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Society

Moroccans’ Relationship to the Law: A Great Misunderstanding… 240

Aziz Daouda, 1 d.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
3.2 min read.
The relationship between Moroccans and the law reveals a profound ambiguity, fueled by a build-up of paradoxes and historical, cultural, and political contradictions. It cannot be explained solely by a lack of communication or pedagogy, but by a deeply rooted perception in which the law is not seen as a collective framework to be respected out of conviction, but as an external constraint, often imposed and rarely internalized. First, one must highlight the ignorance—sometimes deliberate—of the very existence of many laws. In numerous cases, the Moroccan citizen only discovers a text when it is opposed to them in a conflictual situation. This reactive, rather than proactive, relationship with the law generates paradoxical behaviors: resigned acceptance when it imposes itself forcefully, but also recourse to excuses, justifications, or feigned ignorance whenever its application becomes restrictive. To this lack of knowledge is added an ambivalent attitude: the law is respected not out of moral adherence, but out of fear of sanction. Road traffic provides the clearest illustration: the presence of a police officer results in scrupulous respect for the code, while their absence unleashes anarchic behavior. In other words, authority substitutes for civic conviction. But the problem does not lie solely in individual behavior. The legal framework itself suffers from a lack of updating and adaptation. Many Moroccan laws are inherited from a bygone era, conceived in another social context, and struggle to address today’s realities. The legislative process, too slow and often opaque, widens the gap between texts and citizens’ aspirations. Public debates on bills are rare, if not nonexistent, and civil society finds only a marginal place in them. This democratic shortfall is compounded by the chronic passivity of political parties and the decline of union membership, depriving the public arena of genuine contradictory debate. The situation is also aggravated by the language issue: when debates do take place, laws are written, discussed, published, and applied in a language that is not the everyday language of Moroccans. Added to this is the perception of institutional inefficiency: a parliament marked by a lack of competence and seriousness, a political elite sometimes disconnected, and local authorities unable to translate citizens’ needs into effective texts and decisions. Thus, some laws appear disconnected—or even foreign—to social realities. They sometimes criminalize harmless behaviors that harm neither the individual nor the community, but instead reflect the imposition of a conservative morality at the expense of individual freedom. Religious morality is never far away. Hence the crucial question: where does law end and morality begin? And above all, what place should ethics have in the governance of a country in transition, a country aspiring to development and modernity and making colossal efforts in that direction? Faced with these gaps, citizens develop strategies of adaptation, sometimes of survival. The law becomes flexible, respected or not depending on the situation, depending on the eye of authority. Respect is no longer a conviction but a calculation. But can one demand respect for a law perceived as illegitimate, useless, or unjust? Can texts be maintained in force when the majority of citizens systematically bypass them, and even the agents charged with enforcing them transgress them individually? This ambiguous relationship is built from childhood, in the transmission of social norms. A child learns at school that alcohol is forbidden out of respect for religion and the law, but at home or nearby sees it consumed casually. They are taught respect for the traffic code, but their father runs red lights whenever the police are not around. This contradictory education creates lasting confusion between proclaimed values and lived practices, reinforcing the idea that the law is not a universal rule but a contextual constraint. Thus emerges a sense of fear rather than respect for laws, a belief that they are meant for others and not oneself; a perception that the law is imposed rather than serving to protect everyone’s rights. Social networks and certain public voices, as YouTuber Maysa recently did, contribute to exposing these inconsistencies. In a video, she highlighted the multiple Moroccan laws that, although still in force, are almost never applied. This illustrates an implicit permissiveness that undermines the credibility of the rule of law. A law that exists without being enforced becomes a mere symbol, even an instrument of arbitrary selectivity. It should at the very least be revised. Law is not meant to be a mere tool of control, much less an end in itself. It must enable social harmony, protect freedoms, and regulate collective life. It must evolve with its time, reflect society’s aspirations, and avoid imposing outdated modes of thought. Today, Moroccans have changed, their lifestyles have evolved, but the legal framework and collective mentality remain frozen in old representations. Many openly speak of “social hypocrisy,” denouncing the double language between words and deeds in public, between official discourse and actual practices. Breaking out of this ambiguity requires a twofold shift: on the one hand, a bold legal reform that adapts laws to social realities and contemporary values; on the other, an effort of awareness-raising and education to reconcile citizens with the law. This transformation can only succeed if Moroccans agree to break with the social ambivalence and split personality that corrode daily behaviors. Reflection on the relationship between Moroccan citizens and the law thus opens a broader field: that of ethics, social evolution, and modernization of the legal framework. A state of law cannot thrive without collective adherence, and a society cannot be built on rules that everyone strives to circumvent. Restoring the law’s legitimacy and credibility is to lay the foundations for a more coherent, just, and respected coexistence. Judging from the clashes around the *Moudawana* and other legislative projects—between the Minister of Justice and certain parliamentarians of a political current that sees itself as guardian of the temple—it seems difficult to move forward at the necessary speed in today’s world.

Morocco, 18th Global Power in the World Athletics Championships Thanks to a Rich History of Medals 944

Aziz Daouda, 6 d.
- Society - Sports -
3.4 min read.
The national sports memory proudly retains the very rich medal record of the country, accumulated since the advent of the World Athletics Championships in 1983. This idea was born from a visionary and innovative president of the IAAF, the Italian Primo Nebiolo. At that time, the athletics world gathered in Helsinki for an unprecedented experience. Athletics was just beginning to organize quality meetings and barely tolerating that athletes receive some monetary compensation for their performances. Until then, at the global level, athletes only competed at the Olympic Games and were not entitled to any payment or commercial contracts. While Morocco was not present at the first Olympic Games, it made its mark at this inaugural edition of the World Championships alongside two other African countries: Ethiopia, which won a silver medal, and Nigeria which, like Morocco, won a bronze. Since then, Morocco has ensured a certain continuity with very honorable results. Notably, a 5th place finish in 1999 in Seville, an edition marked by controversy: Nezha Bidouane was wrongly deprived of the gold medal in the 400m hurdles due to a judging error. Despite an appeal to the jury and clear evidence brought by the left photo-finish, the decision was not overturned. President Nebiolo had promised to repair this injustice at the first IAAF council meeting but unfortunately passed away in the meantime. He was replaced by Senegalese Lamine Diack, the jury president who refused to revise the result, likely to avoid contradicting competition officials. At this Seville edition, Morocco won five medals, including gold by Hicham El Guerrouj in the 1500m and Salah Hissou in the 5000m. Two other silver medals were won by Nezha Bidouane in the 400m hurdles and Zahra Ouaaziz in the 5000m, while Ali Ezzine took bronze in the 3000m steeplechase. These achievements, realized under intense heat and a special atmosphere, allowed Morocco to rise to fifth place in the world medals table. It is worth recalling that this success occurred at the very beginning of His Majesty King Mohammed VI's reign, who has surrounded athletes with his generous royal care. Despite a recent decrease in the number of medals, Morocco still occupies the 18th place in the global medals table at the World Athletics Championships today. It was Said Aouita who opened the way at the first edition in Helsinki in 1983 by winning bronze in the 1500 meters. With a little more experience, he could have won the race, which was dominated by the British Steve Cram in just 3 minutes 41.59 seconds, and American Steve Scott, who finished second. Morocco was truly new at this level of competition. Among individual athletes, legend Hicham El Guerrouj is today the most decorated Moroccan at the World Athletics Championships, with six medals: four golds in the 1500 meters, and two silvers in the 1500m and 5000m. Another legend, Nezha Bidouane, leads the women's medal tally with three world medals, including two gold and one silver. She remains, like Hicham El Guerrouj in the 1500m, the most decorated in the world in the 400m hurdles. An analysis of results shows that it is in the 1500m that Morocco has won the most medals, including the four golds of Hicham El Guerrouj and the silver of Adil Kaouch, former junior world champion in this distance. Adding to this are Said Aouita and Abdelati Iguider, who each hold a bronze medal over this distance. On the women's side, the most medals were won in the 400m hurdles, thanks to Nezha Bidouane. The historical record of Moroccan athletics at the World Championships is rich: twelve male and four female athletes have represented Morocco at this level in seven disciplines: 400m hurdles, 800m, 1500m, 5000m, 10,000m, 3000m steeplechase, and the marathon. Let us not forget also the long jump with Yahya Berrabah's 4th place at the 2011 World Championships in Daegu. For the 20th edition, starting on September 13 in Tokyo, Morocco is participating with about twenty athletes. Hopes rest especially on Soufiane El Bakkali, who could join Hicham El Guerrouj in the number of gold medals if victorious. Fatima Ezzahara Gardadi is also cited as a potential medalist, her 2023 feat in Budapest where she won bronze in the marathon remaining fresh in everyone's memory. Summary of Morocco's medal record at the World Athletics Championships throughout history: - 1st edition, Helsinki 1983: Said Aouita, bronze in 1500m; Morocco's ranking: 21st - 2nd edition, Rome 1987: Said Aouita, gold in 5000m; Morocco's ranking: 9th - 3rd edition, Tokyo 1991: Moulay Brahim Boutayeb, bronze in 5000m; Khalid Sekkah, bronze in 10,000m; Morocco's ranking: 28th - 4th edition, Stuttgart 1993: no medal - 5th edition, Gothenburg 1995: Hicham El Guerrouj, gold in 1500m; Khalid Sekkah, silver in 10,000m; Khalid Boulami, silver in 5000m; Zahra Ouaaziz, bronze in 5000m; Morocco's ranking: 25th - 6th edition, Athens 1997: Hicham El Guerrouj, gold in 1500m; Nezha Bidouane, gold in 400m hurdles; Khalid Boulami, silver in 5000m; Salah Hissou, bronze in 10,000m; Morocco's ranking: 6th - 7th edition, Seville 1999: Hicham El Guerrouj, gold in 1500m; Salah Hissou, gold in 5000m; Nezha Bidouane, silver in 400m hurdles; Zahra Ouaaziz, silver in 5000m; Ali Ezzine, bronze in 3000m steeplechase; Morocco's ranking: 5th - 8th edition, Edmonton 2001: Nezha Bidouane, gold in 400m hurdles; Hicham El Guerrouj, gold in 1500m; Ali Ezzine, silver in 3000m steeplechase; Morocco's ranking: 10th - 9th edition, Paris 2003: Jaouad Gharib, gold in marathon; Hicham El Guerrouj, gold in 1500m; Hicham El Guerrouj, silver in 5000m; Morocco's ranking: 9th - 10th edition, Helsinki 2005: Jaouad Gharib, gold in marathon; Hasna Benhassi, silver in 800m; Adil Kaouch, silver in 1500m; Morocco's ranking: 10th - 11th edition, Osaka 2007: Hasna Benhassi, silver in 800m; Morocco's ranking: 28th - 12th to 14th editions (Berlin 2009, Daegu 2011, Moscow 2013): no medals - 15th edition, Beijing 2015: Abdelati Iguider, bronze in 1500m; Morocco's ranking: 32nd - 16th edition, London 2017: Soufiane El Bakkali, silver in 3000m steeplechase; Morocco's ranking: 31st - 17th edition, Doha 2019: Soufiane El Bakkali, bronze in 3000m steeplechase; Morocco's ranking: 31st - 18th edition, Eugene 2022: Soufiane El Bakkali, gold in 3000m steeplechase; Morocco's ranking: 22nd - 19th edition, Budapest 2023: Soufiane El Bakkali, gold in 3000m steeplechase; Fatima Zahra Gardadi, bronze in marathon; Morocco's ranking: 15th.

Morocco and the Cannabis Renaissance: History, Regulation, and Current Economic Challenges... 1353

Aziz Daouda, 8 d.
Morocco has entered a major phase in structuring its cannabis industry, with the authorization to market 67 derived products: 26 cosmetics and 41 dietary supplements, all compliant with standards and duly registered with the Moroccan Agency for Medicine and Health Products. This step is preliminary to their placement on the national market or export. The National Agency for the Regulation of Cannabis Activities, through its vigilance, reflects the country’s determination to maintain its credibility with investors and foreign partners in a rapidly expanding global market. While many citizens believe that kif was banned because it is harmful to health, a historical review clarifies what really happened and why this miraculous plant suddenly became a target in the war on drugs. Hemp has had multiple uses for millennia. As a strong textile fiber, it was used to make sails and ropes for ships. Without it, humans could not have navigated for long distances. Early printed papers and clothing in many regions were also hemp-based. Its cultivation required little labor and water, making it a formidable competitor to cotton. The prohibition of cannabis must be reconsidered in light of the Industrial Revolution and the rise of cotton from the 19th century onwards. Spinning and weaving machines designed for cotton gradually made it the dominant fiber, driving its massive growth. Moreover, the British and American colonial empires exploited vast plantations with servile labor, first through slavery, then poorly paid workers. These powerful interests put hemp at a disadvantage. The decisive turning point occurred in the 1930s in the United States, when the cotton, paper, and emerging chemical industries, notably with synthetic fibers, allied to eliminate hemp. Harry Anslinger, then head of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Narcotics, likely in collusion with large industrial interests, led a campaign deliberately conflating industrial hemp with recreational cannabis. In 1937, the Marihuana Tax Act banned hemp cultivation. Thanks to propaganda and economic interests, this policy spread worldwide. In 1961, the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs classified cannabis among strictly controlled drugs, even for medical and industrial use, thus marginalizing hemp over the long term. Cotton then became the dominant fiber, favoring industrial networks. In Morocco, kif, a traditional form of cannabis often mixed with tobacco and smoked in a sebsi pipe, lies at the heart of a rich and complex history marked by social, political, and economic dynamics. For centuries, kif has been grown mainly in the north, around Chefchaouen, Ketama, and Issaguen. Far from being just an illegal plant, it was historically tolerated and seen as essential to local subsistence. Used for its social and medicinal virtues, kif was part of daily life almost everywhere. Since 1906, a company was created to ensure state control over kif. Under the Protectorate, it was officially named the Régie du Kif et des Tabacs. The reasons were mostly fiscal from 1917. Spanish authorities in the north applied more flexible rules, pragmatically dealing with local tribes. Upon independence, Morocco inherited a complex dilemma: kif was deeply rooted in society but faced growing international pressure. Under Mohammed V and then Hassan II, the country adopted gradual measures. The state monopoly was abolished in 1957–1958, and cultivation became illegal, even though tacit tolerance persisted in some historic Rif zones. The 1970s marked a crackdown under increasing pressure from the United States and Europe. The Moroccan 1974 narcotics law strictly banned cultivation, consumption, and sale of kif. Yet despite heightened repression, clandestine production exploded, driven by strong European demand. The Rif established itself as one of the world’s major cannabis resin basins. After decades of prohibition and socio-economic conflicts linked to kif, and under pressure from scientists and the public, in view of global developments, Morocco took a turning point in 2021 by enacting a law framing the legal use of cannabis for medical, pharmaceutical, and industrial purposes. Recreational consumption remains prohibited. The state is gradually integrating growers into a legal, controlled sector, reducing informality and improving local economic conditions. The history of kif in Morocco is a trajectory marked by millennia of tolerance, colonial regulations, prohibitions imposed under international pressure, before opening the way to a recent, intelligent, legal, and regulated reconversion. Today, hemp is regaining recognition almost everywhere. Less water-intensive, soil-friendly, producing seeds, oil, and natural insulating materials, it is becoming a pillar of the ecological transition. This plant, once banned to protect powerful economic interests, now seeks to reclaim its historic and natural place. This revival is particularly visible in Morocco. The area legally cultivated with hemp more than tripled in 2025 with 4,400 hectares sown, mainly with the local “baladiya” variety, a tangible sign of growth after decades of informality. It is an economic revitalization lever for Rif regions traditionally dependent on an underground economy. The 2021 legalization aims to channel a historic production into a regulated framework while creating a high-value-added industry. Beyond agriculture, a complete chain of processing, packaging, certification, and export is being set up, generating fiscal revenues and enhancing Morocco’s attractiveness to international investors. It is no longer just about cultivating cannabis, but about developing a structured industry that respects strict standards and can compete in a dynamic global market. This economic transformation is seen as a chance to reconcile a long-illegal sector with the mechanisms of a powerful economy. Challenges remain numerous, from strict regulation to combating illicit diversions, organizing cooperatives, and fiscal adaptation. But the course is clear: transform an ancient agricultural heritage into an engine of inclusive growth and sustainable economic integration.

Back to School: Economic Burden for Families and Multiple Uncertainties 2457

Aziz Daouda, 18 d.
At the dawn of a new school year, an immutable reality haunts the many families concerned: the exorbitant cost of supplies and services related to education. They prepare to spend sometimes unreasonable amounts even before their children step through the school door, at all levels. The rising cost of back-to-school goes beyond just notebooks and textbooks: it extends to a set of essential or superfluous items that significantly increase the bill. There is a consensus around the financial burden of the school bag, a real headache. The average budget allocated per family for school supplies often exceeds 1500 dirhams. This figure rises even more when including uniforms, when required, transport costs, registration fees, and tuition for private schools. In some large cities, the total cost can exceed 3000 dirhams per child, a considerable economic weight for many families. But the problem is not only the high cost. The heaviness of the school bag, often cited, illustrates inflation not only financial but also material. Children’s backs and developing musculature are put under strain, raising many health concerns. Beyond the essentials—notebooks, pens, calculators, etc.—the supply lists frequently include superfluous items, often imposed by schools for unexplained reasons. These excessive demands weigh down the school bag and complicate students’ daily lives without real educational justification. In reality, we also face a system out of sync with parents' expectations and, by extension, the country’s. Some school content is outdated and problematic. Textbooks, another major expense, fail to evolve at the pace of the modernity that parents and children themselves aspire to. The modernization the country aims for is also undermined. Many families denounce persistent errors, mistakes, and content poorly adapted to modernity and their aspirations. Announced reforms, generally poorly conceived, have no impact and have always been ineffective. Criticism abounds both pedagogically and substantively: teaching materials struggle to engage students in stimulating and innovative learning. This is a major reason for the large dropout rates observed every year, and for a long time. Another recurring flaw is that, once again, the school start will be unequal: luxury for some, sacrifice for others. Officially, the school start often looks like an idyllic photo album where everything seems perfect. Yet, for the majority, it is far from a moment of excitement as it should be. Faced with an overly large educational budget, difficult choices must be made: pay rent or tuition, buy textbooks, or ensure family sustenance. These contradictions reflect a profound social divide. In short, Morocco at two speeds, denounced by His Majesty the King in the 26th Throne Speech. For many parents, school remains a theoretical right, sometimes without interest, especially in rural areas. In reality, it begins with debt that weighs heavily on daily life and sometimes jeopardizes the children's very future. This paradox, far from resolving, repeats every year, without significant measures from public authorities to lighten the burden, except for measures such as distributing school bags with a short lifespan and very meager financial aid. The quality of teachers has also increasingly raised concern for several years, especially since the so-called contract-based recruitment among unemployed degree holders was "invented," often struggling to find stable employment elsewhere. This situation has led to a qualitative decline in teaching, where many teachers are more occupied with union and social claims than with their primary mission: to instruct and transmit knowledge. The number of strike days is staggering. This contractual dynamic, far from improving the educational system, sometimes fosters instability and demotivation. Moreover, it is regrettable to note increased politicization among some teaching circles, with ideologies infiltrating beyond the pedagogical framework. These trends, often aimed at the systematic contestation of the established order, harm a serene school climate and compromise the necessary neutrality of any teaching. Children bear the cost. Thus, more than a simple issue of training or skills, the challenge posed by the quality of teachers in Morocco highlights the need for a global and courageous reform, combining improved recruitment conditions, serious academic and ongoing training, and a clear separation between politics and education. Without this, Moroccan schools risk losing even more effectiveness and credibility, to the detriment of students and the country's future. Education should not rely on the financial endurance, patience, or indifference of families, but on a coherent educational and social policy. A policy based on a clear projection of what the Moroccan citizen should be at a precise horizon. It is essential that the State and sector actors collaborate to limit costs imposed on families: reviewing supply lists to eliminate the superfluous, improving the quality and relevance of textbooks, further developing support for low-income families, deducting school-related expenses from taxes, without evading the issue of content and teacher competencies. The "price" of this school start is measured not only in dirhams but in the social divide it deepens, in the inequalities it maintains. The real obstacle to education lies in teacher competence, in curricula, and at the bookstore checkout where families must pay for their children to have even a chance to succeed. The school start is a serious matter requiring collective awareness and concrete actions to ensure that every child, regardless of family income, can access a dignified education. The time is for reform in practice, not just in speeches and postures. School is the only tool to reduce differences, guarantee social ascension, and ensure a bright future for the entire country, at a single speed.

Legislative Elections 2026 in Morocco: A Democratic Challenge Driven by Royal Initiative 3613

Aziz Daouda, 29 d.
- Politics - Society -
3 min read.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI has officially tasked the Ministry of the Interior with preparing the 2026 legislative elections. This decision, announced in the 26th Throne Speech, represents both a solemn directive and a particular vote of confidence in the ministry. By the end of the year, the ministry is expected to have finalized the legal and organizational framework for the election. Following this, Mr. Abdelouafi Laftit convened the main political parties for inclusive consultations aiming to guarantee a "model," transparent, and credible election, in accordance with royal instructions. This approach reflects a clear desire to strengthen the organization of elections by removing them from the direct influence of the government, particularly its head, Mr. Aziz Akhannouch, who is also president of the RNI party. This party is seen as having significant influence over the electoral process. Entrusting this mission to the Ministry of the Interior, recognized for its role as an institutional arbiter, aims to limit direct political interference and prevent any attempt to capture the vote by certain actors in power. During the meeting, the minister emphasized the necessity for the elections to be "exemplary" and suggested that significant effort would be made to meet democratic and institutional expectations—implying that everything will be done to strictly implement the royal will, while distancing from all political factions. A new electoral code specific to the House of Representatives is therefore being prepared, with an adoption planned before the end of 2025. The ongoing reflections and discussions address several key areas: updating or simplifying voter lists, with reliance solely on identity cards to identify voters; the moralization and regulation of campaign financing through stronger control, possibly including caps on candidate and party spending. Better transparency and a review of electoral districts based on the latest census are also on the agenda. The issue of the number of polling stations—which exceeded 40,000 in the last election—should also be discussed, as well as the representation of approximately 6 million Moroccans living abroad. The current voting system, based on proportional representation by lists, could also be reconsidered to address shortcomings observed in 2021, particularly the tendency to favor "kingmakers" of deputies and local clientelism, often fueled by money. Within the political sphere, there is rather a radio silence. The impression is that political parties are either indifferent or strategically cautious. The debate and torrent of ideas are thus taking place among commentators and other writers. There is a shared feeling that things must change if political life is to regain meaning. This is what His Majesty desires. The introduction of a two-round single-member district voting system is one frequently cited idea as a possible way to reduce the influence of money and traditional networks of power. This voting method, never experimented with in Morocco, would favor a vote focused more on individuals than on party lists, thus strengthening democracy through better citizen mobilization and greater representativeness. So far, citizens have often been surprised by unnatural alliances formed after the vote, leaving voters without control over the final configuration. The two-round system has the advantage that any negotiation or alliance between parties occurs between the two rounds, at a time when citizens can still intervene by casting a second vote. This profound electoral reform could respond to a major challenge: citizens' disenchantment with politics, shown by high abstention rates, fueled by perceptions of insufficient renewal, party inefficiency, and therefore of elected bodies. To succeed, reform must go hand in hand with efforts by parties to renew their approaches, attract youth seeking alternatives, and rekindle popular interest in voting. Moroccan political parties have historically had an ambiguous relationship with voters beyond their traditional bases. They even seem to discourage mass participation in the electoral process, fearing that their often small membership, relative to the statutory electorate, would be diluted. The PJD came to power with only 1.3 million votes, about one-tenth of potential voters. Some parties hold parliamentary groups despite having obtained only around 200,000 votes or less. Parties are sometimes seen as unrepresentative and tainted by corruption accusations. However, they have a pragmatic interest in mobilizing their core voters to retain their political weight and public funding. The prospects for a dynamic electoral campaign today appear limited by a certain apathy among political actors, hindering the expected democratic momentum. Regarding the two-round single-member vote, although it might structure the political landscape around two major poles and encourage clearer alliances, it alone cannot neutralize the influence of money, networks tied to local leaders, or clientelism. This system could even exacerbate artificial polarization, marginalize smaller parties, and allow hidden alliances between major parties, harming transparency and democratic legitimacy. Risks also remain concerning lower participation between rounds and the complexity of changing voter opinions, potentially opening the door to strategic manipulations. Thus, complementary reforms are essential, notably in campaign finance transparency, the moralization of the electoral process, and control over local clientelism, to guarantee fairer and more credible political competition. The royal decision to entrust the Ministry of the Interior with election management, inclusive dialogue with parties, and the declared will to moralize the process demonstrate a strong ambition for profound reform toward a fairer, more equitable, and trustworthy election. The voting system remains central to the debate, but the success of the 2026 legislative elections will also depend on the ability to reinvent an electoral and political system capable of mobilizing citizens and establishing trust in Moroccan democracy. Citizens are also called upon to embrace greater honesty and responsibility.

Ibtissam, please : Allah is Allah... 4009

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society - Lifestyle -
3.3 min read.
Recently, Ibtissam Lachgar, who calls herself an activist, wore a T-shirt of no value, except that she deliberately intended to insult millions of Moroccans and undoubtedly many believers, Muslim or not. God is the omniscient Creator, regardless of religion or rituals. Madam found it clever to display a T-shirt with a strange inscription, not at all amusing: an offense to the divinity. No, madam, Allah is Eternal without beginning or end, beyond time. He is Almighty, and His power is infinite and absolute. He is Merciful, full of compassion and kindness towards human beings, including you. What did you have for breakfast that morning, madam? By this useless act, you seem to have forgotten that faith is also a fundamental right. Americans, whose modernity cannot be denied, claim it to the point of engraving it on their dollar bill. Belief in God, in Allah, is a fundamental, universal, immutable pillar. To say or imply mocking or even simply disrespectful words towards what is sacred in the collective consciousness is to hurt deep sensitivities. It is an affront to the spirituality of billions of people. Yes, it is important to remind that everyone is free to live their life and love whom they want. However, there is one condition: not to unnecessarily offend others. Inventing an impromptu epithet for Allah goes far beyond personal debates linked to sexual orientation: it harms the deep faith of billions of people, including the 36 million Moroccans. This provocation cannot be considered a mere wit or a brave claim: it is a misstep that threatens harmony and social cohesion. Indeed, God does not need anyone to defend Him, much less my humble self, but admit that God is everywhere, simply present in every believer outraged by your lowly stylized statement, which is not freedom of expression but a qualified insult. It is billions of believers you insult with your superfluous act. Moroccans who strive to make their country a state of law also want social peace and cohesion to be fully preserved, within necessary limits to freedom of expression. This freedom can be neither absolute nor without red lines, and this is a genuine protection. Elsewhere, where the state is less protective, a provocation like yours would have caused far worse consequences for you. My generation, and those that followed, have fought extensively for freedom, notably the freedom to express oneself, develop ideas, and help society evolve and emancipate within a civic framework. But madam, yes to freedom, but within respect for laws freely chosen by the majority. This is the foundation of democracy: adopting the will of the majority, even if very narrow. In 2011, it was broad enough to set supreme rules and strives to respect them at all costs. You must understand that freedom does not mean unlimited license. Democracy is based on a constitution and laws adopted by the people themselves. These laws define what is acceptable in public space. Your supporters, Mrs. Lachgar, often foreigners or fringe elements, must understand that it is Moroccans who decide on their laws, according to their history, culture, and values. It is not up to minorities, even vocal ones, or foreigners to this secular context, to redefine the rules of coexistence in a sovereign country. Yes, activism is vital and contributes to progress and the pushing of boundaries, but not sterile and counterproductive provocation such as you have just committed. It is also fair to acknowledge that Morocco has tolerated peaceful advances in favor of sexual minorities. Some of your acquaintances know this well. Debates, demands, and defense of individual rights are permitted, within legal and social frameworks. But when a public figure—as you are with your MALI—takes a "step too far" with a shocking gesture against the very essence of religion, this constitutes an unnecessary provocation, all the more serious when occurring in a sensitive period. You are a declared repeat offender who has so far gotten away with it. This shows a tolerance, albeit relative, but tolerance nonetheless, towards movements as marginal as yours. Minorities have always existed and always will, but you should understand that cohesion is a heavy responsibility of the state, and it is unacceptable to play with such a sovereign prerogative with multiple facets. Your arrest or administrative detention should not be seen solely as a sanction but rather as a protective measure. Would you have taken a few steps in public space with your T-shirt without becoming a target for a probable violent extremist, ready to resort to illegality? On the very day of your counterproductive gesture, police services uncovered yet another vehement extremist, ready according to his ideology to restore a "perfect world" where people like you have no place. It escapes you that Morocco firmly fights all forms of extremism, religious or ideological, and is an ideal target precisely because it accepts differences and diverse orientations, because it does its best to leave room and space for everyone. Freedom to think and live is precisely the opposite of extremism, whatever form it takes. Protecting social peace also means protecting those who sometimes unconsciously or knowingly contribute to destabilizing it, as you do. You may not know, but in France, a mayor had to suspend the screening of the film "Barbie," which promotes homosexuality, under pressure from some inhabitants of his municipality. This shows that even further north, there are still hostile reactions to your orientations. Morocco is a nation rooted in strong historical, cultural, and religious values, with certainly some hypocrisy. This is not a flaw but possibly a true asset. Individual freedom must be exercised within the framework of respect for democratically defined values and laws. Your mistake was to cross these boundaries, thus shaking one of the indisputable foundations of Moroccan identity. It is up to everyone, Moroccans and residents, to respect the country's tranquility and allow everyone the freedom to live in peace, without provoking or dividing.

Stray dogs and cats: a growing challenge for public health and urban peace in Morocco... 10018

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society -
2.9 min read.
The proliferation of stray dogs and cats in the streets raises major challenges for urban quality of life and even more so for public health. As their numbers increase exponentially, the consequences are multiple: noise nuisances, risk of accidents, spread of diseases, and a sense of insecurity for many citizens. A notable aspect of this issue is the significant difference between the social perception of cats and stray dogs. Cats, often perceived as less aggressive, are generally not considered harmful. They are abundantly fed in public spaces by individuals, sometimes due to so-called religious beliefs. According to some, Muslims should show compassion towards cats, which would explain a certain social tolerance towards them. They thus benefit from some benevolence and are extremely numerous, living and multiplying in public spaces without being disturbed; on the contrary, shelters are often provided to help female cats give birth peacefully. In contrast, stray dogs do not receive the same treatment. Many people suffer from cynophobia (fear of dogs), a quasi-cultural phenomenon. More often perceived as a threat, especially because of their ability to attack, they are generally criticized. This negative image has been reinforced following several serious incidents in recent years: violent attacks resulting in serious, even fatal injuries have marked public opinion and increased concerns. The massive presence of these stray animals has direct repercussions on public health. The absence of veterinary control and regular sanitary interventions promotes the spread of diseases transmissible to humans. Stray dogs and cats can carry highly contagious and serious diseases. This issue is even more worrying in dense urban areas where contact between animals and humans is frequent. Children, in particular, are especially vulnerable to bites or scratches, as well as to the infections that may result. The health risk is therefore extremely concerning, especially since many diseases can be transmitted to humans. 1. Rabies: a deadly viral disease mainly transmitted by the bite or scratch of an infected dog. It remains a major public health problem in several regions despite vaccination campaigns. Nearly 400 cases and 20 deaths are recorded each year. Four recent death cases have been widely reported. 2. Toxoplasmosis: an infection caused by the parasite Toxoplasma gondii, transmitted by contact with contaminated cat feces, notably via litter. Generally mild, it poses a serious risk for pregnant women, potentially causing fetal malformations. 3. Leptospirosis: a bacterial disease transmitted by the urine of infected dogs, which can cause serious infections in humans. Between 2005 and 2017, 372 cases were declared with a mortality rate of 17.7%. 52.2% of cases occurred in urban areas. 4. Leishmaniasis: a serious parasitic disease transmitted by stray dogs, which are reservoirs of this parasite. Nearly 2,000 cases per year. 5. External and internal parasites: fleas, ticks, intestinal worms, which can also infect other animals. 6. Cat scratch disease: caused by the bacterium Bartonella henselae. It causes fever, swollen lymph nodes, and fatigue, especially in children and immunocompromised people. 7. Ringworm: a contagious fungal infection through contact with the fur or environment of infected cats, causing distressing skin lesions. 8. Pasteurellosis: a bacterial infection transmitted by bite or scratch, caused by Pasteurella multocida, which can cause local pain and inflammation. 9. Echinococcosis: a parasitic disease related to intestinal worms developed in cats, which can severely affect the human liver and lungs. 10. Mange and other parasitic infections: transmitted by direct contact with affected stray cats. Strict sanitary management is therefore necessary, including vaccination, sterilization, and responsible handling of this animal population in urban areas. Beyond health risks, stray animals cause nuisances in streets and residential neighborhoods. Nocturnal barking disturbs residents' sleep, while droppings in public spaces degrade cleanliness and the image of cities. Facing this complex situation, several approaches can be considered. It is crucial to develop awareness campaigns to encourage citizens to adopt responsible behaviors, especially regarding food given to stray animals. Special emphasis should be placed on sterilization to control reproduction. Moreover, implementing integrated public policies combining capture, veterinary care, and relocation of stray animals appears essential. These measures must respect the cultural and religious sensitivities of the country, notably involving religious authorities in creating harmonious responses. A fundamental effort towards creating dedicated spaces—shelters and controlled feeding points—could channel animal presence and reduce conflicts with the population. Moroccan NGOs published an open letter addressed as a last resort to His Majesty the King on August 3rd, reacting to extermination campaigns led by some local authorities:* "We have exhausted all institutional channels without finding attentive ears among the authorities concerned," *they say, describing the methods used as "cruel,*" contradicting " *the values of compassion promoted by religion and the monarchy." The problem is exacerbated, according to some, by an ineffective public policy and a lack of resources dedicated to capture, sterilization, and care. The cycle of proliferation would continue, reinforcing a difficult-to-reverse spiral. The government denies these accusations and states that it applies the method **"Trap, Neuter, Vaccinate" **(catch, sterilize, vaccinate, and release animals identified by an ear tag in their original territory). It would have allocated 230 million dirhams to this. However, few tagged animals are seen in the streets. Clearly, this is not just an animal issue but a major public health and urban coexistence challenge that requires a pragmatic and balanced approach, respectful of traditions and sanitary and security needs.

Multidimensional Poverty: Decoding the Oxford Index and the Situation in Morocco 10870

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
- Politics - Society -
3 min read.
When poverty is mentioned, it is often thought of as insufficient income. However, poverty encompasses much broader and more complex dimensions such as access to education, health, decent housing, and other basic resources depending on societies and their cultures. It is on this or a very similar basis that the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) was designed and unveiled in 2010 by the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI) at the University of Oxford. The index was adopted during the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). But what exactly is multidimensional poverty or the Oxford Index? *Multidimensional poverty is the simultaneous and synchronous deprivation experienced by individuals across different essential aspects of life. The Oxford Index, or MPI, aims to measure this aspect of poverty based on 10 indicators grouped into three main dimensions: health, in terms of nutrition and child mortality; education, concerning school attendance, years of schooling, and living conditions; namely access to drinking water, electricity, sanitation facilities, quality housing, and essential assets.* A household is considered poor according to the MPI if its members are deprived in at least 33% of these indicators. The index is calculated using a simple formula: **MPI = H × A** where **H** is the proportion of people who are poor and **A** is the average intensity of deprivation among these people. This approach provides a more nuanced diagnosis than a simple monetary measure of poverty. It allows identifying the exact origin and nature of the deprivations and thus more effectively guides public action. The introduction of the MPI in Morocco has profoundly renewed the understanding of poverty in the country. Ten years ago, this index stood at 11.9%. Thanks to significant mobilization and targeted policies, this rate has decreased to 6.8% according to the 2024 national census, representing a halving. Translated into numbers of affected people, the rate dropped from 4.5% to 2.5% of Morocco’s current 36 million population. Despite these notable advances, poverty remains marked by strong regional and social disparities. Deprivations mainly concern education and living conditions such as access to drinking water, decent housing, and medical care. Multidimensional poverty is more concentrated in rural areas, accounting for 72% of the poor, with an alarming rate among rural children estimated at nearly 69%. In his 26th Throne Speech, His Majesty the King acknowledged the progress made while expressing dissatisfaction and the determination to rapidly correct the situation. Indeed, Morocco is still behind many other countries that display lower multidimensional poverty rates and have recorded faster declines in the index; some countries have therefore succeeded better. For example, Croatia already had a rate below 0.5% in 2022. China, with 12.5% in 2002, and Turkey, with an index of 8.5% in 2007, have recorded faster decreases and are now among the best-ranked countries. Several countries in Asia and Latin America have also seen significant declines thanks to innovative strategies, ambitious social policies, and sustained international support. Morocco remains better ranked compared to many Sub-Saharan African countries. Mali had an MPI of 77.7% in 2012 and Burundi 80.8% in 2010. However, Morocco still maintains a significant gap with global leaders and even some developing countries in the Mediterranean and Asia. To enable the Kingdom to maintain and accelerate its progress, drastic and effective measures requiring genuine political courage and boldness are needed. Several avenues should be considered simultaneously, such as: - Optimizing investment in education by reducing school dropout, promoting equal access for girls and boys in rural areas, and improving teaching quality and attractiveness through teacher qualification and adapted curricula. - Seriously addressing the issue of the language of instruction. Moroccans speak a language that is not reflected in schools. Darija is the Moroccan language and should be valorized to create a continuum between everyday life and learning. All education specialists and dedicated international bodies insist on the use of the mother tongue for more efficient learning, at least in the early school years, as seen in all countries successful in education. - Redefining what illiteracy means in Morocco. Is it still appropriate to consider illiteracy as the inability to master languages that are not used in daily life? The working language and trades that sustain Moroccans and in which all exchange, communicate, and act are not taken into account. This question must be reconsidered in light of scientific evidence, without outdated or unproductive dogma or ideology. - Accelerating medical coverage and social protection through a faster and less restrictive generalization. - Encouraging health and education professionals to settle in remote and targeted areas through significant financial incentives and housing. - Expanding and strengthening basic infrastructure with particular focus on drinking water, electricity, sanitation, and social housing even in rural areas. The issue posed by scattered housing should no longer be a taboo. Some recurring problems simply cannot be solved in certain regions due to the type and location of housing. - Targeting public efforts territorially through fine planning and priority allocation of appropriate resources to the most vulnerable regions, taking into account the real needs of the populations concerned. - Developing and refining social safety nets and resilience mechanisms to better protect populations affected by climate change. By adopting an integrated, territorially targeted approach based on precise MPI data, Morocco can consolidate the gains already made and catch up with the best performers in the region and the world in the near future, given its stability, significant growth rate, diversified and increasingly efficient economy, and, of course, the ingenuity of its people.

Moroccan Tourism in 2025: Spectacular Growth but Persistent Challenges 11310

Aziz Daouda, 1 mon.
Moroccan tourism has been experiencing a very favorable phase since 2024. Tourism revenues reached nearly 50 billion dirhams in the first quarter of the current year, confirming a robust recovery after the global health crisis. This upswing is the result of a combination of factors that can be analyzed from several perspectives. Certainly, the gradual lifting of health restrictions worldwide enabled a massive return of international visitors, particularly Europeans, but also travelers from other regions of the globe. With its unique cultural richness, history, lively medinas, diverse landscapes ranging from the Atlas Mountains to the Atlantic and Mediterranean beaches, sunshine, colors, unparalleled craftsmanship, refined cuisine, and the warmth of Moroccans—their smiles, their ability to quickly connect with others, and their tolerance—the Kingdom has managed to attract clientele seeking authentic and varied experiences. After two difficult years, this strong recovery reflects renewed tourist interest in the destination. According to the government, the rise of the tourism sector is linked to a strategy and sustained policy of investment in infrastructure: world-class hotels, improved transport networks, airport modernization, and expansion of air routes. These efforts have undoubtedly significantly enhanced the country’s accessibility as well as visitor comfort and security, all now essential elements to remain competitive in a highly competitive international market. The Kingdom has also heavily invested in its global visibility through well-calibrated promotion campaigns, regular presence at major international trade shows, and strategic partnerships with key tourism players. This well-thought marketing strategy has attracted a diverse clientele, amplifying the effect of a strong national brand. Developing the tourism offer plays a crucial role in this dynamic. In addition to traditional cultural and seaside getaways that the country is famous for, Morocco is now focusing on growing segments: adventure tourism, desert trekking, extreme sports, ecotourism, national parks, protected areas, and cultural events, international festivals, and exhibitions. This diversification aims to attract different tourist profiles year-round and avoid excessive seasonality. The exceptional event of the 2022 FIFA World Cup, through the performance of the Moroccan national team and the enthusiastic support of its supporters in the stadium and the streets of Doha, had an amplifying effect on the country’s global visibility and image. This competition put Morocco on the international tourism map, attracting a significant influx of visitors and creating immediate spotlight on its attractions. As a direct result, Morocco exceeded in 2024 its initial target of 17.5 million tourists planned for 2026—a remarkable achievement. However, without contesting the announced figures, this bright spot should not mask certain challenges. A closer look at the statistics reveals a different reality. A significant portion of recorded tourists, about 50%, are Moroccans residing abroad (MRE), who visit mainly for family reasons rather than tourism linked to government strategies. It should not be overlooked that these same MRE often denounce recurring problems, foremost among them the high cost of air transport with Royal Air Maroc, which is heavily subsidized by public funds. Price gouging in hotels and restaurants, especially in summer, is also widely criticized. These difficulties impact the retention of international visitors as well, as return rates are very low. The fact that operators at all levels impose exorbitant price increases during peak season tarnishes the country’s image and discourages visitors. Staying in Morocco is abusively expensive for unclear reasons. Indeed, few tourists return multiple times after their first visit. This raises questions about the quality of the customer experience and the destination’s competitiveness. Excluding MRE and visitors traveling for professional reasons, the number of foreigners visiting Morocco by deliberate choice is therefore not that high. This calls into question the efficiency of the very large subsidies granted to the sector and, above all, the effectiveness of the promotional campaigns. The Ministry of Tourism and the National Tourism Office attribute the recorded success to their proactive policy, but the reality shows that this growth largely relies on the emotional attachment of the MRE, a factor less controllable by public authorities. Will the post-World Cup momentum and the goodwill generated be sustained over the long term? It is difficult to precisely gauge how much of the upswing is due to the World Cup context and what the real impact of public policies is, especially subsidies and aid allocated to the sector. This impact, however, cannot be ignored. To maintain the course and ensure sustainable growth of the sector, it is essential that Morocco continues and deepens its efforts: ongoing investments and innovation in the tourism offer. However, the major urgent challenge remains controlling the outrageous costs for visitors. The government’s silence on this issue risks hurting the sector badly. The summer sunshine is too expensive. It is time for the entire industry to stop acting like predators, and for scams and extortion to be forever banned quickly. Another key challenge is integrating sustainable development policies to preserve natural and cultural resources within the broader framework of inclusive development across all regions of the country. It is also imperative to include citizen awareness and education in this vision. Polluted or neglected beaches and sites, annoying incivility, and inappropriate behaviors are additional challenges to be addressed. Tourism must remain one of the major engines of Morocco’s economy, generating jobs and wealth while enhancing the country’s international standing. Still, we shall wait until the end of the campaign to make a final judgment, especially on the trajectory of the numbers and the effectiveness of measures announced in the sector’s development strategy, and above all to draw the necessary lessons.

Ahmed Faras: The Eternal Legend of Moroccan Football 11420

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Society - Sports -
3.3 min read.
I have been fortunate enough to know Ahmed Faras. It is unbearable for me to speak of him in the past tense, someone who has been part of my life for so long. It had been ages since he last touched a ball. Few are still alive who saw him play, those who, match after match, would await his dribble, his runs down the wing, his shot, his goal. Faras was an outstanding man, with an incredible shyness and reserve. Even when present somewhere, he was always on the sidelines: discreet, courteous, kind, with deep sensitivity, affection, and great touchiness. But Faras will always be part of the present. He is a true legend of Moroccan and African football; legends never die. Fedala saw him born in the cold of December 1947. Mohammedia would be his city and Chabab his eternal club. At the time, there was no such thing as a transfer market, no migrations, no football mercenary spirit. You were born in a club, learned to play there, and you stayed. His temperament was not that of a typical striker: there was no aggressiveness, no cunning. He compensated with his genius and never needed to dive or roll on the ground to sway a referee or create confusion. His genius spared him all that. He was an exceptional striker who marked the history of Moroccan and continental football. The turf at El Bachir football stadium helped him, at that time, it was the best in Morocco. Ahmed Faras was the product of a generation shaped by the structured environment of the youth sports schools run by the Ministry of Youth and Sports, a system supposedly dismantled by so-called administrative and political reforms. Yet, it was there that Morocco's champions were formed, across all sports. His early path was marked by the guidance of renowned trainers such as Lakhmiri, who helped shape numerous Moroccan talents. This solid foundation allowed him to develop technical skills and a sense of teamwork very early on, which would become hallmarks of his play. Ahmed Faras spent his entire career at Chabab Mohammedia, from 1965 to 1982, never having a professional contract—such things didn’t exist in Morocco then. There’s no need to mention signing bonuses or performance awards, even with the national team. His loyalty to Chabab is remarkable. He would lead the club to a Moroccan championship and become its top scorer. He would bring along with him his playing friends—Acila, Glaoua, Haddadi, and many more. Faras was a pillar of the Moroccan national team. With 36 goals in 94 caps, what a historic scorer for the Atlas Lions! He captained the national team for eight years, playing in the 1970 World Cup in Mexico and the 1972 Munich Olympic Games. In 1975, Ahmed Faras entered the legend by becoming the first Moroccan to win the African Ballon d’Or, an award that underlined the quality and consistency of his play. This distinction placed him among the greatest players on the continent, competing with the top African stars of his era. There was talk of a transfer to Real Madrid...but at the time Moroccan league players were barred from moving abroad under penalty of losing their place in the national team. The idea was, thus, to strengthen the domestic league... The peak of his career was surely the 1976 Africa Cup of Nations (CAN), won by Morocco in Ethiopia. Faras was the leader on the pitch, the tournament’s top scorer, and his influence was decisive for this historic triumph—the only major African title that Morocco has ever won. He scored crucial goals against Nigeria and Egypt in that tournament, perfectly embodying the role of playmaker and team leader on the field. To this day, he remains the only Moroccan captain ever to lift the coveted African trophy. I have been a few times to that ground in Addis Ababa where he lifted the trophy, and every time, his image dominates my thoughts. An indelible black-and-white, forever etched in the history of the Kingdom and in the memory of Moroccans who followed the match at the time through the voice of one Ahmed Elgharbi...no live broadcasts back then. He was a respected and heeded captain, guided by great coaches: Abdelkader Lakhmiri, Blagoe Vidinic, Abdellah Settati, Jabrane, and especially Gheorghe Mardarescu during that epic campaign in the land of Emperor Haile Selassie. His charisma and vision of the game were crucial in unifying the team and leading them to the summit of African football. Faras embodied the spirit of conquest and national pride throughout the tournament. The squad was selected and led by an outstanding manager as well Colonel Mehdi Belmejdoub. His name is forever bound to that legendary achievement, a symbol of the potential of Moroccan football when guided by exemplary leadership, committed and knowledgeable managers, and players who were true warriors for their jersey’s colors. Ahmed Faras was not just a talented player. After his retirement, he continued to share his passion, getting involved in youth training, passing on his knowledge and love for the game to the new generation. He has been a source of inspiration for so many generations of players. Knowing Lhaj Ahmed Faras meant knowing a symbol of loyalty, talent, and unique leadership in Moroccan sports. His name will forever remain inscribed in collective memory as that of a football giant, whose legacy goes beyond sport to inspire entire generations. Rest in peace, my friend. One day, a great football stadium in this country will bear your name, and it will be fitting, if the players follow your example, honor your career, and if the public rises to your greatness, paying tribute to your distinguished name. So Lhaj Ahmed Faras, if you ever meet Acila up there, ask him to give you another nice pass, and tell Glaoua to defend well... Know that your star shines and will always shine above us in the sky of the beautiful country you cherished so much. ---

MRE : The elephant outside the room 11011

Sheikh Flakho, 2 mon.
- Society -
2.1 min read.
MRE : marocain résident à l'étranger. A simple acronym, rolls off the tongue nicely. Depending on your social class, a different image popped up in your mind. Let's examine different scenarios : — The ex-NEET turned Italian: Family borrowed a year's worth of wages to send him on raft to Italy or the afterlife. Gets a new phone to everyone when he visits every couple summers. Unfortunately, it's not the 80s anymore and he's got no choice but to sell drugs if he wants to afford a Volkswagen Golf. "You can take an african out of africa, but you can't take africa out of the african". Karma will make him live long enough to see black africans invade his country like he invaded other people's. Single handedly responsible for making real estate unaffordable in towns nobody wants to live in. — The daughter who studied in france and works in paris that your neighbor brags about: Lost her virginity in a party but her parents will never hear about it. Trades her headscarf for a CDI. Thinks she needs no man as she goes around Europe like a pokemon trainer catching selfies in cities her ancestors did not build. Claims she loves her country but only thinks about going back there if she can double her living standards. A pure product of the system, hates racism, sexism, and any globohomo-ism. Enjoys being fetishized by white bois. — The lazy friend that won the visa lottery to the US: Thinks he's made it thanks to his skills and hardwork alone. Starts Vlogging as soon as he takes a mortgage. Too busy surviving the American collapse to ruin things back home. Will settle for a what barely qualifies as a woman according to his mother's standards for the papers. — The red-pilled scholar of self-denial : Moved out of morocco out of sheer hatred for the country, its institutions, its culture, and its people. Tries to prematurely reincarnate by changing his name, accent, and backstory to better fit in his new home. The real life equivalent of the anime villain whose reasons make more sense than the hero, but is still in the wrong. — The self-exiled man of inaction : Moved out of morocco mentally, not rich/special enough to move physically. Browses r/morocco. Most likely speaks english because his french sucks. Mind broken by the system despite never facing persecution (for a lack of trying to subvert it). Fuels loneliness epidemic but uses dating apps and social media. Imports problems from abroad, never comes up with solutions. Would not change anything is he was part of the 0.1%. Having a big diaspora around the world is nothing to be proud of. Granted, morocco gets a significant amount of foreign currency from them, but this is basically a "resource curse", and not even a good one. I have yet to see anyone quantify their negative impact on the economy. Not only do they drive housing prices up since they can afford bigger mortgages, but they also sabotage the collective consciousness. The moroccan dream is to get out of morocco. As long as we treat our diaspora as gods among men, we idealize the act of running away. Why try to build things here when you can enjoy a much better life by going somewhere else? Why try to have a career here if local talent is always seen as second rate compared to foreign one? I'll always be astonished by the degree of hatred and scorn that we, as a people, have against ourselves. Sure, leaving this cesspit of a country behind is the rational choice at the individual level. Doesn't mean it's the right one.

What really is conviction? 11098

Some human, 2 mon.
- Society - Poetry - Philosophy -
1.2 min read.
If you can tell for sure that whatever you want to have in your future would really belong to you, then you actually don't have a future; you are just navigating through time. It is important that we appreciate that the great people the world celebrates were never so certain that they will achieve the things they have. Yes, there were moments when they believed they would do great things, and then there were those singular moments when they actually realized that they were meant for great things. But never were there moments before such moments of the euphoria of the culmination of their deeds were they ever so sure of the prospects of the future. This is therefore the human condition. The one that makes life worth living. The one whereforth springs the meanings of all purpose. Notice the keyword here is to believe! In every step of the way, great people tread the paths of belief. An identity, an appreciation of a life that could potentially be worth nothing, be meaningless and result in total complete waste. Yet, they walk that path anyway. They walk these paths also quietly aware of the rewards of their deeds. To quote a book, "it is in times when we succeed, when things seem to be working in our favor, and our egos expand like a pufferfish, that we are most easily blind-sided and in danger of the greatest fall. It can be a cycle for many of us, until we learn how to break it, how to be unaffected by either success or failure, and just keep moving forward, towards our goals" That is conviction! "When I close my eyes, I see a thing. I did this thing. I made this thing. It is so beautiful. and powerful. and everyone loves it. everyone says this is really a great thing! everyone agrees that this is going to change their lives for the better forever. I smile because I imagined this thing, and I did it, and it was beautiful in every aspect. It did it's job just like I wanted it to and I fulfilled my purpose."

Moroccan Higher Education Under Fire: The Crisis of Diploma Sales and Scientific Integrity... 11251

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
2.7 min read.
The recent scandal involving the sale of diplomas at Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is not just an isolated incident but a symptom of a systemic crisis undermining the credibility of Moroccan higher education and, more broadly, public trust in institutions. The arrest of a law professor suspected of issuing diplomas in exchange for payment exposed a structured network of academic fraud, revealing serious flaws in control and evaluation mechanisms. Even if isolated, this phenomenon deeply impacts the quality and reputation of Moroccan diplomas. It undermines the quality of university education, calls into question the integrity of evaluation procedures, weakens the pedagogical authority of teachers, and discredits Moroccan diplomas both nationally and internationally. The consequences are multiple, ranging from employers losing trust in the value of diplomas, to reduced international mobility of Moroccan students, and, of course, to the weakening of Moroccan universities' reputations in global rankings. **In response, reactions have been strong given the gravity of the case. The National Authority for Integrity, Prevention, and the Fight against Corruption (INPPLC) intervened, initiating civil action to defend the public interest despite the opening of a judicial investigation. The scandal was also raised in Parliament, highlighting the crisis's magnitude and the need for a strong response to restore citizens' confidence in academic and judicial institutions.** This scandal confirms what had already been rumored among students about registrations and diplomas obtained for money or even in exchange for sexual favors. The situation is further aggravated by a recently revealed structural problem in scientific research. This scandal is neither isolated nor unprecedented. It fits into a broader context of a crisis of scientific integrity, as revealed by the 2025 Scientific Research Integrity Index. This index, focused on the quality and ethics of publications, sounded the alarm for ten Moroccan universities, flagged for publications tainted by methodological errors or plagiarism, and removed from international databases. The 2025 Scientific Integrity Ranking presents an alarming state of affairs: - Ibn Tofail University in Kenitra is on the red list: out of 2,154 publications, 165 were withdrawn. - Ibn Zohr University in Agadir is on the orange list: 96 of 1,912 publications withdrawn. - Hassan II University in Casablanca is also on the orange list with 202 publications withdrawn out of 3,668. - Mohammed V University in Rabat is on the orange list with 253 articles withdrawn out of 4,544. - Sidi Mohammed Ben Abdellah University in Fez is also on the orange list with 191 titles withdrawn. - Abdelmalek Essaadi, Sultan Moulay Slimane, Moulay Ismail, Mohammed VI Polytechnic, and Cadi Ayyad universities are on the yellow list, meaning under surveillance. This ranking highlights a high or very high risk of non-compliance with academic integrity standards in several Moroccan public institutions, damaging the country's reputation in the MENA region. Morocco ranks third in terms of the number of universities concerned, behind Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It is important to emphasize that it is not the walls of these institutions that are at fault or cause such scandalous harm, but humans—and not just any humans. These are the ones supposed to train the national elites, advance the country, and secure its future. *Quickly said: not all of them, because there are also very great, competent, and honest teachers and researchers in our universities who are the first to suffer from this situation.* This means that even at this level, where probity should be decisive and where only competence should prevail, unacceptable practices likely exist in researcher recruitment, in peer review of their work, or by the institutions that employ them. This crisis, which tarnishes the country's image, demands urgent and structural measures. Without calling for immediate sanctions, demotions, or dismissals of the teachers involved, it is imperative to prioritize strengthening internal controls, guarantee the autonomy of scientific integrity units in each university, and train teacher-researchers and students in research ethics and fraud detection, reminding them that they are monitored internationally and that plagiarism or data manipulation cannot escape the vigilance of competent authorities. Finally, it is imperative and urgent to establish an independent national observatory to ensure transparent and sustainable monitoring of academic practices. Our academics must understand that valuing integrity in rankings and university recognition is an absolute necessity. To this end, they have the duty to prioritize quality over quantity in publications. The multiplication of scandals in the university environment is only the visible part of a deeper malaise in management, curricula, and the very foundation of university education in Morocco. This is what generates so many dysfunctions that must be tackled head-on and without concession. Meeting the challenge of academic integrity is today a sine qua non condition to guarantee the credibility, attractiveness, and competitiveness of Moroccan universities on a global scale, with all the impact this can have on the country's future. This is the true mission of Si Azzedine El Midaoui, Minister of Higher Education, Scientific Research, and Innovation, who knows the intricacies of Moroccan universities well, having worked at all levels within them.

Morocco’s Heatwave Exposes Critical Failures in Train Air Conditioning Systems 10766

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Politics - Society - Thriller -
2.2 min read.
Morocco has just experienced an exceptional heatwave, like many other countries in the region, including those further north. While temperatures exceeded 45°C in several areas, train passengers expressed strong anger over the air conditioning failures on many trains operated by the National Office of Railways (ONCF), especially on conventional lines connecting the main cities of the Kingdom. On social media, increasing testimonies of frustration described train cars as true “walking ovens.” For many, some journeys, particularly the heavily trafficked line between Casablanca and Rabat, have become nearly unbearable. Numerous travelers are outraged, going as far as to call this situation a clear sign of disrespect toward passengers. This failure mainly affects classic trains, often over twenty years old, whose air conditioning systems are outdated and frequently out of order. In contrast, the high-speed Al Boraq line, which connects Casablanca to Tangier, is better equipped to handle these extreme conditions, offering a striking contrast between modernity and obsolescence. The National Meteorological Directorate recorded historic peaks: 47.3°C in Marrakech, 46°C in Fès, and 45.5°C in Kénitra. Under these conditions, inside a non-air-conditioned carriage, temperatures far exceed the tolerable threshold, endangering not only passengers’ comfort but also their health, especially the most vulnerable such as the elderly and children. In this context, it is often the controllers, powerless, who bear the brunt of passengers’ anger and verbal outbursts. It is important to recall that international railway transport standards require functional air conditioning systems, especially during heatwaves. In several countries, prolonged absence of air conditioning can even lead to financial compensation for travelers. Unfortunately, this is not yet the case in Morocco, where no regulations provide for compensation, which is absurd: citizens do not receive a service commensurate with their expense, while the law should protect them, especially in a monopoly situation. And this is indeed the case. Facing a flood of criticism, the ONCF acknowledges the technical difficulties related to old train sets and announces maintenance operations. However, these explanations fail to convince users, who denounce a lack of structural investment in renewing the railway fleet, despite regular fare increases. The question also arises whether the problem lies solely in the obsolescence of equipment, or if it also stems from a lack of maintenance team skills, or even negligence. Elsewhere, sometimes older trains still provide good ventilation and air conditioning service. In 2025, traveling without air conditioning in a country where heatwaves have become the norm is no longer acceptable. An emergency plan must be implemented, especially as summer has just begun, with holidays and major travel ahead. The ONCF regularly communicates about its future acquisitions of modern trains, but will any be in service this summer? In any case, the current rolling stock must be better maintained to improve passenger comfort. It is a basic right. Beyond the obvious discomfort, this situation raises a deeper issue related to respect for passengers and the quality of public service. In a context where the government encourages the use of public transport to reduce the carbon footprint, trains should be a reliable and attractive alternative. However, recurring failures tarnish the ONCF’s credibility, widening the gap between the Al Boraq line, Morocco’s technological showcase, and the conventional lines, perceived as outdated and uncomfortable despite visible efforts in seat comfort and station organization, especially at newer stations. Faced with this crisis, it is imperative that the ONCF revise its strategy. While significant investments have been made in high-speed rail, it is urgent to give equal attention to conventional lines that serve thousands of Moroccans daily. During heatwaves, the absence of air conditioning on trains is not a mere oversight but a crucial public health and dignity issue for travelers. A clear action plan, including a precise schedule for renovating train sets, better maintenance of existing systems, and a revision of passenger rights in case of failure, must be adopted without delay and made public. Everyone knows that the ONCF aims to transform its services by 2030, but until then, millions of Moroccans will take the train and deserve dignity and respect.

No Religion in Science But Ethics in Citizenship 5916

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 2 mon.
- Politics - Science - Society -
0.9 min read.
I write these words with deep respect and a sense of emotion. Professor Jamal Fezza my former high school philosophy teacher and later my thesis co-supervisor is currently facing an unfair wave of criticism. And I feel the need to publicly express my support. Those who know him understand how deeply he embodies intellectual rigor, ethical integrity, and an unwavering commitment to what science is meant to be: a space for free thought, beyond identity-based boundaries. In emotionally charged moments, it’s easy to withdraw into national or personal reactions. I know this I’ve experienced it myself. Once, I was faced with a difficult decision, and I chose not to attend a scientific event, out of loyalty to my country. But that decision was mine alone. I never asked anyone else to follow suit, nor did I demand that scientific spaces be shaped to reflect my personal stance. That’s what Jamal Fezza is reminding us of today and that’s what I stand by: science should never be confused with foreign policy. Refusing to engage with researchers based on nationality is not an act of resistance it’s a step away from dialogue and intellectual integrity. This doesn’t mean turning a blind eye to injustice. It means preserving the university as a place where ideas, not identities, are confronted. I am proud to have had Professor Fezza as a teacher, and later as a mentor. But beyond the personal bond, I am above all grateful for the example he continues to set with clarity, honesty, and courage. We need voices like his, especially when they are inconvenient.
youtu.be/RsfDelvjatA

Morocco: Voices of Rebellion, From Najat Aatabou to El Grande Toto... 5059

Aziz Daouda, 2 mon.
- Art - Society - Philosophy -
3.1 min read.
The recent edition of Mawazine Music Festival did not go unnoticed and will be remembered. There were, of course, tens of thousands of citizens from all over Morocco and beyond enjoying the various stages, with Boutchart’s record simply making them sing along, as well as that great diva singing in playback, provoking the anger of those who cried scam. But above all, there was El Grande Toto. This great star of Moroccan and global urban music, whom many dislike, or dislike intensely. El Grande Toto packed the audience, but also sparked a large number of articles and reactions, mostly unfavorable, with only a few exceptions. The majority of these reactions were rather critical, some almost scathing. *Let me say it straight away: I am not a fan of El Grande Toto nor of his type of music. At my age, it would be an insult to my musical tastes, as I can only be soothed in my Arabic version by Doukkali, Abdelhalim, Belkhayat, Samih, Farid, Oum Kaltoum, and Abdelwahab; in my French version by Brel, Reggiani, Piaf, Barbara; and in my English version by Dylan, Clapton, BB King, James Brown, and many others.* That said, I cannot judge those who dislike him, nor those who love El Grande Toto’s musical genre—that is, all the youth who identify with this style, who resonate with his intonations and rejoice in absorbing his lyrics. It is their time and their music. This reminds me that about thirty years ago, Najat Aatabou could only be heard by accident, passing by a cassette seller’s stall in a souk or secretly in one’s car. Her music seemed annoying and her lyrics vulgar. It took a long time before she was finally accepted, and later adored. What brings me to this topic is that there is something in the artistic trajectories of Najat Aatabou and El Grande Toto that resembles a broken mirror: the shards oppose and scatter, yet, upon closer look, they reflect the same reality. That of a multiple, rebellious Morocco, torn between its traditions and its desires for modernity. A Morocco that thinks it is what it is only little or not really. What it has never truly been except in a falsely constructed imagination. Najat Aatabou is the hoarse voice of the Zemours, the one who emerged in Khémisset, carried by the winds of the Middle Atlas and the whispers of a society still constrained by honor, the gaze of others, and the strictness of conventions. In the 1980s, while the Kingdom was taking its first steps toward social openness, Najat dared to sing what so many women whispered in silence: thwarted loves, betrayal, emancipation, wounded pride, desire—all in rather raw language. Her “Hadi Kedba Bayna” (“It’s an obvious lie”) resonates like a cry, soft but firm, in popular weddings, shared taxis, and the cozy living rooms of the Moroccan diaspora in Europe. With her, chaâbi, the music of the people par excellence, becomes a vector of affirmation. Najat does not apologize for being a woman, an artist, Amazigh, a rebel. She disturbs, sometimes shocks, but she imposes herself. Her music was even used in a global advertisement. Forty years later, it is another Moroccan who shakes the walls of certainties: El Grande Toto, child of Casablanca’s suburbs, dyed hair, tattooed face and arms, and sharp tongue, imposes himself as the bard of an uninhibited Moroccan youth. With him, words snap in darija, intertwine with French and English, flirt unabashedly with taboos: drugs, money, sex, and challenge social hypocrisies. Where Najat Aatabou denounced half-words, Toto displays, claims, provokes. Certainly, the forms differ: Najat draws from the ancestral repertoire, her melodies reminiscent of village weddings and the ululations of yesteryear. Toto, on the other hand, drinks from the sources of global rap, trap, and social networks, where punchlines matter more than silences. But behind these differences, the same sap nourishes their works: the thirst to speak, whatever the cost, without feeling guilty about anything. Najat Aatabou paid a high price for breaking taboos. We still remember the harsh criticisms, the heavy judging looks, the outraged fathers. But time proved her right: she is now respected, even adored, seen as one of the great voices of popular Morocco. El Grande Toto, meanwhile, is still in the midst of the storm. It will take him a long time before he is finally tolerated and accepted. Repeated controversies, court summons, accusations of indecency… Yet, his success does not wane. The numbers speak: millions of streams on platforms, growing international influence, a Moroccan youth that recognizes itself in his anger and dreams. They sing their reality and find themselves in him, whether we like it or not. Ultimately, from the 1980s to today, across centuries, Morocco has never stopped telling its story through its most unsettling artists. There were others before: Zahra Elfassia, Fatna Bent El Houcine, and many known or unknown Chikhates, female voices of the frustrations and hopes of a silenced generation. El Grande Toto, the insolent spokesperson of an urban youth in search of recognition, space, freedom, embodies this spirit today. We must not forget there were others before him: Faddoul, Nass El Ghiwane, Ach Kayne, Rebel Moon, and Lbig, among others. There was also a tradition of rebellion and bold language in malhoun with qassidas that one would no longer dare to sing nowadays, even in the most intimate circles. Between them all, decades and universes, but also this invisible thread that connects those who dare to say out loud what others still keep silent. Perhaps that is what it means to be an artist in Morocco: to shake the established order, to hold a mirror to society, and to accept to pay the price, even if it is too high...

Council of Europe Conference on Human Rights in Sport Held in Rabat, Morocco. 5366

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3 min read.
The Council of Europe, in collaboration with the Ministry of Preschool Education and Sports, and with the support of the Swiss Embassy to the Kingdom, organized in Rabat on June 23 and 24 a conference dedicated to Human Rights in Sport. All relevant departments and administrations, the national sports movement, as well as researchers specializing in the field were invited. The choice of date was no coincidence: we are just a few months away from the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, and a few years from the FIFA World Cup co-hosted by Morocco, Spain, and Portugal. These major sporting events require the Kingdom to strengthen and update its legal and institutional framework regarding human rights in sport. For the Council of Europe, sport is not only an essential physical and social activity but also a fundamental vector of human rights, embodying values such as respect, non-discrimination, solidarity, and justice. To protect and promote these rights, it relies on several key conventions: the Macolin Convention, the Anti-Doping Convention, and the Saint-Denis Convention. These legal instruments form the cornerstone of its commitment to ethical, safe, and inclusive sport. Morocco has signed the Macolin Convention, which is awaiting ratification. It has also acceded to the provisions of the Anti-Doping Convention but remains an observer regarding the Saint-Denis Convention. The conference therefore addressed these different legal frameworks, further explained them, and reviewed the Kingdom’s progress in these areas. Following the official opening and presentations by the departments of the Ministry of National Education, Preschool and Sports, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the representative of the Royal Moroccan Football Federation, Swiss ambassador and the Head of the Council of Europe Office in Rabat, several experts took the floor to elaborate on the theme: Prof. Younes Lazrak Hassouni presented the Moroccan national legal framework concerning human rights in sport. Dr. Fatima Abouali, President of the Moroccan Anti-Doping Agency (AMAD), spoke about AMAD’s commitment to respecting human rights. The Anti-Doping Convention (1989, amended in 2002) seeks to preserve health and sporting fairness by eradicating doping, which is considered a violation of sports ethics and a threat to athletes’ health. It supports the fundamental right to healthy and fair sport, guaranteeing the dignity of participants. Mr. Younes El Mechrafi, General Director of Moroccan Games and Sports, addressed the fight against illegal betting in light of the Macolin Convention, highlighting recent developments, particularly in combating illegal betting. The Macolin Convention (2014) aims to strengthen national coordination and international cooperation to prevent and combat the manipulation of sports competitions, whether related to criminal activities or sports betting. It protects the integrity of sport, ensuring a fair environment for athletes and spectators—an essential aspect of human rights in sport. The Moroccan presentations were followed by those of Council of Europe experts: Ms. Elena Caser, from the Sports Division, outlined the Council’s priority areas for preserving sports integrity. Mr. Nicolas Sayde detailed the implementation of the Macolin Convention to combat competition manipulation, using concrete examples. Ms. Marie Françoise Glatz, Secretary of the Saint-Denis Convention, presented the principles and standards of this convention, emphasizing its integrated and multi-institutional approach to the secure management of sporting events. Mr. Paulo Gomes, Head of the Convention Unit, stressed the added value of this convention for Morocco, especially regarding a strengthened legal framework and the security of upcoming major sporting events. The objective was clear: to convince Morocco to fully adhere to the Saint-Denis Convention. To date, this convention is the only binding international instrument that establishes an integrated approach to ensure the safety, security, and quality of services at sporting events. It promotes close cooperation between public authorities, private actors, and supporters to create welcoming, safe sporting events that respect human rights, particularly in combating violence, racism, and discrimination. This last convention sparked extensive debate, especially among representatives of the Ministry of Justice, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and the General Directorate of National Security, as Morocco is currently preparing its legal arsenal for hosting the Africa Cup of Nations and the World Cup, in accordance with the requirements of various specifications. Beyond international conventions, Morocco is one of the few countries in the world to have enshrined sport and physical activity in its Constitution. It establishes these as a right for citizens and an obligation for the State. Physical activity constitutes the primary pillar of any comprehensive health system, both physical and mental. Sport plays a crucial role through its recreational, social, political, and geopolitical dimensions. It is also an important economic sector, contributing significantly to GDP, directly or indirectly. The Kingdom has a solid normative framework: Law No. 30-09 on physical education and sports, Law No. 84-12 on the organization of sports activities, Law No. 09-09 against violence in stadiums, and Law No. 97-12 on anti-doping, which regulates controls and sanctions. These laws are complemented by Decree No. 2-10-628 of 2011 relating to Law 30-09. This fairly comprehensive system aims to make sport a space of respect, fairness, and solidarity, in line with the universal values of human rights. The proper organization of sporting events, the fight against doping, and the fight against violence form a fundamental triptych guaranteeing integrity, health, safety, and respect for fundamental rights in sport. This integrated vision places sport at the heart of public policies promoting human rights, making it a powerful lever for a fairer, more inclusive, and more united society. Holding this conference in Rabat confirms the Kingdom’s determination to comply with the highest international standards in this field and demonstrates its openness to cooperation with its partners, notably the European Union and its dedicated bodies.

Morocco 2030: Football as a Geopolitical and Strategic Lever While Waiting for Other Sports Disciplines... 5640

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3.2 min read.
The Kingdom of Morocco, through football, is today establishing itself as a major player in sports geopolitics. It clearly demonstrates its determination to carve out a prominent place on the international stage in this field. This vision comes from the highest levels of the State and is also shared by the Moroccan people, who have embraced this choice. This dynamic is notably illustrated by the co-hosting of the 2030 World Cup with Spain and Portugal, a historically significant event symbolizing a major political and diplomatic victory. This co-organization of the 2030 World Cup alongside two European states is the result of a long, patient, and determined strategy. It stems from an enduring conviction that has never wavered. After five unsuccessful bids, the Kingdom managed to convince FIFA and its member federations, becoming the second African country to host the tournament after South Africa in 2010. In fact, aside from the political contingencies of the time, the global sympathy for Nelson Mandela, and the questionable practices of FIFA decision-makers then, South Africa would never have been able to host the World Cup before Morocco for obvious footballing reasons. The Kingdom has nonetheless been rewarded for its patience, resilience, and conviction. It will host the centennial World Cup, an edition exceptional in every respect and designed under a cost-sharing logic. It will have a considerable economic and diplomatic impact, strengthening ties between Europe and Africa and highlighting football’s role in bringing peoples closer, as well as in the social and sporting development of the region. Never has Europe been so close and cooperative with the African continent—and vice versa. Morocco is organizing on behalf of an entire continent. Football is a true soft power tool that Morocco wields to strengthen its diplomatic relations in Africa. Did His Majesty the King not order the Local Organizing Committee to include expertise from across the continent? The Royal Moroccan Football Federation has long multiplied partnerships with African federations, providing financial and logistical support and inviting many countries to use the country’s numerous modern infrastructures for their training or competitions. This proactive and positive policy naturally consolidates Moroccan influence on the continent, in a context where the country seeks to counter the influence of other regional powers that do not look upon it favorably. From a purely footballing standpoint, Morocco is gradually asserting itself as an African powerhouse. It wins or participates in all major continental finals with a steady rise in the performance of its national teams. This success is supported by massive investments in player development, with the construction of high-performance training centers such as the Mohammed VI Academy in Salé. The Kingdom is also increasingly exporting players and coaches to leagues in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. This contributes to strengthening its image and influence. For example, Jamal Selami recently qualified Jordan for the World Cup for the first time in its history, a team propelled by his compatriot Houcine Amouta. Moreover, the Moroccan diaspora plays a key role: many players born or trained abroad enthusiastically choose to wear the Moroccan colors, proud and unashamed to represent their country of origin. This mobilization of diaspora talent is a strategic asset that enriches the national teams and enhances their reach. Morocco therefore does not limit itself to mere sporting ambition in football. It conceives football as a vector of international influence, a territorial marketing lever, as evidenced by the strategic agreement “Morocco, Land of Football” signed between the FRMF and the Moroccan National Tourism Office. This alliance reflects the Kingdom’s desire to build a strong, inspiring image and attract enthusiasts and tourists from around the world. It is a continuation of the policy of building and strengthening the Morocco brand, which is increasingly asserting itself globally in the economic sphere. Morocco no longer hesitates to admit it is an industrial power asserting itself more and more every day. This approach fits into a global geostrategic perspective where football is called upon to reinforce Morocco’s position on the African and international stage, assert its continental leadership, and support its diplomatic advances, notably on the sensitive issue of the southern provinces. By using sport as a diplomatic and economic tool, Morocco aims to consolidate its alliances, extend its influence, and prepare a future where it occupies a central position in relations between Africa, Europe, and the world—and it makes no secret of this. Everyone today understands that to engage with Africa, especially on economic issues and certain political aspects, the Kingdom is indispensable. The question now arises for other sports disciplines. In fact, this football policy could only be implemented and succeed thanks to the royal vision in this domain, understood by a federation that, before all others, corrected its course following the royal letter addressed to the world of sport in 2008. The FRMF has smartly set itself in motion, now reaping the first results of its commitment. Unfortunately, other federations have remained in the shadows, mired in a certain mediocrity or even lethargy that makes them increasingly ineffective and criticized. Some, and not the least, are simply insignificant at the continental and global level, or have become so due to lack of foresight and competence, despite the available resources and the green light for sports in general. Developing other disciplines could diversify the country’s sports soft power, strengthen its diplomatic ties, and better distribute the economic and cultural benefits of sporting events across the national territory. Diversification is precisely at the heart of the royal vision. Meanwhile, Morocco is making football a major political asset, blending sport, diplomacy, and economic development to establish itself as an unavoidable player in sports geopolitics. The 2030 World Cup is both a symbol and a catalyst of this ambitious strategy, which promises to reshape regional and international balances around a ball rounder than ever—while awaiting the awakening of other sports disciplines.

His Majesty King Mohammed VI: Heir to a Tradition, Architect of Sovereign Modernity 5806

Aziz Daouda, 3 mon.
- Politics - History - Society -
2.6 min read.
Long before the major transformations of the 1920s, Morocco experienced significant attempts at modernization under the reign of Hassan I (1873-1894). A visionary Sultan, Hassan I undertook reforms of the administration, strengthened the army, and developed infrastructure, notably roads and communications. His efforts encountered a conservative internal context, marked by resistance from the fouqahas (Islamic scholars) and elites attached to traditional structures. He also faced increasing pressure from European powers seeking to establish themselves in Morocco. These dual obstacles limited the scope of the reforms but nevertheless laid the foundations for gradual modernization. Before him, Sidi Mohammed ben Abdallah, an enlightened 18th-century Sultan, had already played a major role in opening Morocco to the world. He notably founded and developed the port of Essaouira (then Mogador) in 1765, conceived as a strategic commercial hub to control foreign trade. Thanks to its geographic position and infrastructure, Essaouira quickly became an essential crossroads for exchanges between Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and the Mediterranean, thereby strengthening the kingdom’s economic and diplomatic ties. Other sovereigns continued this dynamic. Moulay Abdelaziz (1894-1908) pursued certain military and administrative reforms despite increasing instability. Under the French protectorate, Moulay Youssef (1912-1927) had to navigate colonial domination while trying to preserve some Moroccan sovereignty. Ascending the throne in 1927 at only 19 years old, Mohammed V became a symbol of Moroccan resistance against the French protectorate. Rejecting colonial domination, he supported the nationalist movement, notably during his historic speech in Tangier in 1947, where he called for Moroccan unity and independence. Exiled from 1953 to 1955, his triumphant return marked the beginning of the end of the protectorate. In 1956, he proclaimed independence and laid the foundations of a sovereign Morocco. He then engaged in building a modern state by reforming institutions, unifying the territory, developing education, and initiating economic modernization, creating the Royal Armed Forces and other security bodies while affirming national cultural identity. Son of Mohammed V, Hassan II (1961-1999) consolidated the Moroccan state by establishing a constitutional monarchy and developing essential infrastructure. He skillfully combined tradition and modernity, strengthening national sovereignty while opening the country to foreign investment and international exchanges. Under his reign, Morocco made major advances in economic, social, and cultural fields, laying the groundwork for sustainable modernization and preparing the terrain for current transformations. Hassan II is remembered for gradually recovering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom in a difficult, even hostile, internal and international context. Under Mohammed VI, Morocco is undergoing a profound transformation, comparable in scale to that of the 1920s but within a sovereign and globalized context. His reign, marked by a clear vision and firm will, combines respect for traditions with openness to modernity. The country is investing massively in transport infrastructure: roads, high-speed trains, airports, and public and private facilities throughout the territory. Integration with Western economies has strengthened, making Morocco a preferred destination for foreign direct investment, attracting billions of dollars annually. Flagship projects, especially in preparation for the 2030 World Cup, are stimulating the development of sports, tourism, and cultural infrastructure, affirming the country’s international influence. At the same time, social and economic modernization is underway, with initiatives to improve education, health, innovation, and sustainable development, positioning Morocco within a global and modern dynamic. The country has simply tripled its GDP in less than twenty years. All this reflects continuity and renewal. Morocco is, in fact, in perpetual reinvention. The parallel between the major transformations of the 1920s and the era of Mohammed VI reveals a Morocco capable of constant reinvention. While the metamorphosis of the 1920s was dictated by a colonial context, today’s transformation is the fruit of a sovereign ambition, focused on balanced, inclusive, and sustainable development. It embodies the will of a sovereign with a multilateral vision. No domain is left aside or forgotten. The great projects of yesterday and today testify to an even stronger and more determined energy for transformation, with different goals: to move from a Morocco under tutelage, dependent and powerless in the face of circumstances, to a major player on the international stage, capable of attracting and cooperating with the world and building its future with confidence. Today, Morocco fits into a long tradition of historical metamorphoses. Each era has shaped a dynamic country, attempting modernity and ambitions, sometimes successful, sometimes aborted. Yet it has remained faithful to its millennial history and cultural heritage. Today it is rising, modernizing, and asserting itself as an emerging country on which one can rely. The Kingdom of Mohammed VI is thus ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century with boldness and determination, armed this time with institutions, clear and powerful visions and strategies. The royal will thus guides the country toward genuine development benefiting all, an indispensable geostrategic position, sustainable economic breakthroughs, a reliable political system, and truly irreversible progress.

Closing a Year, Opening Paths ... 6453

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 3 mon.
Some endings mean more than just the conclusion of an academic calendar. The final session with my Royal Army students young women I’ve guided through two intense years will remain etched in my memory as a suspended moment, full of emotion, meaningful silences, and eyes that said everything. They are now being deployed across the Kingdom. Some will find themselves in remote units, far from one another, but I know that an invisible, unbreakable bond will continue to connect us. These two years weren’t easy. The demands of military training, the discipline of the institution, the academic expectations... But through it all, I made a point of keeping something alive; their humanity. Alongside knowledge, structure, and rigor, I wanted them to preserve and protect their capacity for empathy, presence, and sensitivity. On the last day, they briefly broke with military protocol. In the middle of their march, they stopped. A rare gesture. Almost forbidden. But deeply sincere. They wanted to say goodbye. To show me, in their own way, that something had mattered in our shared journey. I know they wanted to hug me. And even though they didn’t, I am certain they will now know how to offer those “hugs” differently through kind words, quiet support, and a respectful gaze to anyone in need. As I left the center, I realized something essential; to teach is often to plant a seed in soil we may never see again. But we do it with the faith that it will grow. See you next year with new students, new souls to guide.

"Onions are good for you" said the onion peddler 5973

Sheikh Flakho, 4 mon.
(this is a follow up to my previous article "the thief of cope") Onions are great. Very versatile, easy to grow, and delicious. I like eating onions. But sometimes, I need to cook for guests that can't stand them. I might try to sneak the onions in a sauce or call the guests out on their fraudulent taste-buds. What I never do though, is try to convince them to eat my onions because they are good for their health. It's an easy trick. Appeal to authority. But whose exactly? Who is telling people that onions are good for them? Scientists? But who is paying the scientists to say that? It doesn't take much head scratching to figure out the obvious : it's the onion peddler. The field of technology is full of onion peddlers, especially those selling “the next big thing”. It doesn’t take that much nooticing to point out that the people making the most egregious predictions about the future are the ones selling the technologies of the future. Often, they are supported by the ones that can bill you to integrate it. It's easy to forget, but these onion peddlers are just selling you their very fancy onions. With classic technologies, the worst that could happen was wasting money on tech that brought little value to a business. From outside, it looked like big companies passing around their money to other big companies. They bought onions because everyone had them in their kitchen. Whether the promised benefits followed was not of much importance. The more money was wasted, the more buzzwords a CEO could cram into his TedTalk. But AI is different. It's not just about a few companies selling their bots to everyone. It's not about a CTO collecting Saas bills like pokemon gym badges to increase his tech-cred. It's not about tricking a bunch of silicon-valley investors to buy a couple of sport cars then closing down the shop. You may have heard the expression "nothing ever happens"? well this time something is actually happening: a massive devaluing of the economic worth of humans. If you thought that class struggle was a thing of the past, AI will make you look back fondly on slavery. Slaves were needed by their masters; the project of AI is precisely to make you unneeded. Someone watched that Elysium movie and thought we should shoot for that. No more upward mobility through education; there are no jobs to move upward to anymore. Or maybe no more education period. Why train you when we can just train AI instead? The trained AI doesn’t need to be better than you, it just needs to ape you. Your career prospects are already dead, you just don't know it yet. You may be tempted to rationalize why the economic machine still needs you. Fatal mistake. Rationality is a tool that the onion peddler takes out of the shed when it's time to cut down on expenses. The ones who own the economic machine, the ones who steer it, they are not rational. They are emotional, they are class-aware, they have an agenda, and they remember. They hate costs, but they don't hate them equally. You, the human, you're the worst kind of cost. All of these years that the proletariat has been bullying the bourgeois-god-kings with labor laws and fair wage demands... well, it's time for revenge. We like to think of businesses as systemic entities that follow the rules of a game described in an economics' textbook. But who writes those textbooks? Surprise, it's the onion subsidized friends of the onion peddler. So textbooks will tell you that businesses do everything in their power to maximize profit, but what they won't tell you is that they only maximize profit as far as they can control you. When you think of yourself as essential for the operations of a company, that's control you are taking from them. When you try to unionize, that's control you are taking from them. Remember, control trumps short term profit. Sure, AI might result in a degradation of the quality of the goods and services at first, but that's a price they are willing to pay to get rid of you. Because as a human, you wish for a better tomorrow. Somehow nowadays, that's too greedy. The utopia of the rich is a world without the poor. Literally. It's a hard pill to swallow, but sugar-coating requires sugar, and the sugar peddler happens to be friends with the onion peddler. Next, we'll discuss why AI cannot innovate, and why MBA suits can’t understand that.

Beatrice Chebet, Soufiane El Bekkali, Femke Bol, Masalela: inaugurate The Rabat Olympic Stadium: A showcase of excellence for high-level athletic performances 6138

Aziz Daouda, 4 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.6 min read.
The core of the profession in sports is undoubtedly the gesture, the exercise, or the action performed by an athlete or a group of athletes. This achievement is extremely complex due to the numerous factors involved and their relative importance. The gesture begins with an image the athlete forms of themselves performing it. For this, they need energy, meaning physiological stimulation. They execute a precise movement engaging part or all of their body, which constitutes mechanical solicitation. To perform this gesture, the athlete thinks and exerts mental effort: this is a psychological dimension and stimulation. Once this process is initiated, the athlete obtains a final image which they evaluate by comparing it to the initial image they had formed of their gesture. This feedback allows them to be satisfied, to question themselves, and to improve their performance. The gesture is never isolated: it takes place before an audience that appreciates the performance, the achievement, and the result. While sports regulations impose, besides ethical behavior, dimensions and specificities of playing areas, that is, rules common to all without discrimination. These rules and other standards condition the technical performances of athletes. However, the environment and context: stadium, hall, or competition venue bring other influencing factors on the performance and thus on the outcome. Among these factors are: • The type of surface; • The comfort, visibility, and proximity of spectators; • Aerodynamic conditions, such as wind exposure; • Lighting and illumination; • Acoustics, including sound treatment and crowd noise; • Visual and material markers on the field for athletes and the audience; • External climatic factors, depending on whether the infrastructure is enclosed or open; • Internal climate, depending on ventilation or air conditioning; and so on. All these elements impact the aforementioned psychological dimension, which in turn influences the physiological and mechanical dimensions, directly affecting the athlete’s performance. But that’s not all: the type and configuration of a sports facility also generate a particular sociological relationship. The atmospheres vary from one stadium to another. The layout, amenities, and comfort offered influence spectator behavior, and by extension, that of the entire audience. This behavior fosters a specific way of appreciating the athlete’s performance. For example, the proximity between the audience and players plays an important role: close supporters with unobstructed visibility are more empathetic than distant spectators. The nearby supporter better appreciates the effort and becomes more tolerant toward the athlete. Thus, the employment programs and architecture of a sports facility become an influencing factor on athletes’ performance. A well-studied final configuration is a factor that promotes performance, highlighting the importance of considering these data before any study or proposal for the construction of a sports facility. These facts were probably taken into account during the design and construction of the Athletics Stadium, known as the Olympic Stadium, built in only 8 months at the Prince Moulay Abdallah Sports Complex, replacing the National Institute of Athletics, erected in the early 1990s, where nearly all of Morocco’s great athletics talents emerged. This explains the exceptional results achieved during the latest edition of the Mohammed VI Diamond League Meeting in Rabat: three world-leading performances and five meeting records, a remarkable feat. The 8 minutes 11.49 seconds by Kenyan Beatrice Chebet, the second-best global performance ever in the 3000m, perfectly illustrate the symbiosis between the athlete’s potential and the conditions offered for her to express it. She made history in world athletics. The same applies to the performance of Moroccan champion Soufiane El Bekkali in the 3000m steeplechase, in front of his home crowd and on a track whose qualities he praised. He had never achieved such a performance so early in the season: 8 minutes 00.47 seconds, a very strong time for May, pulling along German Frederick Ruppert, who will never forget his race in Rabat, smashing his country’s record and posting the third-best European performance of all time. He is now a serious contender for a medal at the World Championships planned in Tokyo. The performance of Femke Bol in the women's 400m hurdles is also noteworthy: 52.46 seconds, a heavy-hitting time. Another notable performance was by Tshesipo Masalela from Botswana, who clocked 1 minute 42.70 seconds. These are just some examples among many outstanding performances achieved for the inauguration of this Moroccan Olympic stadium. In short, Morocco can be proud of such an accomplishment, which will surely enter the Guinness records, as never before has a sports facility of such scale been completed in so little time, while respecting the required standards and quality. The President of the African Athletics Confederation and CASOL, the very recent Association of African Olympic Sports Confederations, did not hide his pride, framing this achievement as part of Morocco’s support for the African sports movement in general, and athletics in particular. He recalled that the Kingdom is the only African country to host a Diamond League athletics stage. Naturally, he hopes to see the African Athletics Championships held there soon.

Informal Economy in Morocco: Wealth-Creating Liberalism and a Social Pillar 6026

Aziz Daouda, 4 mon.
- Politics - Society - Business -
2.5 min read.
The World Bank’s regional report, published in April 2025, presents the informal economy in Morocco as a major obstacle to economic development, highlighting that 83% of businesses operate outside the legal framework. According to this institution, this situation limits growth, productivity, and the formalization of the private sector. This viewpoint, which likely conflates informal economic activity with economic fraud, while supported by data on sluggish growth and structural challenges, deserves a more nuanced critique. It should shed light on the positive and dynamic aspects of the informal economy—as an expression of wealth-creating liberalism, a social safety valve, a job creator, and a factor of political stability. The narrative advanced by the World Bank on this matter should be approached with caution. Recognizing the economic significance of the informal sector would allow for a more intelligent reassessment of growth metrics, making them more realistic and grounded. For example, Morocco’s growth rate would likely be much higher than officially reported. Contrary to the portrayal of the informal economy as a burden, it plays a crucial role in job creation and income generation, especially for a large segment of the population. Estimates suggest the informal sector accounts for between 60% and 70% of total employment in Morocco and contributes 40% to 60% of GDP, with a strong concentration in micro-services and micro-commerce, which make up 91% of informal jobs. This dynamic reflects a form of spontaneous economic liberalism, where individual actors—often sole artisans or small traders—engage in entrepreneurial activities without waiting for state intervention or regulation. Thus, the informal economy is a concrete manifestation of economic liberalism in the Adam Smithian sense, where the “invisible hand” organizes exchanges and harmonizes individual and collective interests, thereby contributing to overall wealth. It enables millions of Moroccans to survive, escape unemployment, and participate in economic life, representing a grassroots wealth-creating liberalism rather than a flaw. The informal economy also functions as an essential social safety valve. In the absence of strong social protections such as unemployment insurance or social welfare—which are only beginning to be implemented—it provides a safety net for vulnerable populations, particularly in rural and poor urban areas. This social function contributes to political stability by preventing frustrations linked to unemployment and poverty from escalating into major social tensions. Has the Economic, Social and Environmental Council (CESE) not emphasized that the informal sector supplies goods and services tailored to the purchasing power of modest-income classes, thereby avoiding deeper economic exclusion? This social regulation through informality is a factor of cohesion and resilience in the face of economic crises—a fact made evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. The informal economy also offers a flexibility that the formal sector cannot always guarantee. Formal enterprises sourcing from informal suppliers benefit from lower production costs, greater flexibility in volumes and deadlines, and can thus improve their competitiveness, including in export markets. This interplay between formal and informal sectors creates an economic ecosystem where economic liberalism fully expresses itself through freedom of initiative and the pursuit of efficiency. The dominant criticism linking informality to low productivity and unfair competition overlooks that the informal sector often reflects a pragmatic, intelligent, and innovative adaptation to heavy institutional and regulatory constraints. This is human ingenuity driven by survival instincts. Simplifying procedures, reducing tax burdens, and improving the institutional environment can encourage formalization, but it must also be acknowledged that informality is a creative and liberal response to existing obstacles. Morocco’s informal economy should not be viewed as a developmental hindrance but as a living expression of wealth-creating economic liberalism, a job engine, and an essential social safety valve. It contributes to political stability by offering economic opportunities to marginalized populations and fostering social cohesion. Confronting this economy with restrictive measures—while it creates wealth—instead of adopting flexible policies that adapt to real needs and constraints, risks stifling initiative and fueling social unrest. Rather than seeking to eliminate it, public policies would benefit from recognizing its role and supporting its gradual integration into the formal fiscal economy, while preserving its capacity for innovation and adaptation. In doing so, the informal sector could become a true lever for inclusive and sustainable development in Morocco. The World Bank and others—whether government officials or representatives of the so-called formal economy—are largely mistaken in condemning this creative economic sector without appreciating its real contributions to the population. The Moroccan government, and likely those of similarly situated countries, should disregard ill-informed or detached opinions. Instead, they should support this economy with accompaniment and tolerance, guided by a vision of progressive inclusion and integration into the formal economic fabric.

Violence in stadiums: a highly complex social phenomenon... 6109

Aziz Daouda, 4 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
2.2 min read.
Violence in stadiums and their surroundings is not solely a matter of sports passion. It reflects deep social tensions, individual vulnerabilities, and possibly institutional dysfunctions. Understanding this phenomenon implicitly requires an analysis of all the personal, social, and organizational factors that foster these all-too-frequent outbreaks. The majority of young people involved in such violence, especially during football matches, often come from precarious backgrounds, marked by fragile family structures and a strong sense of social, cultural, and economic exclusion. The need for recognition drives some of them to join radical supporter groups, where violence becomes a way to assert their identity, gain notoriety, and earn respect. Clashes before, during, and after matches are opportunities to establish this recognition, assert a certain popularity, or even consolidate leadership. The identification and sanctioning of troublemakers, which are obviously limited, reinforce the feeling of impunity and even superiority over the law and law enforcement. Anonymity in the crowd and insufficient controls facilitate violent acts, often orchestrated by leaders who quickly step back. Family instability, school failure, emotional immaturity, adolescent impulsiveness, and difficulties managing emotions add to educational and psychological deficiencies, encouraging violent behavior. Cognitive vulnerabilities, attention disorders, or below-average IQ, as well as the absence of effective integration programs, further complicate social and academic inclusion, increasing the risk of marginalization. Structural and institutional causes also play a decisive role. Sports clubs, often little involved in the educational and social management of their supporters, shift responsibility onto security services. This opaque and poorly coordinated management among stakeholders makes matches increasingly costly in terms of security and image. Young people left to themselves, without prospects, are easy targets for criminal or extremist groups that exploit sports passion to spread violent and increasingly political messages. The lack of sports and cultural infrastructure in disadvantaged neighborhoods drives these youths to find an outlet for their frustrations in supporter groups. Social networks amplify the spread of tensions and hateful discourse, exacerbating violence. The deterioration of public health, the decline of education, the increase in social inequalities, and the feeling of injustice feed this endemic violence. In Morocco, for example, 1.7 million young people aged 15 to 24 are NEET (not in education, employment, or training), and nearly 280,000 students leave the education system each year without qualifications, fostering marginalization and adherence to violent groups. Today, such groups orbit almost all football teams, regardless of the level of competition, results, or geographic location of the club. This is not just an observation. Violence surrounding sport is not inevitable. Civic education, abandoned in favor of proven ineffective school methods and content, must be reintroduced with a strong emphasis on respect for others and common goods, tolerance, and fair play, starting at a young age through ongoing awareness campaigns in schools and sports clubs. Strengthening judicial authority, with rapid, exemplary, and systematic sanctions, including family responsibility for those under 16, is necessary. The development of local infrastructure with free access and supervised activities must continue. Local authorities have a duty to get involved by recruiting educational staff to supervise young people in neighborhoods and offering extracurricular programs, educational workshops, sports activities, and second-chance schools. Sports clubs must assume their responsibility through greater transparency, adopting an ethical charter for spectator management, training supervisors, engaging in dialogue with supporters, and directly managing matches. They must openly condemn and distance themselves from violent groups and no longer tolerate them. Better collaboration between schools, families, clubs, and authorities is essential for comprehensive youth supervision. European examples, such as Eurofan in Belgium, the European Convention on Violence in Stadiums, or educational programs in Germany and the UK, demonstrate the effectiveness of prevention, dialogue, mediation, and advanced technologies (video surveillance, facial recognition). Violence in stadiums reflects social fractures, exclusion, and a lack of guidance. The solution lies in a comprehensive approach: prevention, education, social integration, professional club management, and institutional cooperation. Sport must once again become a vector of integration, respect, and social cohesion: a notably collective responsibility.

Benkirane don't forget: the "brainless," "donkeys," and "microbes" are also voters...** 6619

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Politics - Society -
1.9 min read.
During the rally he presided over on the occasion of May 1, 2025, Abdelillah Benkirane, former-new secretary general of the Justice and Development Party (PJD), erupted with rare vehemence, calling Moroccan citizens who prioritize national causes over the cause of Gaza "brainless," "microbes," and "donkeys." Adopting a harsh tone and a contemptuous look, he fiercely criticized supporters of the slogan "Taza before Gaza," denouncing their stance while reaffirming his commitment to the Palestinian cause. For Benkirane, this segment of society has not grasped the real issues by placing Moroccan national interests first. He deliberately conflated the Palestinian issue with Hamas and its control over Gaza, insinuating that the apparently majority position he vehemently criticizes comes at the expense of solidarity with Palestine. His speech, filled with contempt and insults, shocks by the use of such degrading terms as "brainless," "microbes," and "donkeys" and by a humiliating formulation. This outburst comes in a context where Benkirane has been increasingly taking positions favorable to Hamas, notably since the start of Israeli military operations in Gaza in October 2023. This radical stance is beginning to raise many questions, especially since during the 9th national congress of the PJD, held in Rabat on April 26 and 27, 2025, the incendiary remarks of two foreign guests went unchallenged in the hall, not even by Benkirane, who is known for his strictness and for not letting anything pass. A particularly ideological and worrying speech was delivered by Doğan Bekin, vice-president of the Turkish Islamist party Yeniden Refah (New Prosperity Party). He prophesied the overthrow of Muslim regimes maintaining relations with Israel, confidently asserting that the PJD would regain power in Morocco as the true representative of the people. He also mentioned the fall of Western-supported regimes in favor of Islamic powers, a supranational message that can be interpreted as a challenge to Moroccan sovereignty and national interests. The lack of any reaction to these remarks gives the impression that the international Islamist ideological agenda carried by Benkirane and his allies now takes precedence over Morocco's interests. This situation is unacceptable. The supposedly national congress thus took on the appearance of an "Islamist international," with the presence of foreign speakers carrying agendas contrary to the foundations and sovereignty of the Moroccan nation. Moreover, the performance of a Mauritanian preacher, Mohamed Hassan Ould Deddew, during the same congress also caused astonishment. Known for his hostility to Moroccan recognition of sovereignty over the Sahara and for his radicalism, he firmly rejected the American approach, calling it legally null and contrary to Islamic law. President of the Mauritanian Ulama Training Center (closed in 2018) and an influential figure in the Qatar-funded International Union of Muslim Scholars, his hostile intervention regarding Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara went unanswered by the PJD and its religious wing, the Movement for Unity and Reform (MUR). This silence is significant. It is clear that the PJD seeks to renew itself and win back votes for the upcoming elections by positioning itself as a defender of Palestinians, the underprivileged, and popular causes. However, one must question the limits of this strategy, especially since the party openly defies institutions and no longer hesitates to insult its opponents. The stance adopted by Benkirane is contrary to political ethics and the respect that every politician owes to his country, its laws, institutions, and citizens. Has he forgotten that those he insulted on this May 1, 2025-the "brainless," "donkeys," and "microbes" are also voters?

Royal message to Benkirane: the rules of the game are clear. 6276

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Politics - Society -
2.4 min read.
His Majesty King Mohammed VI sent a congratulatory message to Abdelilah Benkirane on the occasion of his re-election as Secretary General of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) during its ninth National Congress. A careful reading of the message reveals that it goes beyond mere formal protocol. Behind the usual institutional courtesy lies a subtle political writing, faithful to the Palace’s style, where every word is weighed and every phrase meaningful. As customary, the tone is both cordial and measured, acknowledging Benkirane’s trajectory on the national stage. His Majesty praises "the sense of responsibility" of the former head of government and "his attachment to the constants and sacred values of the nation." These words serve as a clear reminder of the fundamentals of the constitutional monarchy and the foundational values of the Kingdom. This is the choice of an entire nation. Is this not an unambiguous reminder of an implicit red line? The expression is diplomatic but reminds Benkirane and all PJD members and factions that adherence to the constitution’s foundations is the sine qua non condition for any political participation. Moreover, this message comes at a time when the PJD seeks to regain momentum after a historic electoral defeat. By congratulating Benkirane, His Majesty indirectly acknowledges his political comeback. However, one must read between the lines that the party must understand and definitively accept that opposition is legitimate but must remain within the constitutional balances. The message thus takes on the tone of a political beacon: encouragement to responsibility and a warning against any adventurism. The remarks of some foreign guests at the congress were more than surprising, especially since no reprimand was noted. Likewise, the statement by Benkirane’s deputy a few days before the congress, which caused a stir on social media, raised many questions about the party’s new direction, which seems to be emerging. The party must firmly assimilate that religion does not need it for defense; the Islamic reference is a foundation of the Moroccan constitution, which also guarantees broad individual freedoms and protects religious minorities as essential components of the nation. It must understand that the Palestine issue is a priority of Moroccan diplomacy and not an electoral campaign topic. Its role must implicitly remain eminently political, within the constitutional framework and nothing else. The message could also be read as a way to reposition Benkirane in the political landscape, distinguishing him from other critical voices of the system while reminding him that his party is like any other. The message explicitly refers to "honorable" parties. This is a tactical gesture, perhaps aimed at restoring a role to a framed and responsible opposition at a time when Morocco’s party landscape suffers from a real deficit of credibility and societal anchoring. In sum, the message is not merely symbolic: it is a piece of a broader political chessboard, where managing the country’s balances prudently and delicately is essential and unavoidable. While explicitly a protocol act of congratulations, the message contains several elements rich in meaning and political insinuations. The Sovereign, while emphasizing the renewed confidence placed in Benkirane to lead the PJD and wishing him full success in his missions, particularly stresses the need to consolidate the party’s position on the national political scene and to strengthen its active participation alongside other honorable political formations. This insistence recalls the importance of serious, responsible engagement serving the general interest with a distinctly national imprint. The framework is clear and the scope of action precise. His Majesty highlights the accompaniment of the overall development process led under his guidance, aiming to propel Morocco toward greater modernity, progress, and prosperity. This explicit reference to royal leadership in national development underscores that the PJD must align with this dynamic and support the country’s orientations transparently and sincerely. The interests of the Moroccan nation are clear and stand as the only path considered. Parties exist to serve the supreme interests of the homeland, placed above all other considerations. This mention is an implicit warning against any ambition or action that might stray from the Kingdom’s fundamental principles and national unity. Thus, His Majesty’s congratulatory message, while cordial, carries clear injunctions regarding the expected role of the PJD under Benkirane’s leadership: to strengthen its political anchoring within the national framework, act responsibly, support the royal development project, and respect national constants. These elements can be perceived as subtle reminders to all parties of their duties and limits in today’s Moroccan political landscape.

The recent vandalism at the Mohamed V Stadium :the real match lies elsewhere 6890

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
3.3 min read.
The recent vandalism at the Mohamed V Stadium in Casablanca is nothing new. What is new, however, is that it erupted barely a week after the grand reopening of this iconic stadium, freshly renovated to host the much-anticipated Casablanca derby. A rushed reopening, symbol of a hope quickly overtaken by reality: that of endemic violence which outpaces modernization efforts. The derby itself had gone smoothly, as the Ultras had decided to boycott it. A week later, they were back—and made their presence loudly known. Part of the stadium bears the scars. Seats designed to welcome them and restrooms built for their comfort were ransacked. All of this will have to be repaired in time for the Africa Cup of Nations... It’s public money: our taxes, our debts. During certain Wydad or Raja matches—or elsewhere in Morocco—the behavior of a segment of the crowd is increasingly alarming. This phenomenon, varying in degrees of severity, has been ongoing for years and severely disrupts public order. It puts immense pressure on security forces and raises major sociological, institutional, and security-related concerns. Numerous studies have been conducted, yet no concrete solutions have emerged. Because this phenomenon is complex: it is not merely the result of sporting outcomes. In this case, one can certainly point to the mounting frustration of fans of Casablanca’s two major teams, both of which have been in decline recently. Since the introduction of the ultra movement in Morocco via Tunisia in 2005, young Raja and Wydad tifosi have colonized their respective stands and extended their influence into the streets. Their creativity with tifos is indeed impressive, but disorder has become the norm. It is now rare to witness a match without violence, both inside and outside stadiums. Nothing seems to work: not closed-door matches, not sanctions, not prison sentences. Worse still, the situation is deteriorating. Scenes of looting and violent clashes around stadiums are now a reality, and not just in Casablanca. Even small towns with no major football stakes are no longer spared. It would be risky to directly compare the situation here to that of other countries. Since the birth of the ultra movement in Hungary in 1899, its spread to Brazil in the 1930s, its transformation in Yugoslavia, and its resurgence in Italy during the 1960s, the phenomenon has continually evolved. Likewise, the UK witnessed the rise of hooliganism in the 1970s. In Morocco’s case, we are dealing with a singular expression of the movement: a specific form rooted in local social, economic, and cultural dynamics. It eludes classical frameworks of analysis, forging its own aesthetic, unique codes, and a capacity for mobilization that transcends football. It is a reinvention of the phenomenon in light of local realities. Institutional responses have not been lacking: new laws, broad-based meetings led by the DGSN, specialized units, academic conferences. All to little avail. Security forces struggle to strike a balance between prevention and repression. They are often targeted themselves. Meanwhile, clubs persist in a worrying state of organizational amateurism. Generous subsidies and a lack of accountability are major factors. Many Botola clubs suffer from poor governance, disconnected from the realities of their supporters and the imperatives of professional sports. Coaches and players endure constant pressure from aggressive fans. But can football alone explain the phenomenon? Or is the stadium becoming an outlet, a space for catharsis for a marginalized, frustrated youth with no prospects? This is not merely sports violence: it is deep social anger, with football as a pretext. Every provocation, defeat, or refereeing injustice is perceived as a humiliation. The tension, already palpable, explodes in the stands. Despite arrests, sanctions lack structural effectiveness. The absence of judicial follow-up reinforces the idea that vandalism is tolerated. The triumphant welcomes given to some youths upon their release from prison speak volumes: they feel no remorse. On the contrary, they return with a dangerous new aura of prestige. Here, a link can be made to the recent findings of the Haut-Commissariat au Plan (HCP), which published a worrying survey on household morale. The Household Confidence Index (HCI) fell to 46.6 points in the first quarter of 2025, its lowest level since 2008. In 2018, it stood at 87.3. A dizzying drop. Pessimism is widespread: 81% of households believe their standard of living has deteriorated. Debt is crushing, inflation is taking hold, and weariness is palpable. This despair is echoed in the ultras’ chants, in their slogans—sometimes subversive, often disillusioned. Their message now resonates broadly, even among materially comfortable youths. The ultras now cast a wide net. Meanwhile, political parties are absent from public debate (except during election periods). Trade unions, ultra-minoritarian, now represent only a tiny fraction of workers. And as nature abhors a vacuum, it is filled by other forms of expression—sometimes political, sometimes violent, often manipulated. Idle youths find in stadiums—and sometimes in the streets—an outlet for their frustration. Recent slogans, ostensibly linked to geopolitical causes like the normalization with Israel, are often mere pretexts. Those promoting certain subversive ideologies have perfectly understood the opportunity. They seized it. Young people seeking to assert themselves, to voice their rejection of a system they believe deaf to their expectations, are being swept up, radicalized, dangerously manipulated. Politics is never far away. In recent days, conferences on “sporting encouragement” have been organized by local authorities, chaired by regional governors (walis). Yet one crucial question remains: are the youths concerned actually participating? Without them—without genuine willingness to listen, and without deep, structural reforms—these efforts risk once again getting lost in the background noise of a crisis far graver than a simple football match won or lost. And yet, solutions have been outlined in the long-forgotten New Development Model. The challenges are many, but the real match lies elsewhere.

[Society #3] Collective Intelligence: ''Alone You May Begin, But Together You Go Far'' 7075

Fatima Zahra EL hajji (Tima EL), 5 mon.
**We often hear the saying, ''One hand alone cannot clap'', you need another hand to create sound.** This perfectly reflects the reality of working on a project in life. Working alone can take you somewhere, but rarely very far. Collective intelligence is essential for building creative projects with the potential to truly move forward. Each team member brings a unique perspective, a different way of seeing the world, diverse skills, and individual visions. What matters most is that all these differences ultimately converge toward a shared goal. To sustain the rhythm of collaborative work, listening is key. Communication forms the backbone of human relationships. When listening breaks down, so does communication, and without it, teamwork cannot thrive. Just as every boat has its captain, every team needs a leader, the person everyone turns to, both in moments of crisis and in times of celebration. The leader is the foundation of the team. And if that foundation is weak, the whole structure risks falling apart. It’s equally important that each team member understands their strengths and limitations, allowing room for others to step up and contribute. Collective intelligence achieves its full potential when the team moves as a harmonious orchestra, each member in sync, playing their part in perfect balance, working together to create something greater than any one individual could achieve alone.

"Mbappé in Madrid, Hakimi in Paris: A Tale of Two Paths" 7347

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
He was meant to be the ultimate Galáctico of the second quarter of the 21st century—the new chosen one of the Bernabéu and its demanding, football-savvy crowd. Long hailed as the jewel of French football, everything pointed to, and even made us believe, that he was destined to leave a lasting mark on Real Madrid’s history—perhaps even surpassing Zidane, the other legendary Frenchman to wear white. But football has a logic of its own, one that remains impenetrable to us mere mortals. And we’ve just been reminded of that, as not even Florentino Pérez the mythical president with a fabulous track record seems able to escape it. Barely arrived, Kylian Mbappé is already disappointing. A thousand and one excuses will be made for his early struggles. But it’s getting harder and harder to find new ones. His adaptation is sluggish, his play sterile. He seems lost on the pitch. His teammates can’t seem to connect with him. A team that, just a season ago, was steamrolling opponents now looks disjointed on the same pitch, suddenly unfamiliar. The effectiveness of the squad—with Mbappé as the only new addition, has evaporated. Quietly, but increasingly openly, the Madrid locker room is beginning to ask questions. Then came the slap in the face, twice delivered by Arsenal. The team was lifeless, their rhythm gone, goals pouring in from all sides. Real Madrid’s legendary efficiency has turned into a mirage. Did they bet on the wrong man? The long-running Mbappé saga finally concluded with a fanfare in 2024. The fans expected a new Cristiano Ronaldo. What they’re discovering is a player lacking inspiration, who doesn’t fit into the team’s collective structure, incapable of making the difference, and throwing off his teammates’ rhythm. He’s scored a few goals, but without brilliance or leadership. The weight of the merengue jersey seems too heavy for the once-wonderkid from Bondy. What remains is disillusionment and heartbreak. Real Madrid was brought to its knees in the Champions League. And it stings. Talk is growing about the president’s obsession with Mbappé, a fixation that finally came to fruition, but to what end? Pérez and his golden boy are now on the hot seat. And if Real finishes the season empty-handed, the consequences could be dire. The risk is real. Even Ancelotti doesn’t seem to believe in his team anymore. At the end of the match against Arsenal, his expression betrayed him. He wants out, probably sooner than we think. The crisis at Real is here, and as always in such cases, the coach is the first to go. The weakest link in the chain. Mbappé at Real is unremarkable. He tends to drop too deep, lacks chemistry with the team, and his body language says it all: less sharp, less committed, almost withdrawn. Vinícius and Bellingham, dragged down, have lost their spark. They’ve become ordinary, the rest of the team unremarkable. The heated argument and near-physical altercation between Mbappé and Vinícius in the tunnel speaks volumes about the tension and frustration inside the club. Has Mbappé been a curse on this team? Meanwhile, in Paris, his friend Achraf Hakimi by first name, the one Real let go has become the true leader of PSG. And PSG without Mbappé looks better than ever, even making it to the semifinals against another English team, no less. The irony is thick. It is in Paris that the counter-example shines the brightest. Achraf Hakimi, long relegated to the media background during the Mbappé era at PSG, has emerged this season as the true leader of the Parisian club. Defensively solid, offensively decisive, the Moroccan fullback is delivering top-class performances one after another. Scoring, assisting, orchestrating from the right flank, Hakimi is carrying a rebuilding PSG—with love, commitment, solidarity, selflessness, and ruthless efficiency. His stats speak for themselves: a record number of interceptions, crucial goals in the Champions League. His consistency commands respect. The captain’s armband is well-earned. More than anything, it’s his mental and tactical impact that stands out: Hakimi is no longer just a modern fullback; he’s become the cornerstone of PSG’s project. Is this the revenge of a man who was perhaps underestimated when he shared the same flank with Mbappé? Arriving at PSG with the reputation of a “Real Madrid academy product” after a stint in Germany, Hakimi now seems to remind the Bernabéu of the strategic mistake they made letting him go. Madrid sought the glitter of Mbappé but perhaps what they truly lacked was the solidity and loyalty of Achraf Hakimi. Modern football’s irony sometimes boils down to a single name, mispronounced at just the right time. While Kylian Mbappé had been hailed as the savior of Real Madrid after years of buildup, it is Achraf Hakimi, who stayed in Paris, who now stands out as one of Europe’s most influential players. Two opposite trajectories, two readings of the same summer of 2024, and perhaps an analytical error that may prove hard to correct. Mbappé chose the prestige of Madrid. He probably believed he could lift the European trophy more easily with the club that’s won it the most. He was likely tired of PSG’s repeated failures. Hakimi, on the other hand, chose continuity, stability, and a playing project that fully embraced him. Today, the stats and performances seem to vindicate the Moroccan. His influence goes beyond the pitch: he’s become a technical and mental leader, respected by the locker room, trusted by the coach, and adored by the fans. And what if it’s Hakimi who ends up lifting the trophy in 2025, with the very PSG that Mbappé once left with apparent disdain? For that to happen, Hakimi will need to shine again, this time against another English club, the same type that humiliated Mbappé, Ancelotti, Pérez, and all of Madrid. While Paris celebrates, in Madrid, doubt is creeping in. Did they pay too much for a player whose game depends almost entirely on individual bursts of brilliance? And above all, how do you make multiple stars of similar stature coexist without eroding the cohesion of a group that used to be united and solid? It would still be premature to write off Mbappé and his Spanish adventure—his raw talent remains undeniable. But this rough beginning raises an important question: what if the future of football no longer lies in glitz and glamour, but in game intelligence, versatility, and collective discipline? If that’s the case, Achraf Hakimi may already be one of its most complete symbols.

Does having had an infectious disease improve one's perception of health? A global study that questions our representations A paradox in global health brought to light 7448

Fatima Zahra Sahli, 5 mon.
- Science - Society - Health -
1.7 min read.
Infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, malaria, or dengue are often seen as synonymous with suffering, lower quality of life, and in many cases, mortality. However, a large international study conducted across 187 countries challenges this assumption: people who have experienced one or more infectious diseases report, on average, a better perceived state of health than those who have never had any. Data from a global sample With nearly 88,000 participants, this study is based on a questionnaire distributed both online and on paper in some countries, including Morocco and Algeria. Researchers examined two key pieces of information: the participants’ experiences with nine infectious or parasitic diseases (including typhoid, cholera, and filariasis) and their response to a simple question: "How healthy do you feel on a scale of 1 to 11?" Surprising but consistent results The results are unexpected: people who have contracted at least one of these diseases rate their health better than those who have never had one. This phenomenon is even more pronounced among those who have had multiple infections. On a scale from 1 to 11, non-exposed individuals had an average rating of 7.4, compared to 8.3 for those with multiple exposures. Even though the statistical difference is modest, it remains significant. This result was confirmed through various statistical methods, including mixed models that accounted for country differences and propensity score matching to reduce bias. Hypotheses to explore Why do people who have been ill feel generally healthier? Several possibilities can be considered: A psychological resilience effect: Having overcome a serious illness could boost confidence in one's body. An implicit comparison: These individuals may feel "healthy" in comparison to what they have experienced. A selection bias: Only people who survived and regained good physical condition participated in the survey. What does this mean for Morocco? In Morocco, as in other middle-income countries, infectious diseases remain a reality, especially in rural areas or among vulnerable populations. However, these results might encourage a rethink of our health prevention and education campaigns. Instead of focusing solely on the fear or severity of diseases, it could be beneficial to adopt a more positive approach, highlighting the skills developed by individuals who have overcome an infection: endurance, knowledge of the body, and adaptability. Additionally, using simple indicators such as self-reported health could be useful in Moroccan public policies. Cost-effective to implement, these indicators provide a global sense of well-being that is difficult to measure with biological analyses alone. Conclusion: when the experience of illness becomes a strength This study invites us to deconstruct a widely held belief: having suffered from an illness does not necessarily mean one will feel more vulnerable afterward. For many people around the world, and perhaps in Morocco as well, illness is experienced as a formative trial. What if the key to better mental and physical health lay in how we perceive our own bodies? Invitation to read the article: I invite you to read this interesting article that explores the psychological factors influencing sports performance in Spanish elite athletes. The study highlights key elements that can enrich our understanding of the links between sports psychology and success on the field. You can read the full article here: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0033350625001039

Are Wydad and Raja really that weak??? 7163

Aziz Daouda, 5 mon.
- Politics - Society - Sports -
0.9 min read.
In the Monday, April 14, 2025 episode of my weekly sports show “Sports with Aziz Daouda” on Barlmane Radio, I revisited the brilliant performance of the Moroccan U-17 national team at the Africa Cup of Nations, applauding the outstanding display by the *“Atlas Cubs”*, who delivered a high-level performance in this prestigious continental tournament. I also discussed the Casablanca Derby between Wydad and Raja, held at the Mohammed V Complex — commonly referred to as "Donor" by the people of Casablanca — which has recently reopened after a complete renovation. I recalled the history of the stadium, which is part of a broad program aimed at modernizing Moroccan sports infrastructure in preparation for hosting CAN 2025 and the 2030 FIFA World Cup. I especially commented on the decision by the ultras of the two major Casablanca clubs to boycott the derby and the supposed impact of this decision on the match. I also pointed out that the stadium now presents a new face, both in terms of the quality of the pitch and the noticeable improvement in television coverage. At the end of the show, I highlighted and discussed the innovations in refereeing that FIFA plans to introduce starting from the next Club World Cup, scheduled to take place in the USA next summer. Below, you will find the link to the episode, which is in Moroccan Darija. I invite you to comment on my remarks and, above all, to share your views on the show, as well as to send me your suggestions and proposals to improve the concept. Thank you in advance!
youtu.be/vlIe0VLCqQ0?si=3CR4TQv5...

The Objective Truth 7421

THEJEDI, 5 mon.
In this story, an opinion is shared that one of the many hallmarks of an almost perfect human being is objectivity. Of course nobody is perfect, and there is no way anything or anyone can be perfect. But every day, our constant struggle is to become better versions of ourselves than we were a day before. In this journey, one of the very important items that one can pick up is the ability to be clearly objective. As the old saying goes, everything has its pros and cons. It is in the same way that no one can be right all the time. Therefore, possessing the ability to distinguish between when you are just sure you are right, and when you can clearly see that you are wrong, and then going ahead to admit your wrong is key to getting nearer to perfection. It is totally okay to be wrong. Heck! I may even be wrong with these claims.