU-Morocco trade deals, ongoing projects), is now seen negatively, or as virtually unproductive for the future. What to do? Perhaps step aside to save the RNI. Rather than cling on and draw all the attacks, he chooses to withdraw early, "clear the ground," and give the party a less divisive face. Pure rationality. The wildcard remains the people. The current RNI is built on an opportunistic gathering of notables, often ex-PAM, with keen instincts and conditional loyalty. For them, Akhenouch was the key to power. His departure could trigger defections to other parties or even some quitting politics altogether. A return to PAM by certain figures isn't out of the question... The RNI could thus shrink back to its old size, back to square one, for a probable comeback later with new faces and perspectives. The triggered movement opens an equation with multiple variables. Without Akhenouch, the RNI loses its charismatic engine but gains flexibility. For the country, it's a chance for subtle rebalancing before 2026. Some parties could capitalize on social discontent, while others bet on unions and "tansiqiyates." A general reconfiguration looms, with risks of fragmentation. One thing is certain: politics will never be the same. 2026 will reveal a different Morocco that only the inner circle can imagine. The rest is mere speculation. Moroccans will decide. In the end, this departure is neither flight nor defeat, but a strategic choice based on power dynamics, institutional signals, and electoral psychology. It marks the end of a cycle and opens an era of uncertainty for the entire Moroccan partisan landscape. History remains to be written, for those who, between two matches, still follow politics. In any case, Si Akhenouch has just given a real lesson to all those leaders and imams who cling to their perches and refuse to step down... Once they've tasted the perks... Citizens won't have to wait long to learn who their next head of government will be, their next scapegoat.

CAN 2025: The Paradox of Origins and the Urgency to Save African Championships Through the CHAN 4990

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Sports -

2.7 min read.

Figures are sometimes more eloquent and edifying than speeches. The 2025 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN), unfolding under the banner of diversity and the diaspora, reveals a deeply worrying reality for the future of African football: **Africa now only partially nurtures its own flagship competition**. It imports it to a very large extent. According to a Foot Mercato study, France is the leading country of birth for players at CAN 2025, with 107 players born on its soil. A staggering figure, unmatched by any African country. Île-de-France alone provides 45 players, making it the most prolific region in the CAN—ahead of historic African football capitals like Abidjan, Bamako, Casablanca, or Dakar. This observation is far from anecdotal. It is structural, historical, and political. In reality, it represents a complete reversal of the course of history. For decades, the CAN was the showcase for African championships. Remember the one won by Morocco in 1976... Local competitions in Egypt, Cameroon, Ghana, Morocco, Tunisia, or Nigeria were the natural reservoirs for national teams. The CAN was an extension of domestic football, its pinnacle and international realization. Today, the course of history has reversed. It is no longer African championships that feed the CAN, but European training centers, European clubs, and European sports systems. Across all squads, 186 players were born in Europe—more than a quarter of participants. And this figure says nothing about the actual place of training, which is overwhelmingly European even for players born in Africa. With exceptions like Morocco's Mohammed VI Academy and Senegal's Génération Foot to a lesser extent. Thus, African championships are progressively relegated to the role of national entertainment leagues—very useful for sustaining local passion but disconnected from the continental top level. The African Champions League and the CAF Confederation Cup remain quite anecdotal. The diaspora is certainly an immeasurable wealth... but it can also signal a failure. It would be absurd to deny the human and cultural richness represented by the diaspora. CAN 2025 is a global crossroads of trajectories, memories, and multiple identities. Morocco's national team—a mix of players born and trained in the country and others born in various countries—perfectly illustrates this positive globalization of African football. But for some countries on the continent, this diversity masks a collective admission: Africa can no longer retain, train, and develop its talents on its own soil until their sporting maturity. Young players leave earlier and earlier. The best sometimes never even pass through an African championship. They arrive in the national team as "finished products," shaped elsewhere according to different economic and sporting logics. In this context, the CHAN becomes a strategic necessity, not a secondary competition at all. The African Nations Championship takes on a crucial dimension. Too often seen as a second-tier event, it is actually the last structuring bulwark for the survival and credibility of African championships. Today, the CHAN is: - the only continental competition that exclusively promotes players from local leagues; - the only space where African clubs gain visibility on a continental scale; - a concrete lever to slow the early exodus of talents; - a tool for positive pressure on states and federations to improve infrastructure, governance, and league competitiveness. Without the CHAN, African championships gradually disappear from the international—and even continental—radar. There is thus an imperative need to develop the CHAN to rebalance African football. Simply continuing to organize it is no longer enough. It must be strengthened, promoted, and fully integrated into the CAF's overall strategy for: - Better media exposure; - Better calendar alignment with local leagues; - Real financial incentives for clubs; - Clear articulation between CHAN, interclub competitions, and CAN. The CHAN must become what it should always have been: the foundation of African football, not its appendix. Countries that haven't understood this or hold a contrary view should come to their senses and step up. This concerns them and the continent as a whole in reclaiming control of our own football narrative. CAN 2025 tells a beautiful story of diasporas and shared roots. But it also tells a more worrying story: that of a continent applauding talents it no longer produces at home—or only partially. Faced with this reality, abandoning or marginalizing the CHAN would be a historic mistake. Strengthening it, on the contrary, is choosing sporting sovereignty, economic sustainability, and the dignity of African football. It's also the best way to secure a strong position as a major player in world football. The Kingdom of Morocco has perfectly integrated this. It is present at every CHAN edition and doesn't play the role of a mere bystander. On the contrary, it knows full well that this continental competition, like youth categories, is the true springboard and a solid platform for harmonious and sustainable development. Without strong championships, there is no strong football. Without the CHAN, there will soon be no more African football... only football of African origin.

The Mental Exercise of a Genius and His Imaginary Journey Through Space 4988

Julius Melien, 2 mon.

- Society - Philosophy - Realist -

1.6 min read.

Greetings, inhabitants of the surface. This is Genius, speaking directly from my ship orbiting our planet. I chose to come up here because, far from the noise, the confusion, and the turbulence of the planet’s periphery, I think better. I have a bit of peace to meditate on my ideas, on what I have gathered and continue to gather throughout my life, which today I can say has not been a small one. “The message is greater than the messenger.” Have any of you ever heard this phrase? I have heard it a few times, but I remember that the first time I heard it, it was kind of loose, without much context. I didn’t pay much attention to it, yet it stayed engraved in my mind. Then I remembered my teenage years, when we always go through that phase of rebellion without a cause, when we are constantly ready to react to anything with a certain aggressiveness and a foolish arrogance, one of those attitudes that, now deeply immersed in adulthood, makes us feel that kind of shame which, just by remembering it, makes us want to hide, even though no one, absolutely no one, knows what you have just thought. Yet it feels as if everyone around you has heard your thoughts. But well, returning to the phrase in question: I understood its meaning when, one day, I observed a person, what I would call a “late adolescent,” one of those who have already reached adulthood but firmly refuse to leave adolescence behind, criticizing someone who was conveying a positive message, a truly beneficial one, bringing nothing but gains. This “late adolescent” immediately said: “He says all these things, but if you look closely, ‘behind the scenes’ he must do everything wrong, must have a rotten life, and so on…” I stopped and thought: yes, it is quite possible that this is true. It may be that this person is a hypocrite, but I am not certain. However, even if he is, it is not the hidden rot that he is transmitting in the message. No, not at all. And if he truly is a hypocrite, the bill will come due for him, not for those who received the message and genuinely took it as an example and a model to follow. And if those who received the message follow what is contained in it, we can say that the mission has been accomplished. Therefore, gentlemen “late adolescents,” let go of this senseless rebellion, this resentment over something that was not done to you, and pay attention to the message, not the messenger. Or admit that, deep down, you wish to live the very rot you use to attack the supposed hypocrite who is delivering a valuable message. That is all, inhabitants of the surface. I will now take a trip around the Moon, but upon my return to our planet’s orbit, I will bring another thought. Stay strong and have faith.

February, Forty-Five Years Later: The Inevitable End of the Mullahs... 5526

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- World Politics - History - Society -

3.2 min read.

Forty-five years ago, in February 1979, Iran tipped into what was presented to the world as a "revolution." Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini seized power on behalf of a people exhausted by the authoritarianism of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, only to drag the country into a political, moral, and civilizational abyss from which it has never recovered. Yet this shift did not emerge from nowhere: it fit into a tormented trajectory marked by two exiles of the shah, the first in 1953, temporarily ousted by Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, and the second in January 1979, definitive and humiliating. **To understand this tipping point, we must go back to the Mossadegh period (1951-1953), a foundational episode often obscured by post-revolutionary propaganda.** Democratically elected, Mohammad Mossadegh nationalized the oil industry right under British Petroleum's nose, embodying the aspiration for economic sovereignty against Western imperialism. He sought a secular and independent Iran, multiplying social reforms and curbing British influence. This boldness triggered a chain reaction: a coup orchestrated in August 1953 by the CIA (Operation Ajax) and MI6 restored the shah to the throne, exiled Mossadegh, and ushered in an era of repression under SAVAK, the secret police. This traumatic event planted the seeds of anti-Western resentment that Khomeini would later exploit, while legitimizing for many the image of a shah as a puppet of foreign powers. *Back in power, the shah launched his "White Revolution" in 1963: a vast agrarian modernization, women's emancipation (including the right to vote), accelerated industrialization, and secular education. Iran became a prosperous oil state, a U.S. ally, with dazzling economic growth—up to 12% annually in the 1970s.* But this masked gaping flaws: endemic corruption, growing inequalities, repression of opponents (especially Shiite clergy, communists, and nationalists), and a Westernization seen as cultural betrayal. The 1978 protests, bloodily repressed in Qom and Tabriz, culminated in the shah's second exile on January 16, 1979, as he fled to Morocco and then the United States, where he died in exile a year later. Khomeini returned triumphantly from Paris on February 1, capitalizing on this vacuum and promising social justice where the shah had failed. Today, Iran is breathless. The mullahs' regime is underground, besieged by its own people. The revolt rumbles on deep, enduring, irreversible. In this ideologico-theocratic system, the regime's response is singular, mechanical, Pavlovian: accuse the people of treason. Treason to what? To a regime that has hijacked the state, stifled society, and shattered the future? *Iranians demand neither the impossible nor utopia. They seek dignity, a decent life, the freedom to breathe. Women want to exist without surveillance, humiliation, or violence. The young want to live, love, create, work, hope. They are fed up with the Revolutionary Guards *the Pasdarans* this ideological militia turned state within a state, economy within an economy, controlling 60% of GDP.* Faced with this popular anger, the mullahs' discourse is frozen in another age: everything is the fault of the USA, Israel, external plots. A victimhood rhetoric, worn to the thread by turbaned figures steeped in certainties from another century. The regime has always needed confrontation to survive. It allows them to pose as victims, artificially rally supporters, and justify internal repression. Instead of listening to the streets, those in power seek regional escalation, convinced an external enemy will erase the internal one. **Since its birth, the Islamic Republic has sought to export its ideology through proxies: in Lebanon, Hezbollah; in Syria, support for Assad; in Iraq, Shiite militias; in Yemen, the Houthis; and elsewhere. Everywhere, the result is the same: desolation, social fragmentation, destruction of states and societies. Lebanon would not be a shadow of itself without this interference. Syria would probably not be this field of ruins without Tehran's ideological obsession.** History's tragic irony: this supposedly "anti-imperialist" project has chiefly fed the world's largest arms market. The region, to protect itself from this doctrine emerging from history's underbelly, has armed and militarized itself. The war with Iraq, lasting over a decade from 1980 and costing a million lives, temporarily bolstered the Iranian regime by uniting the nation against the Sunni invader, while radicalizing Saddam. Feeling untouchable after battling Iran on behalf of the region and, he thought the world, Saddam then invaded Kuwait in 1990, sealing his doom. None of this would have happened without the existence of this radical theocratic regime, whose sole legitimacy rests on permanent confrontation. Iran is no ordinary state. It is a millennial civilization, one of humanity's most fertile. It has given the world major contributions in mathematics, philosophy, medicine, poetry, art, and foundational narratives. From Khayyam to Al-Kindi, Avicenna to Al-Farabi or Suhrawardi, the Persian heritage belongs to all humanity. And yet, for forty-five years, this civilization has been held hostage by a power that denies, despises, and distorts it. A power that confuses faith with domination, spirituality with coercion, inverting the shah's modernist dreams and Mossadegh's sovereignist ideals. Today, the regime still holds. It battles the streets, pitting weapons against bare hands, oppression against a society that fears no more. The death toll rises. The Supreme Leader's threats still echo, but they no longer make anyone tremble. The young do not flinch. They are there and will remain. History is cruel to such regimes. The Bolsheviks fell. The Chavistas are collapsing. The mullahs will follow. It is only a matter of time. *Ibn Khaldun understood it before all others: no power can survive eternally through pressure and oppression. Domination carries the seeds of its own end within it. When 'asabiyya (social cohesion) dissolves, the regime falls—as with the shah and the ousted Mossadegh, soon the mullahs.* February approaches. The historical loop may be closing. The world watches. Free peoples hope and pray that the Iranian people will finally be delivered from its false guardians of peace, and that Iran will reclaim its natural place: that of a living, serene nation contributing to civilization, not a prisoner of its gravediggers.

AFCON 2025: The Return of a Forgotten African Memory... Lumumba from the Stands: The Symbolic Star... 5602

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- History - Society - Sports -

2.6 min read.

Regardless of the outcome of the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, whoever the winner, top scorer, goalkeeper, or best player may be, one certainty stands out: the true symbolic star of this competition is Congolese. Not due to exceptional football talent, but through a powerful historical and political reminder: the reincarnation, through gesture and attitude, of Patrice Émery Lumumba. In a tournament dominated by statistics, trophies, and records, one event emerged, upending conventional narratives. It was neither a decisive goal nor a spectacular save, but a symbolic act linking contemporary African football to a tragic page in the continent's history. At the heart of this scene: Michel Kuka Mboladinga, a supporter of the DR Congo, nicknamed "Lumumba" in the stands of Moulay El Hassan Stadium. Dressed meticulously, with a studied hairstyle and glasses, he followed his country's matches standing, motionless, right hand raised toward the sky, gaze fixed ahead, a near-statuary silhouette. This silent ritual, repeated match after match, transcended the folklore of the stands to embody dignity, steadfastness, and resistance. Even the CAF acknowledged it: its president met with Michel Kuka, affirming the reach of this "Lumumba" from the stands. At first, few understood, including some sports commentators. Some called it an original celebration, others a provocation or viral eccentricity. This misunderstanding reveals a deeper reality: for today's youth, 20th-century political memory fades behind the media flood. Patrice Lumumba, absent from the collective imagination, survives among historians and militants; for many, his name remains abstract. Assassinated on January 17, 1961, after serving as the first Prime Minister of independent Congo (June 30, 1960), Lumumba embodies the anti-colonial struggle. His disappearance, amid the Cold War and covetousness over Congolese riches, robbed Africa of a sovereign voice. On January 17, 1961, he was arrested; his mutilated body dissolved to erase even his physical trace. Marginalized since by dominant narratives and rewritten textbooks, he in fact terrified Westerners and other colonial powers, fearing his intransigence. The speech he delivered before the King of the Belgians sealed his death warrant. Recalling Lumumba at AFCON 2025 in Morocco takes on particular significance. In August 1960, shortly after Congolese independence, he visited as Prime Minister, saluting the Kingdom and its support for African independences under the late Mohammed V. Morocco at the time hosted African liberation movements and advocated, alongside committed partners, for continental unity against interferences and for genuine sovereignty. By embodying Lumumba, Michel Kuka transformed football into a space of memory and transmission. The stadium became an agora: an upright body, assumed silence, a raised hand resurrected history. This gesture delivers a brutal reminder: Africa has its martyrs, thinkers, and unfinished leaders. Sometimes, a single supporter suffices to revive a buried memory. In this context, the gesture of Algerian player Mohammed Amoura deserves mention, alas. During a celebration after his team's qualification for the quarter-finals, he mimicked Kuka's posture then collapsed in a mocking and inappropriate gesture, sparking criticism and more on social media. Ridiculing Lumumba, even out of ignorance, offends his memory and the ideal of an unsubmissive Africa. Baseness reaches its peak, moral poverty its paroxysm. The continent is today scandalized. This betrays a glaring educational void: sport here, alas through this ignoble act, tolerates frivolity where it should uphold minimal historical awareness and values of respect. A footballer must have at least basic education or refrain from gesturing when he doesn't grasp the codes or embody the values of sport and fair play. The height of it is that on nearly all Algerian channels, this poor footballer's attitude is glorified and reported with tasteless jeers and mockery. The true incarnation of media from another world. We cannot demand that African football found unity, be educational and elevate people, while allowing the symbols of African emancipation to be mocked. This schizophrenia manifestly reveals, images in evidence, the cultural and civic collapse of an entire people. Gutter press cannot elevate a people; on the contrary, it sinks it into pettiness, mediocrity, and accelerates its downfall. The footballer apologized under pressure, but that will not suffice. The damage is done. AFCON 2025 in the Kingdom of Morocco will likely be etched in memory for its quality and sporting feats. But thanks to a lucid Congolese supporter and a respectful, educated Moroccan public, it offers a lesson in memory: Lumumba bursts into the present, reminding us that we cannot project forward without owning our past. In a post-1961 continent, this gesture was vital. Heroes die only if we stop embodying them, in stadiums as elsewhere. On Moroccan soil where Lumumba in 1960 championed a free Africa, his shadow is reborn, borne by a supporter. Packed stadium, cameras trained, millions of eyes: his memory still guides consciences.

The Institutionalization of Parallel Diplomacy: A Case for Structural Reorientation 6182

Imad Khater, 2 mon.

- World Politics - Society -

1.4 min read.

The Kingdom’s recent diplomatic milestones are far from a static endpoint; they represent the catalyst for a new, almost cellular, momentum in foreign policy. This shifting landscape—further validated by the latest UN Security Council resolution which underscores the primacy of the Moroccan Autonomy Initiative—demands an immediate reassessment of our diplomatic doctrine. We must transition from a posture of "asset management" to one of proactive orchestration, ensuring that multilateral achievements are cemented into an indisputable and permanent political reality. I. Overcoming Institutional Fragmentation: The National Assizes as a Strategic Nexus A fundamental hurdle in our external outreach remains the rationalization of our influence vectors. Historically, the Moroccan voice abroad has occasionally been diluted by a lack of systemic cohesion—patriotic efforts that, unfortunately, operate in isolation. This is where the long-standing advocacy of the Moroccan Center for Parallel Diplomacy and Dialogue of Civilizations takes on its full strategic weight. The call for National Assizes is not a reactionary measure but a vision rooted in long-term strategy. These Assizes are intended to be more than a consultative gathering; they must serve as the foundational act of a "total diplomacy," where the state apparatus and civil society—parliamentarians, scholars, and NGOs—work as an integrated network. This synergy is the only way to saturate the global political discourse with a clarity that meets contemporary UN standards. II. The "Scientization" of Advocacy: Intellectual Rearmament For parallel diplomacy to gain true international gravitas, it must decouple from purely emotional rhetoric and ground itself in a rigorous, conceptual framework. Advocacy in the 21st century, especially within the UN ecosystem, requires a near-surgical precision: Academic Engineering: We must empower experts to produce high-level intellectual capital capable of dismantling adversarial narratives within the world’s most influential think tanks. A Unified Strategic Voice: The objective is to harness diverse voices into a singular, potent diplomatic instrument. Every stakeholder must act as a precise gear in a technically unassailable argument. The Sovereign Directive: Every engagement, no matter how informal, must align with the definitive recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over its Sahara, upholding both the letter and the profound spirit of the Security Council’s mandates. III. Outlook: Embedding a Culture of Performance The current geopolitical alignment offers a unique strategic window. By institutionalizing this diplomatic model, Morocco is doing more than just reacting to global shifts; it is pioneering a sustainable architecture of influence. Ultimately, the mission is to empower every opinion leader as an "architect of influence," carrying the vision of His Majesty the King with the intellectual authority required to align international legal norms with the undeniable facts on the ground.

Moroccans and Algerians: brothers in history probably, political enemies certainly. 7255

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- World Politics - History - Society -

2.8 min read.

The question of whether Moroccans and Algerians are brothers recurs recurrently, often laden with emotion, rarely addressed with the historical depth and political lucidity it deserves. The slogan conceals a complex reality, marked by anthropological and civilizational unity, but also by successive ruptures, some ancient, others more recent, largely imposed by external dominations and then by post-independence political choices. At the origin, human and civilizational unity is undeniable. On historical, anthropological, and cultural levels, there is little doubt that North Africa long constituted **a single continuous human space**. The great Berber confederations: Sanhaja, Zenata, Masmouda; Islamic contributions; networks of religious brotherhoods; trade routes; and Moroccan dynasties Almoravid, Almohad, Marinid, Saadian structured an **organic Maghreb**, without rigid borders. Belongings were tribal, religious, spiritual, or dynastic. The circulation of people, ideas, and elites was constant. **Moroccans and Algerians clearly shared the same civilizational foundation**. Then came the Ottoman parenthesis and a first structural divergence. From the 16th century onward, a **major differentiation** emerged between the western shores of the Maghreb. While Morocco remained a sovereign state, structured around a rooted Sharifian monarchy, Algeria fell under **Ottoman domination**, integrated as a peripheral regency of the Empire, a domination that lasted nearly three centuries and was far from neutral. It introduced: * an **exogenous power**, military and urban, detached from the interior tribal world; * a hierarchical system dominated by a politico-military caste: Janissaries, deys, beys, often of non-local origin; * a social organization marked by a clear separation between rulers and ruled, without true political integration of the populations. This Ottoman model, more based on coercion than allegiance, contrasted deeply with the Moroccan model, where central power rested on **bay‘a**, religious legitimacy, and indigenous dynastic continuity. Without “denaturing” the populations in the biological sense, this long Ottoman period **altered relationships to the state, authority, and sovereignty**, and gradually distanced, on cultural and political levels, the societies of western Algeria from those of Morocco. Then came French colonization and institutionalized separation. French colonization of Algeria (1830–1962) introduced an even deeper rupture. Paris methodically worked to **tear Algeria from its natural Maghrebi environment**, transforming it into a settler colony, then into French departments. Borders were unilaterally redrawn to Morocco's detriment, and an Algerian identity was progressively constructed **in opposition to its western neighbor**, portrayed as archaic. This is a direct legacy of French colonial software. Yet, despite this separation enterprise, fraternity between the peoples endured. Morocco hosted, supported, and armed FLN fighters; thousands of Moroccans participated in the liberation war; the late HM Mohammed V committed the kingdom's prestige and resources to Algerian independence. At that precise moment, fraternity was neither a myth nor rhetoric: it was **a concrete historical fact**. At Algerian independence, an unexpected political rupture was embraced. Paradoxically, it was **after 1962**, once Algeria was independent, that the fracture became enduring. The power emerging from the Army of the Frontiers reneged on agreements concluded with the GPRA regarding colonial-inherited borders. The **1963 Sand War**, launched against a weakened but previously supportive Morocco, became a founding trauma. From then on, hostility became structural: * Direct support for Moroccan opponents and putschists; * Political, diplomatic, military, and financial backing for Polisario separatists; * Relentless media campaigns against Morocco and its monarchy; * Repeated interferences in Morocco's sovereign choices, including its international alliances, notably with Israel; * Heavy accusations, often raised in Algerian public debate; * Destabilization operations, including the 1994 Asni Hotel attack in Marrakech; * Instrumentalization of Algerian school education, where Morocco is portrayed as a “colonialist” state; * Brutal deportation of 45,000 Moroccans from Algeria; * Sabotage of rapprochement attempts, including under President Mohamed Boudiaf, whose assassination, while he was initiating dialogue with Rabat, remains shrouded in shadows. More recently, the case of **Boualem Sansal**, imprisoned for expressing historically inconvenient truths challenging the official narrative, illustrates the Algerian regime's inability to accept a free and serene reading of Maghrebi history. Thus, two irreconcilable national trajectories. To this political hostility is added a profound divergence in national trajectories. Morocco, not without criticisms, has pursued gradual transformation: institutional reforms, pluralism, major infrastructure projects, African integration, economic and diplomatic diversification. In contrast, Algeria remains trapped in a **militaro-security system inherited from both Ottoman logic and the liberation war**, centralized, distrustful of society, dependent on energy rents, and structurally hostile to any regional success perceived as competitive. This asymmetry fuels frustration and resentment, where Morocco becomes a **useful ideological adversary, the classic enemy**. So, brothers or not? The answer is nuanced, but unambiguous. **Moroccans and Algerians are brothers through long history, deep culture, geography, and human ties.** They were for centuries, before Ottoman domination, before French colonization, and perhaps remain so at the level of the peoples. But **they no longer are at the level of the states**, due to a deliberate political choice by the Algerian regime since independence: to build its legitimacy on external hostility, particularly toward Morocco. Fraternity has not disappeared; it has been **progressively altered, then confiscated** by imperial, colonial, and postcolonial history. It persists in popular memory, in separated families, in the painful silence of closed borders. History, unbiased by passion or ideology, delivers the verdict—and the 35th CAN contributes to it: **the peoples are brothers; the Algerian regime has decided otherwise**.

Moulay El Hassan's Style: Elegance, Humility, and Sovereignty of Gesture... 7398

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.

- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -

2.9 min read.

Sometimes, a moment transcends the event that made it possible. The opening ceremony of the 35th edition of the Africa Cup of Nations, hosted in Morocco, will undoubtedly remain in memories not only for its technology, beauty, thematic relevance, and unprecedented quality in Africa; not for its sporting and diplomatic importance, but above all for the silent, almost choreographed performance of Crown Prince **Moulay El Hassan**. Under pouring rain, in a packed stadium and under the crossed gazes of Moroccan and international audiences, the Prince surprised the uninitiated. Not through ostentation, but through sobriety. Not through distance, but through proximity. That evening, Morocco offered Africa and the world far more than a football tournament: a lesson in style, behavior, and hospitality through the elegance of gesture and nobility of demeanor. Without an umbrella, advancing calmly onto the soaked pitch of the **Stade Moulay Abdellah**, Crown Prince stops, warmly greets a charmed, enthusiastic, fervent crowd, and heads toward the referees and players with disarming naturalness. The images speak for themselves: smiles, simple exchanges, a friendly and deeply human tone. No heavy protocol, no rigidity. Just the evident poise of a man at ease in his mission, with presence and class. When he asks the referee which side to kick the ball from for the symbolic kick-off, the gesture becomes almost metaphorical. That of a throne heir who knows that true authority need not be imposed, but is exercised through respect, affection, and listening. The ball is struck with elegance, without emphasis. The message, however, is crystal clear. Joy is evident. Morocco is host and common home to an entire continent in the making. The Prince proves it. As a true Moroccan, Crown Prince masters this ancestral art: that of receiving and putting guests at ease. The nations present at the CAN are Morocco's guests. And, at a deeper level still, they are the guests of all Moroccans, led by His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God assist him, as the president of FIFA **Gianni Infantino** and that of the CAF **Patrice Motsepe**, South African as a reminder, delight in repeating. By presiding over this ceremony and representing his august father, Prince Moulay El Hassan embodied not only institutional continuity. He embodied a culture: that of a Kingdom where hospitality is a cardinal value, and where sovereignty is also expressed through courtesy. Seated in the Royal Box alongside the President of the Comoros, **Gianni Infantino**, **Patrice Motsepe**, and the president of the FRMF **Fouzi Lekjaa**, the Prince followed the match with visible attention, reacting to key moments like any football enthusiast, expressing sincere joy and shared emotion. When **Ayoub El Kaabi** scores his splendid acrobatic overhead kick in the 74th minute, the Prince's joy is spontaneous, sincere, almost contagious. It is not a calculated joy, but that of a young man proud of his team, his country, and the historic moment the Kingdom and Africa are experiencing. At that very instant, he turns and respectfully greets his guest: the President of the Comoros. Relations and cooperation with these sister islands, though distant, are special. Nearly all the high officials of this brother nation, including the president himself, were trained in Morocco's great schools and universities. This ability of His Royal Highness to shift seamlessly from protocol to emotion may be one of the most striking traits of this performance. It humanizes the role without ever weakening it. It recalls the royal solicitude at Marrakech hospital: His Majesty leaning over a hospital bed and embracing a Sub-Saharan injured man who thanks him wholeheartedly and seems to have forgotten his misfortune. There, in Rabat, on this evening of December 21, the rain is a symbol: between gratitude and destiny. That evening held another dimension, subtler, almost spiritual. After seven consecutive years of drought, this abundant rain falling on Rabat at that precise moment took on particular resonance. The princely gesture, performed without protection amid a downpour, appeared to many as a form of silent gratitude, a thanks to divine mercy. Long live the abundant rain and snows on the peaks of the Atlas. In a monarchy where the long term, symbolism, and the sacred matter as much as the media instant, this image has marked minds. It reminded that power in Morocco is rooted in historical and spiritual continuity, that of the world's oldest reigning dynasty. That of the Commander of the Faithful. Did not the late Hassan II thank God, traversing Khemisset standing with arms raised, through a long-awaited downpour? The Prince is an exceptional man in the making: brilliant student, insightful doctoral candidate, resolute Moroccan, convinced Muslim, determined African, erudite humanist. The final victory of the Atlas Lions (2-0) merely capped off an evening already rich in meaning. But beyond the score, it is Crown Prince's behavior that will remain one of the highlights of this CAN opening. Through his humility, elegance, and mastery of codes, **Moulay El Hassan** showed that he is not merely a blood royal heir, but an heir to enduring values. And that may be where the respect, love, and admiration of the Moroccan public, and the surprise of the international one—lie: in having seen, under the rain, the portrait of a future great leader who understands that greatness often begins with the simplicity of the gesture.