Think Forward.

Rare diseases are not as rare as they seem... 6542

On Saturday february 22, I had the privilege of attending the 6th Rare Disease Day. Dr Khadija Moussayer, President of the Moroccan Rare Diseases Alliance, did me the honour, and I thank her for allowing me to sit at the table with the great medical professors who were going to discuss cutting-edge medical issues, requiring expertise and mastery of various subjects, as well as a deep humanism and a certain love of the country and its people. Unfortunately, I was only able to attend half of the proceedings, for which I am very sorry. So-called rare diseases are not in fact all that rare. They may be rare in terms of numbers, but they are so common that they are a daily occurrence in medical circles. They are rare because they are often invisible in a social environment that does not yet understand them or does not understand them well enough. They have a heavy impact on the emotional, sociological and economic life of families and enormously on the lives of the people affected. They are not yet adequately treated in university curricula, and are poorly understood by general practitioners and even by many paediatricians. Increasingly easy access to medical treatment is bringing these conditions out into the open, revealing their complexity and diversity to the medical community itself, as well as to families and society at large. They have an enormous psychological impact on families, disorientating them, tearing them apart and impoverishing them. Because of their genetic nature, they leave the families and individuals concerned in doubt, and plunge them into anxiety, disgust and self-hatred. Negative emotional reasoning and feelings of responsibility are never far away. This is often the driving force behind heavy social prejudice. Tradition and lack of education do the rest. They can go so far as to break up a family and often make the woman responsible. I myself met a young woman who was repudiated and rejected simply because she had given birth to a Marfan child. Her husband and family blamed her for the problematic birth and put her out on the street. Today, she is bringing up her child alone and is fighting to feed him, look after him, educate him and have his difference understood and accepted at school. Rare diseases are even more problematic, when you consider that doctors don't come across them every day in their consultations, and can even go so far as to ignore their existence. Their diagnoses are so complex at times that they require the intervention of multiple highly qualified specialities to define their existence and the protocols to be followed. More than in any other situation, the person diagnosed needs to be followed by more than one specialist at the same time. Is this always the case? Special tribute must be paid here to Professors Asmaa Quessar and Amine Benmoussa, who addressed the issue from the haematological point of view, explaining the complexity of the manifestations of some of these diseases and the impact of certain treatments. Professor FZ El Fatoiki focused in particular on skin manifestations, which in fact hide many things inside and are therefore crucial to diagnosis. Professor Imane Chahid received a special mention for her presentation on type 1 neurofibromatosis, which goes beyond café au lait spots. She recommended the creation of working groups involving all the specialities concerned, in order to limit patients' medical wandering and save time, efficiency and money. We need to explain to mothers that café au lait spots on a baby's skin are not ‘touhimates’. This ignorance can delay the treatment of a child with the disease, with all the consequences that can entail. That's true. One of the problems faced by families is medical wandering. Patients can spend a long time consulting and treating symptoms - ophthalmological, gastric, dermatological, etc. - before being diagnosed with a rare disease. Wandering is extremely costly. The testimony of a father who lost two children was particularly poignant. It was an emotional moment. The dignity and courage he showed make him an admirable character. I was reassured by the youth and commitment of more than one of the speakers. The sheer number and quality of people in attendance, and the questions asked by professionals and parents, show that there is a growing interest and expertise. The clarifications and commitment expressed on behalf of Moroccan geneticists by Prof. Karim Ouldim augur better days ahead, and a probably innovative approach to rapid and early diagnosis, and hence to treatment. In a way, he was responding to Prof. Chahid's call to work in clusters. Taking an interest in genetics brings us back to the question of data and the power of our computers. When it comes to genetics, AI is going to play a vital role, and if Morocco is not to suffer from the biases of others, it must compile and process its own data and train machines capable of understanding the specific genetic characteristics of Moroccans, because there are some, and that's normal. Any delay in this area will result in a lack of control, a squandering of skills, waste and a failure to respond effectively to the real needs of citizens. A fundamental question hovered over the room just before the lunch break: why is it that the work carried out by eminent Moroccans, the results of research carried out in the country and other discoveries are not taken into account in the establishment of public health policies? The gap between Moroccan research and the spheres of political decision-making is simply abnormal. A country can only progress from within through scientific research and hard work. Public policy must be based on innovation and research in the Moroccan field. Benchmarking is good, but research at national level is even better. I had the impression, and I was not the only one, that politicians go so far as to ignore, not to say despise, national skills, preferring to put their trust in foreign consultancies that are often ill-advised and ignorant of Moroccan realities and particularities. This is one of the reasons why our health and other systems are being hampered and impacted. It's unfortunate to be asking such questions in 2025. The day was an immeasurable success and deserves a great deal of media coverage, because the aim was to raise awareness. Lalla Khadija Moussayer and her team succeeded. We can never thank them enough for that. Thank you also for giving me the opportunity to meet Professor Mohammed Itri, an eminent paediatrician who left Rabat to teach at the CHU Ibn Rochd, but who never forgot his neighbourhood and his childhood neighbours...
Aziz Daouda

Aziz Daouda

Directeur Technique et du Développement de la Confédération Africaine d'Athlétisme. Passionné du Maroc, passionné d'Afrique. Concerné par ce qui se passe, formulant mon point de vue quand j'en ai un. Humaniste, j'essaye de l'être, humain je veux l'être. Mon histoire est intimement liée à l'athlétisme marocain et mondial. J'ai eu le privilège de participer à la gloire de mon pays .


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The winning formula: Morocco as a Sahel country... 676

Since Morocco’s 2007 proposal of autonomy for Western Sahara within the framework of Morocco’s territorial integrity, the Polisario Front has suffered significant setbacks both diplomatically and internally within its camps on Algerian territory. In recent weeks, the situation in the Tindouf camps has sharply deteriorated, exposing growing disorder and an increasing loss of control over the populations. The detainees are increasingly confronting the Algerian security forces surrounding the camps, whose mission is to limit movement for fear of a mass return to Morocco. Haven’t we seen videos where female protesters shout in metallic voices, “Let us return to Morocco”? Such demonstrations are not unprecedented in the camps, but this time, “Long live the King” is clearly and loudly chanted. The population is disillusioned and no longer afraid to confront Brahim Ghali and his associates. In this atmosphere on the brink of anarchy, violence and armed clashes in the camps are multiplying, with real power increasingly in the hands of rival gangs involved in drug and fuel trafficking, illegal gold mining, and the diversion of received aid. Just last weekend, heavy gunfire erupted in the so-called Laâyoune camp (not to be confused with the beautiful city of Laâyoune in Morocco) between rival factions. Powerless, the Polisario did not intervene. At the same time, three Polisario fighters deserted and joined the Moroccan Royal Armed Forces near Oum Dreyga; a defection that foreshadows others. The Polisario is increasingly unable to impose its authority and is also discredited from within its own structures. The internal crisis within the Polisario raises palpable concern in Algiers, which more than ever fears latent chaos in the camps, a genuine threat to public order and regional stability. Once an instrument of Algerian influence, the movement, which has always been a security burden, is now becoming a political liability. Several scenarios are even being discussed, ranging from disarmament to the dissolution of armed militias, but this will not be possible without major internal tensions in Algeria-a probable generals’ war. The accelerated instability is worsened by increased repression, notably by the Algerian army, which has opened fire on civilians in the camps during protests, causing deaths and injuries. This climate of violence and oppression fuels the anger of the detained populations, who watch in disbelief the inaction of those supposed to protect them. They openly denounce the Polisario’s complicit passivity in the face of these aggressions. They now understand that these so-called leaders are in fact powerless puppets. Combined with extremely difficult living conditions, including restricted access to water, education, and medical care, the situation is increasingly unbearable for those held under the yoke of criminals and traffickers of all kinds. In Morocco, particularly in the southern provinces, this dramatic situation is causing growing concern. On social networks and in the press, countless voices vehemently denounce the situation. They alert to the grave suffering of women and children in the camps. Numerous NGOs and international observers are calling for urgent intervention to restore security and protect civilians. The major security crisis and sustained, almost daily popular protests in the Tindouf camps occur at a difficult time for the host country. It is struggling with the reaction to its provocations from Sahel countries-a coordinated and forceful response that seems to have caught it off guard. The Algerian regime no longer knows where to turn amid internal problems supplying basic goods to the population and the unrest they provoke; the crisis in Tindouf; the exponential weakening of the Polisario; and its obvious isolation in the region. The Sahel countries have unanimously made their choice: they are strengthening their all-around rapprochement with Morocco. The Malian drone shot down in early April 2025 by the Algerian army will cost Algeria dearly in terms of geopolitical positioning. It shows how a “premeditated hostile action” without reflection can lead to serious consequences, even a lasting crisis. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso collectively recalled their diplomats, triggering an unprecedented diplomatic escalation with Algeria, which responded by closing its airspace to flights and recalling its ambassadors. The escalation with Algiers, which seems to be settling in for the long term, has opened these countries’ eyes. They already had on the table the proposal to anchor themselves in a structuring Moroccan project, enabling their access to the Atlantic. On April 28, 2025, His Majesty King Mohammed VI received in Rabat the foreign ministers of the three countries simultaneously-a significant geostrategic turning point. The “Atlantic Africa” initiative was endorsed as a facilitation of ocean access, a solid foundation for the economic development and commercial integration of the countries involved. The economic dimension of the project is strong, and the political dimension powerful. Morocco is perceived as a serious, committed strategic partner, notably respectful of the principle of non-interference, which contrasts with the tensions and climate of hostility prevailing between Algeria and the new Sahelian regimes. The three countries reaffirmed their full adherence to the Moroccan vision; their respective top diplomats emphasized that this alliance is a lever for growth and stability in a region marked by security and diplomatic crises. The recent developments fit into the regional context where Morocco consolidates its position amid the weakening of the Polisario and the internal crisis in the Tindouf camps, while Algeria sees its influence recede in the face of the rising power of its Sahelian neighbors who turn to Rabat for economic and security solutions. This regional realignment is an additional factor weakening Algeria’s position both in the Sahara dossier and in managing the Polisario. The Algerian crisis with Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, combined with these countries’ strategic rapprochement with Morocco under the impetus of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, thus illustrates a major geopolitical shift in the Sahel. The new context strengthens Morocco’s territorial integrity dynamic while further isolating the Polisario and its sponsor: Algeria is very talented when it comes to improvising or manufacturing crises with its neighbors and beyond.